Category: Daily Monitor

The tide has finally turned in Ugandan football – and with it comes a long-overdue sigh of relief.

After weeks of tension, boycotts, and fractured relationships, the controversial league format imposed by Fufa was deservedly suspended on Saturday.

What began as a top-down decision quickly spiraled into one of the most divisive episodes in the sport’s recent history, uniting fans, clubs, and stakeholders in rare resistance.

The format’s vague structure and unfamiliar phases confused even seasoned followers of the game and, in the process, dealt a heavy blow to the very heartbeat of Ugandan football.

As the chaos clears, it’s hard to find a single individual or institution that can claim victory. Fufa’s authority has been questioned, club leadership has been strained, and fans were left feeling betrayed.

But amid the wreckage, something greater appears to have been salvaged – hope. Hope that the game still belongs to the people.

Hope that meaningful consultation will return. And hope that this painful chapter, however unnecessary, may just spark the reset Ugandan football desperately needed.

Hard lessons

From the outset, Vipers stood firm in defiance, refusing to honour the new format. They insisted they were fighting for the soul of the game, a message that found resonance across fan terraces and boardrooms alike.

While many clubs reluctantly continued, it was clear the league was headed for a crisis. The resistance crescendo on Saturday afternoon when a visibly deflated Magogo, crestfallen and reflective, admitted defeat.

‘We have listened to the clubs and other stakeholders and agreed that we revert to the old format for this season,’ said Magogo. ‘We will go back and make more reviews, further consultations and get back to it next season.’

But even that suggestion – of possibly revisiting the rejected format after testing it in a lower division – came off more like a PR gimmick than a serious commitment.

Many believe it’s an attempt to mask the bitter reality: the experimental format lacked a single clear benefit and exists nowhere else in the global football ecosystem.

‘We have also agreed that this particular format is tried and tested in a lower league competition, which Fufa will choose, such that at the end of the season, FUFA will sit and analyse its pros and cons,’ Magogo added.

Lasting dent

The backlash was always brewing. The infamous Namboole double-header, where Vipers refused to show up against Kitara, symbolized the boiling point.

Empty seats, silent terraces, and boycotting fans painted a grim picture that some believe has cost Ugandan football a generation of supporters – and possibly a few sponsors, too.

Clubs like KCCA and SC Villa, though they played under protest, were not spared either. Financial losses were quietly admitted, especially after KCCA’s matches against Kitara, SC Villa, and Lugazi.

SC Villa, under Serbian coach Zeljko Kovacevic, may be right to blame their poor start on external distractions and internal turmoil from the protest stance.

KCCA reached a new low when they reportedly hired casual labourers to fill the empty spaces left by frustrated fans at Lugogo in their clash with Lugazi. A move that further emphasized how detached the league had become from its most crucial stakeholder – the fan.

The bitter fallout also exposed deep cracks between Fufa and Vipers, reigniting old tensions between Magogo and his mentor Lawrence Mulindwa (the Venoms boss). Whether this relationship can mend remains uncertain, especially after such a public standoff.

Uncertainty looms

While Fufa maintains the ongoing first round will proceed, followed by a traditional second round to determine the season’s winner by aggregate points, the damage is evident.

The jury is out on whether this turbulent start will destabilize the entire 2025/26 season.

For now, football feels like the winner. Clubs and players, once voiceless, now feel liberated. Fans are smiling again. But the million-dollar question remains: how does Ugandan football move on in harmony from this setback?

StarTimes Uganda Premier League

Weekend results

Buhimba Saints 1-0 Kitara

KCCA 0-0 Lugazi

Mbarara City 1-1 Bul

URA 1-1 Express

Nec 2-2 Police

A total of 730,668 people aged 10 years and above in the Tooro and Rwenzori sub-regions are living with various mental health disorders, according to the 2024 National Housing and Population Census. The sub-regions have a total population of 3,378,840 people.

The census report states that the disorders include psychological distress, bipolar disorder, depression, anxiety, psychosis, and suicidality. This hints at a widespread and growing mental health burden in the sub-regions. Kasese District has the highest number of people affected, 169,711 individuals; followed by Kyegegwa District with 159,281; and Kyenjojo District with 118,219, the report states.

It adds that the three districts alone account for more than half of the total mental health cases in the two sub-regions.

Despite the high demand for care, Fort Portal Regional Referral Hospital is the only specialised facility with a mental health unit serving the sub-regions. However, the facility is understaffed, underfunded, and overwhelmed.

The unit’s principal psychiatrist, Dr Martin Ibanda, says due to the increasing number of admissions, the facility is overwhelmed.

Rising cases

Dr Ibanda explains that the rising numbers have forced some patients to sleep on the floor, while others are discharged earlier than recommended to create space for new admissions.

‘We are handling about 100 patients every day. To serve them better, we established specific clinic days: on Mondays and Fridays, we conduct major ward rounds; Tuesdays are for epilepsy patients; and Wednesdays are dedicated to patients with drug-related mental disorders,’ he says.

He adds that the hospital conducts quarterly outreach programmes in various districts to follow up on patients who have previously visited the facility.

‘We are supposed to have regular outreaches and home visits, but this remains a challenge because we are not well facilitated. We should be visiting patients and their caretakers in their communities to offer support, but limited resources make this difficult,’ Dr Ibanda explains.

The principal psychiatrist emphasises the urgent need for the government to equip lower-level health facilities in districts to manage mental health cases before they reach the regional hospital.

‘District health facilities need to provide mental health services so that patients can first be attended to before coming here. That way, this facility can handle only referred cases. After we discharge patients here, those lower facilities should also provide follow-up care to help reduce congestion at the regional hospital,’ he says.

He adds that drug and substance abuse are the leading cause of mental health disorders in the sub-regions. He says poorly equipped lower health centres are causing overcrowding at the regional referral hospital.

Patients who should be checked at nearby facilities keep coming back because those centres lack mental health services.

Dr Ibanda adds that feeding admitted patients is also a challenge, as limited funding allows the hospital to provide only one meal a day.

Staffing challenges

Dr Ibanda says the mental health unit is supposed to have seven psychiatric clinical officers, but currently, only four are available. Similarly, the facility is expected to have 28 psychiatric nurses, yet only 16 are on staff.

‘The government has not recruited enough professionals in mental health. Even the few available are overstretched. When I go for support supervision, I often find a single psychiatric-trained nurse who is also running the HIV clinic, yet they must still attend to mental health patients,’ he says.

He adds that the regional referral hospital lacks a rehabilitation centre for patients recovering from substance abuse and other mental health conditions.

‘When we treat patients and they regain their senses, especially those with drug abuse issues, we are supposed to rehabilitate them before reintegrating them into the community. Unfortunately, we don’t have a rehabilitation centre. Those who can afford it go to private facilities or to Butabika hospital in Kampala.’

Depression

Dr Ibanda says: ‘Depression accounts for about 32 percent of the patients we attend to. It often goes unnoticed because many patients take time to disclose their condition. In severe cases, depression can lead to attempted suicide. Most of these patients don’t come directly to the mental health unit-they first report to the general ward and are later referred here after being identified.’

Dr Archbald Newton Sebahire Bahizi, the executive director of Fort Portal Regional Referral Hospital, says the hospital recently trained some health workers to begin handling mental health patients.

‘We trained some of the health workers from district health facilities at health centre IV level to start handling such patients and to open up clinic days at their facilities,’ he says.

He emphasises that addressing the growing mental health crisis requires a multi-sectoral approach that goes beyond the health sector alone.

‘To end this vice, we need a multi-sectoral approach. For instance, when police are having community policing meetings, a health worker should be brought on board to talk about these issues – in schools, churches, and other community gatherings,’ Dr Bahizi explains.

Sensitsation

Dr Bahizi notes that sensitisation is key to ending stigma and misconceptions surrounding mental illness.

‘People need to know that a mental health disorder is not witchcraft or a family curse. Our people need to be sensitised so they know where to seek help,’ he says.

He warns that lifestyle choices and substance use are contributing to the problem.

‘People need to shun all possible causes. Today, a lot of things are being produced, and people consume them for relief but in the long run, they affect the body and mind. When it becomes severe, some people end up committing suicide, while others turn violent,’ Dr Bahizi says.

Mr Isaac Mugisa, the executive director of Humura Vulnerable Children and Youth Support Organisation in Fort Portal City, says with funding from NASF, they are implementing a one-year project in Fort Portal aimed at raising awareness about mental health. The project targets about 500 victims through breaking the silence on mental health advocacy.

‘We want to end stigma, restore hope, and strengthen communities. We are holding community dialogues, training teachers, health workers, and youth leaders on how to support mental wellness,’ he says.

Mr Mugisa adds that they are also working on policy advocacy with Fort Portal City to prioritise mental health in planning, ensuring there is a budget to address it, and establishing support groups and referral pathways for affected individuals.

The Kasese District Health Officer, Dr Amon Bwambale, says during the 2024/2025 financial year, the district recorded 642 mental health cases, of which 160 were linked to drug and substance abuse.

Dr Bwambale attributes the rise in mental health cases to poverty, unemployment, negative social influence, alcohol consumption, and substance abuse. He also cites anxiety, depression, manic episodes, epilepsy, and an increase in suicide cases across the district.

‘We need to work together to integrate mental health actions and responses into our health programming. This will help promote people’s mental wellbeing and advocate for policy changes that prioritise mental health,’ he says.

Statistics on mental health in Tooro and Rwenzori sub-regions for people aged 10 years and above [Ubos 2024]

Fort Portal City: Psychological distress 11,298, bipolar disorder 2,865, depression 8,005, anxiety 3,831, psychosis 1,609, suicidality 919.

Bunyangabu District: Psychological distress 18,635, bipolar disorder 7,019, depression 12,144, anxiety 3,994, psychosis 2,218, suicidality 867.

Kabarole District: Psychological distress 17,953, bipolar disorder 5,487, depression 12,015, anxiety 5,213, psychosis 2,529, suicidality 1,264.

Kyejonjo District: Psychological distress 49,684, bipolar disorder 23,324, depression 26,634, anxiety 11,411, psychosis 4,989, suicidality 2,177.

Kyegegwa District: Psychological distress 51,581, bipolar disorder 20,768, depression 31,950, anxiety 19,476, psychosis 9,554, suicidality 1,348.

Kamwenge District: Psychological distress 24,186, bipolar disorder 6,522, depression 14,503, anxiety 7,511, psychosis 4,710, suicidality 1,336.

Kitagwenda District: Psychological distress 15,061, bipolar disorder 6,173, depression 7,637, anxiety 2,327, psychosis 1,424, suicidality 715.

Kasese District: Psychological distress 68,803, bipolar disorder 25,997, depression 42,043, anxiety 18,608, psychosis 10,123, suicidality 4,137.

Bundibugyo District: Psychological distress 25,286, bipolar disorder 11,291, depression 13,309, anxiety 6,886, psychosis 4,394, suicidality 1,856.

Ntoroko District: Psychological distress 6,984, bipolar disorder 2,305, depression 4,829, anxiety 2,197, psychosis 1,089 and suicidality 548.

In the past two weeks, in separate moves, the family of Geoffrey Kazinda and Kazinda himself petitioned Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo seeking his intervention to expedite the delivery of his appeal, after five years of inactivity.

Kazinda fears that if the Chief Justice retires on January 18 next year without having issued the ruling in his appeal, he risks being allocated a new panel of justices, hence the case further dragging. But how did Kazinda, who has now spent over 13 years in Luzira Prison, end up embroiled in these endless legal battles, where he has also represented himself?

In mid-May 2012, Kazinda sought permission from his then supervisor and permanent secretary in the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), Mr Pius Bigirimana, to seek medical attention after he fell sick. His request was granted, and the same was not supposed to go beyond July 9, 2012, but before his return, he was replaced with another Principal Accountant.

On July 18, 2012, Mr Bigirimana filed a complaint with the then Inspector General of Police, Gen Kale Kayihura, reporting that Kazinda had been declared away without official leave. In the letter, Mr Bigirimana complained, among other things, that he had received information that, a week before he wrote the letter, Kazinda had sent his driver to smuggle some files from the office, which prompted him to put a second lock on the door to his office.

Mr Bigirimana had also complained that Kazinda was allegedly involved in the manipulation of the transfer of funds from programmes, hence he was seeking the police’s action against him.

Acting on the tip of Mr Bigirimana, the police swung into action and stormed the home of Kazinda’s mother, Ms Teopista Nanfuka, from where they retrieved several government documents, including a laptop that was the property of OPM. The search was done in the absence of Kazinda.

This was the genesis of Kazinda’s legal battles that he had to fight off as several corruption cases were slapped against him before the Anti-Corruption Division of the High Court in Kampala. It was the prosecution’s case that the documents recovered were in three categories: cash withdrawals used by government departments to withdraw cash from Bank of Uganda, security papers used in effecting funds from one account to another, and the third category of evidence recovered were letters addressed to the director of banking.

The prosecution further claimed the signatures attributed to Mr Bigirimana from the recovered documents were forged. He was therefore indicted and convicted of offenses of abuse of office and sentenced to five years in jail, forgery, and sentenced to two years on each of the 37 counts, making documents without authority, an offense that saw him handed five years, and unlawful possession of government stores that saw him sentenced to two years imprisonment.

The court said all the sentences were to run concurrently. But being dissatisfied with the conviction and the sentencing, Kazinda appealed before the Court of Appeal. Some of the grounds that he raised in his appeal were that the trial judge erred in law and fact when he failed to properly evaluate the whole evidence and relied on insufficient, uncorroborated, and incredible evidence to come to a wrong conclusion.

Three justices, Geoffrey Kiryabwire, Stephen Musota, and Night Percy Tuhaise, set aside the conviction and sentences of the Anti-Corruption Court, reasoning that the offenses were not proved by the prosecution.

‘This appeal, therefore, succeeds. We accordingly set aside the judgment and orders of the trial court and order for the appellant’s immediate release unless he is held on other lawful charges,’ the trio justices held.

In their judgment dated March 12, 2019, the trial justices observed that the prosecution failed to prove that all the alleged documents were found in the home of Kazinda’s mother.

They also found that the deadline for Kazinda to hand over office had not yet expired at the time of his arrest and that even though some of the security papers were found in his possession, he was still an employee of OPM. The justices also took a swipe at the prosecution for doing a shoddy investigation.

‘Before we take leave of this appeal, we wish to express our displeasure at the poor conduct of investigations in this case. The investigations were bungled and lacked professionalism. It left a lot to be desired,’ they held.

While the first case file was ongoing, Kazinda was again slapped with another batch of corruption charges. They included conspiracy to defraud, forgery, and uttering of false documents.

He was convicted and sentenced to five years’ imprisonment on the charge of embezzlement and three years on the count of conspiracy to defraud.

He had jointly been charged with two others, Shamim Masembe and Hussein Katumwa, the proprietor and manager of Total Ntinda, respectively.

His co-accused were also convicted and sentenced to a fine of Shs10m and one year imprisonment in default for the offense of conspiracy to defraud.

Again, Kazinda, being dissatisfied with the decision of the Anti-Corruption Court, appealed to the Court of Appeal, claiming that the trial judge erred in law and fact when he convicted him of embezzling Shs316m, whereas the facts of the prosecution case were incompatible with the offense according to the indictment.

Upon review of the judgment of the Anti-Corruption Division of the High Court, three justices of the Court of Appeal concluded that the prosecution didn’t prove the charges of embezzlement and conspiracy to defraud against Kazinda and his co-accused.

‘After full consideration of the facts, the evidence, and the submissions of counsel on all sides, we find that the offense of conspiracy to defraud was not proved. The essential elements of embezzlement and conspiracy to defraud had to be proved beyond a reasonable doubt,’ the justices Elizabeth Musoke, Stephen Musota, and Night Percy Tuhaise held on August 7, 2020.

Adding: ‘The conviction of the 1st appellant of the offenses of embezzlement and conspiracy to defraud is quashed and the sentences set aside. We order that the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd appellants be set free forthwith unless held on other lawful charges.’

Kazinda’s complaint

In 2014, Kazinda petitioned the Constitutional Court, challenging what he called the piece-meal manner in which the DPP was preferring several charges but arising from the same facts, a scenario he said amounted to double jeopardy.

He was seeking: ‘A declaration that the facts of the Director of Public Prosecutions in splitting and sequentially initiating charges of offenses founded on the same facts within different cases against the petitioner (Kazinda) before his conviction contravened Articles 28 (1), 28 (9) and 120 (5), an abuse of law.’

He also sought an order to permanently prohibit the State from using any process of any court to initiate and prosecute him for any offenses similar in character or founded on the same facts whatsoever arising out of or in connection with his former employment at OPM.

In a majority judgment of three to two, on August 7, 2020 agreed with Kazinda and went on to permanently stay all the proceedings against him. The three justices also directed the Anti-Corruption Court to immediately discharge Kazinda from prison. ‘An order sought is to permanently stay proceedings against the petitioner (Kazinda) in pending criminal cases No.47 of 2013, No. 62 of 2014, now 101 of 2014 and directing the Anti-Corruption Court to immediately discharge the petitioner in the above cases and any future cases whose offenses are founded on the same facts,’ Justice Musota who wrote the lead judgment stated. Following the decision of the Constitutional Court, directives to the Anti-Corruption Court, then presiding judge Margaret Tibulya, terminated the proceedings against Kazinda.

‘The proceedings against A1 (Kazinda) are hereby discontinued in accordance with the Constitutional Court order in the Constitutional petition No. 30 of 2014 of 7th August 2020. He is hereby set free unless he is held on other charges,’ Justice Tibulya ruled.

Likewise, Justice Lawrence Gidudu on October 19, 2020, in heeding to the Constitutional Court directives, permanently stayed Kazinda’s trial in criminal case 56 of 2018 before discharging him.

Attorney General petitions

The decision and directives of the Constitutional Court didn’t go down well with the Attorney General, who then appealed to the Supreme Court in a bid to overturn the same.

The Supreme Court, led by Chief Justice Dollo, on February 12, 2021, stayed the implementation of the Constitutional Court orders that included releasing Kazinda from prison until the appeal of the Attorney General was heard and determined.

Kazinda’s appeal

Some of the grounds that he raised in his appeal were that the trial judge reportedly erred in law by failing to properly evaluate the whole evidence and relied on insufficient and uncorroborated evidence to come to a wrong conclusion.

Three judges-Geoffrey Kiryabwire, Stephen Musota, and Night Percy Tuhaise-set aside the conviction and sentences of the Anti-Corruption Court, reasoning that the offences were not proved by the prosecution.

‘This appeal, therefore, succeeds. We accordingly set aside the judgment and orders of the trial court and order for the appellant’s immediate release unless he is held on other lawful charges,’ the judges held.

I am 44 years old, but recently I started having a lot of bleeding and was told I have developed fibroids and need surgery. Are there other options since I do not want surgery? Sarah

Dear Sarah,

Fibroids are non-cancerous growths found in the muscle of the womb, mostly in women of childbearing age.

Apart from heavy or painful periods, a woman with fibroids may experience other symptoms such as anaemia (due to blood loss), lower back pain, or sometimes no symptoms at all.

Fibroid treatment depends on many factors, including your age, the size and location of the fibroids, whether you want to get pregnant, your symptoms, and possible complications of treatments, which can include surgery to remove the fibroids or the womb, among others.

Menopause usually causes fibroids to shrink or stop growing because the female hormones (estrogen and progesterone), which support their growth, decline.

At 44 years, you are approaching menopause (when fibroid growth usually stops).

If you do not want surgery, medications can be used to shrink fibroids, or treatments can help reduce bleeding, including progesterone-releasing intrauterine devices (IUDs) and hormonal birth control medications.

Please talk to your doctor about whether they can offer you alternatives to surgery.

In Njeru Municipality, residents of Model Farm are enduring a silent assault on their health, environment and dignity. For over eight years, untreated industrial effluent has been discharged into streams and water bodies, carrying foul smells that permeate the air in early mornings and afternoons, poisoning both water and breath.

Attempts to seek redress have been met with frustration. Locals say they have written repeatedly to municipal officials and the National Environment Management Authority (Nema), yet the problem persists. Instead of enforcement, some allege that regulatory efforts yield only bribery from factory owners, and results from sample analyses collected years ago have never been shared or acted upon.

The consequences of this environmental neglect are severe. Chronic exposure to pollutants such as lead, mercury, and cadmium puts residents at risk of cancer, kidney and liver damage, neurological disease and respiratory disorders. The stench triggers stomach pain, skin and eye irritation and breathing difficulties. Streams are unsafe, alternate water costs have soared, and even animals suffer, one dog reportedly suffered chemical burns after exposure.

Fisherfolk downstream can no longer sell their catch. Once prized crops near contaminated streams are now destroyed by flooding of toxic waste. Local leadership acknowledges their impotence as powerful allies clearly shield offending factories and even municipal officials lack the muscle or will to act. It is commendable that regulators have occasionally intervened, some shutdowns, new drainage guidelines and promises to collect new water samples have emerged.

But these are too little, too late. Without enforcement, accountability and transparency, policy is empty rhetoric. This crisis in Njeru is not merely local; it signals a systemic weakness in Uganda’s industrial governance.

The tension between development and environment is often framed as a trade-off. But the truth is, there is no prosperity in a poisoned land. True growth must not come on the backs of the poor and vulnerable. The time has come for decisive action. First, Nema must publicly release results of all past and present pollution audits, and impose strict penalties on non-compliant industries. Second, municipal authorities must be empowered, not intimidated, to stop illegal discharges immediately.

Third, communities should be included meaningfully in monitoring through citizen science and independent audits, not left begging for scraps of data. Finally, national leadership must make it clear that Uganda will not sacrifice its rivers, its health, or its people for unchecked industrial expansion. Njeru’s people are sounding the alarm. Will we respond before the poison spreads further? Their struggle is our collective test. Can Uganda industrialise without destroying its lifeblood?

A proposal to split Namutumba District and create Bukono District has sparked sharp divisions among political, religious, and cultural leaders ahead of President Museveni’s scheduled visit next month.

Presidential campaigns were officially launched on September 30 and President Museveni is expected in Namutumba on November 24.

Ahead of his visit, leaders from Bukono Chiefdom are urging the President to grant them a new district, create another constituency – Busiki West – and fulfil long-standing pledges to the people of Namutumba.

Among the unfulfilled promises are the tarmacking of the Busembatia-Ivukula-Nangonde Road, the construction of Namakoko Bridge linking Namutumba to Kibuku District, and upgrading the Namutumba-Butaleja-Nabumali Road.

However, these demands have triggered friction among the district’s key leaders, with rival factions racing to find consensus before Mr Museveni’s arrival.

Chief Nabongho Yololim, the royal head of Busiki Chiefdom, said consultations among residents revealed support for the creation of Busiki West Constituency, comprising Kibale Sub-county, Nsinze Town Council, Nabweyo Sub-county, Kibale Town Council, and Nsinze Sub-county. But he rejected the proposed inclusion of his three sub-counties in a new Bukono District.

‘I am not ready to have my sub-counties annexed to four others in Bukono to form Bukono District,’ he said during a meeting with Chief Godfrey Mutyaba of Bukono and Sheikh Saidi Wakibi, the Namutumba District khadhi.

Chief Nabongho argued that allowing Kibale and Nabweyo sub-counties and Kibale Town Council to fall under Bukono District would hand Bukono full control over areas that belong to Busiki Chiefdom.

Unending demand

Bukono Chiefdom has since 2022 demanded district status, citing ‘sabotage’ of its cultural independence. But Mr Nabongho insisted the Busoga Kingdom Constitution grants ownership of sub-counties to their respective cultural institutions.

‘I will not allow that. Let my brother Mutyaba get a district with his four Sub-counties – Ivukula Town Council, Nangonde Sub-county, Ivukula Sub-county, and Nangonde Town Council. Creating a district requires wider consultations since the government hasn’t yet pronounced itself,’ he said.

He added that if the government insists on including Busiki sub-counties in the new district, its name should change from Bukono to one agreed upon by the Namutumba District Council.

Chief Mutyaba, however, said Bukono deserves district status because of its economic contribution to the area.

‘The new district must be called Bukono. Even if it starts with only four Sub-counties, that’s fine. What matters is that Bukono gets its district,’ he said, denying any intention to claim Busiki areas.

Mr Emmanuel Maganda, the NRM flagbearer for Bukono Constituency, warned that the ongoing dispute could derail the district creation process.

Mr David Mukisa, the Namutumba District chairperson, said the council will hold a special sitting to discuss and endorse the proposal before forwarding it to the government.

Mr Simon Peter Wakudumira, the second deputy prime minister of Busiki Chiefdom, emphasised that Bukono remains under Namutumba District administration, which currently hosts two chiefdoms.

‘What Bukono seeks is independence and recognition – nothing more,’ he said.

The National Development Plan IV (NDP IV) emphasises that without efficient service delivery, government investments in infrastructure, social services, and industrialisation cannot achieve their intended impact. It underscores that an efficient public sector is essential for delivering high-quality public goods and services, thereby creating an enabling environment for businesses to thrive and improving the overall quality of life.

However, the plan also recognises that rampant corruption has severely undermined service delivery, leading to annual financial losses estimated at Shs9.1 trillion. Recent data from the November 2021 Uganda National Service Delivery Reports indicates that over the years, the government has made concerted efforts in mobilising resources to finance the National Budget with the aim of improving service delivery, stimulating economic activity, and fostering development.

Despite these efforts, existing evidence shows that corruption remains pervasive. On August 20, a study published on the Inspectorate of Government (IG) website revealed that job seekers in Uganda’s local governments paid at least Shs29b in bribes between 2018 and 2022 to secure public service jobs.

Former Inspector General of Government (IGG) Beti Kamya, whose term expired last month, further reported that 85 percent of Uganda’s civil servants are hired through bribery, with 35 percent of these admitting to paying bribes to secure their jobs. This situation has rendered Uganda’s public service highly vulnerable to systemic corruption and created a vicious cycle that continues to undermine integrity within government institutions. For instance, when a job seeker pays a bribe to secure a position in the public service, their first priority often becomes recovering the money they invested in obtaining the job.

According to the IG study, ‘Some even take out loans to pay these bribes, hoping to recover the money through kickbacks once employed.’ Those who attempt to repay these loans using their official salaries soon realise that the earnings are not enough to cover such ‘investments.’

And as a result resort to corrupt practices; the abuse of entrusted power for private gain. Over time, once such behaviour is normalised and seen as effective, it evolves into a habit. This habit not only undermines efficient service delivery but also perpetuates an entrenched culture of corruption within the public sector. These revelations highlight the urgent need for a national mindset shift, one that moves beyond blaming institutions to fostering personal responsibility and collective action against corruption. First, a corrupt-free Uganda will not be built by government agencies alone, it begins with every citizen.

Each of us has a personal responsibility to act with integrity and reject the culture of bribery that has taken root in society. When citizens stop normalising corruption and start demanding accountability from those in power, the cycle begins to break. Second, silence, as many anti-corruption activists warn, is the oxygen that keeps corruption alive. Every time we turn a blind eye to an official who abuses public resources or accept corruption as ‘business as usual,’ we strengthen the very systems that oppress us. True change will only come when Ugandans collectively say, ‘enough is enough.’

Third, the power to transform this nation lies in our voices and actions. By speaking out, refusing to pay bribes, and insisting on transparency, citizens can force a shift toward a fairer and more efficient public service.

A united, vigilant, and responsible citizenry is Uganda’s greatest weapon against corruption. Lastly, only through collective effort can Uganda build a transparent, efficient, and people-centred public sector. One that truly serves its citizens and drives national development. The fight against corruption starts with you and me.

Fellow Ugandans Uganda is already in election fever. Norbert Mao recently declared that the country is undergoing a ‘political transformation.’ He is right – but the transformation taking shape may not be the one voters expect at rallies. It is unfolding in classrooms, salary slips, and commuter choices.

At the IPOD Summit 2025, President Museveni used one of his favourite analogies. Politicians, he argued, are like doctors diagnosing a patient. Unless they are as brilliant as scientists, they cannot read the symptoms of society or prescribe the right cure. It was a neat metaphor – but troubling. If every politician must be a scientist to govern, where does that leave philosophers, historians, and sociologists who explain causes, not just symptoms?

The irony deepens when applied to his own salary policy. Science teachers, like engineers or pilots, are paid handsomely, while arts teachers – like cleaners or secretaries – lag far behind. Yet doctors cannot function without cleaners; pilots cannot fly without ground staff. Remove one group, and the system collapses.

The results are visible. The science teacher, buoyed by a bigger pay cheque, drives to school in a modest car. The arts teacher, equally qualified but undervalued, clings to a boda boda. This is no harmless contrast. Uganda loses an average of 10 people a day in road accidents, with boda bodas accounting for nearly half. In 2022 alone, boda bodas killed 1,422 riders and passengers.

The salary policy is scripting a new inequality: one group travels safely; the other risks their life daily. Transformation, here, is measured not in slogans but in blood on the tarmac. The question is whether this transformation will strengthen Uganda or divide it further. Science is vital – no one disputes that. But societies are not sustained by laboratories alone.

The humanities teach citizens to think critically, remember their history, and question authority. When governments sideline these disciplines, they silence the very voices that explain why societies rise or collapse. The West provides cautionary lessons. Climate change was not caused by a lack of scientific knowledge but by lack of restraint.

Nuclear bombs were not accidents of poor calculation but brilliance without ethics. Artificial Intelligence now promises efficiency yet is already deployed as surveillance, monitoring citizens, and flagging dissent. These are not technical failures; they are civic ones. As 2026 approaches, Uganda’s voters must ask what kind of transformation they are being offered.

One where science teachers drive cars past accident scenes while humanities teachers cling to boda bodas? Or one where science and the humanities work together – building not just machines, but also justice and civic trust? Science can build rockets, but only the humanities remind us to ask where they should go and why. If Uganda forgets that, its political transformation may deliver cars for a few – but leave many others permanently stranded. Ciao

Uganda has suspended the registration of new asylum seekers from countries not affected by war as the government grapples with dwindling aid and a continuous influx of refugees, a senior official said.

Mr Geoffrey Mugabe, the senior settlement commandant in the Department of Refugees at the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), said countries currently affected by the halt include Somalia, Eritrea, and Ethiopia.

‘I was asked to share updates regarding government measures in light of ongoing financial constraints, the reduction of World Food Programme rations, and the continuous influx of refugees,’ Mr Mugabe said.

‘We intend to narrow support to only vulnerable refugees. Registration from countries not in conflict, notably Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, has been closed,’ he added.

The announcement came during the launch of IsraAid Uganda’s 2025-2028 Strategy in Kampala on October 14, which aims to strengthen refugee resilience amid falling donor support.

Mr Mugabe said the closure has reduced incoming refugee numbers by 5,000.

‘We will continue monitoring these closures for countries not experiencing war, as we’ve mentioned,’ he added.

Records show Uganda suspended Eritrean asylum seeker registration on January 10, blocking legal status and support for new arrivals.

A government headcount conducted two weeks ago indicated that Uganda hosts 1,955,370 refugees and asylum seekers.

Of these, 1,914,626 are refugees, while over 40,000 are asylum seekers. Women and children constitute 78 percent of the population, with more births recorded among refugee women in Kampala during the last quarter than in the entire Wakiso District.

Since the start of 2025, an estimated 600 refugees arrive daily, and numbers are projected to reach two million this year. Uganda has long been praised for its open-door policy. Despite being the world’s second-largest refugee host after Turkey, Uganda receives significantly less funding than Kenya and Ethiopia, which host fewer refugees.

Mr Duuki Richard, the inter-agency coordination associate at UNHCR, highlighted a steady decline in donor support over recent years.

‘In 2018, aid stood at $490 million, rising to $500 million in 2019, then declining to $461 million in 2020, $370 million in 2021, $414 million in 2022, $294 million in 2023, $150 million in 2024, and $130-140 million in 2025,’ he explained.

Mr Mugabe said the government is seeking to bridge gaps through local resource mobilisation, voluntary refugee returns, promotion of regional peace, and partnerships with humanitarian agencies.

‘We are collaborating with NGOs like IsraAid to promote self-sustenance among refugees,’ he said. ‘Uganda operates a settlement system, not camps. Refugees are free to develop skills and livelihoods, and can move freely. In Kampala, two out of every 10 people you meet are likely refugees,’ he added.

Ms Delphine Tumusiime Mugisha, the country director of IsraAid Uganda, said the strategy addresses critical refugee needs, including psychosocial support, water, sanitation, hygiene, protection, and emergency response in settlements such as Palorinya, Nakivale, and Nyakabande transit centre. By 2028, the NGO aims to reach over 200,000 beneficiaries.

‘With dwindling global funding, localisation, strategic partnerships, and efficient use of resources will drive our work going forward,’ Ms Mugisha said. She added that recent cuts by the US government created a 54 percent financing gap in Uganda’s refugee programmes. Mr Patrick Okello, the commissioner for refugees at OPM, said refugees require support to enhance livelihood resilience amid funding shortages.

‘The launch of this strategy will greatly benefit refugees through capacity building and resilience-focused programmes,’ he said.

Ms Harriet Ajilong, the commissioner for guidance in the Ministry of Education and Sports, emphasised the need for psychosocial support, noting that displacement causes anxiety and depression among refugees.

Refugees in Uganda

According to UNHCR data as of October 1, 2025, Uganda’s refugee population comes mainly from the Democratic Republic of Congo (52.5 percent), South Sudan (32.8 percent), Sudan (4.7 percent), Eritrea (2.9 percent), Somalia (2.6 percent), Burundi (2.4 percent), Rwanda (1.3 percent), Ethiopia (0.8 percent), and other countries (0.1 percent).

The Electoral Commission (EC) in September set October 22 and 23 as the days for nominating candidates for parliamentary elections, including Special Interest Groups (Youths, Persons with Disabilities, Workers, and Older Persons).

Ahead of the exercise, businesses are being positioned to make money hand over fist.

Mr Anthony Kayiira, the Kamuli District councillor representing Kitayunjwa Sub-county, who is also Team Bazanya/Museveni coordinator, says if the Church cannot come to you, you go to the Church.

‘It is the candidate who needs the voters, not vice versa; so, you have to stoop so low, humble yourself and treat each voter’s category specially to turn the support into votes and not cry foul that your victory was stolen,’ Mr Kayiira said on Saturday.

At local brew (malwa) drinking joints, campaign agents have started bringing their candidates under the guise of greeting potential voters.

Across Kamuli Industrial Area, four malwa drinking groups are sprawled, with each bearing allegiance to either National Resistance Movement (NRM), Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), National Unity Platform (NUP), or Independent-leaning candidates.

On Saturday, the once orderly place had become competitive as each group or party tried to outdo the other.

‘We are targeting Museveni’s Shs2 million that he promised to malwa brewers; and as of now, we have stocked over 50 sacks of millet (ingredient for making malwa) from Parish Development Model (PDM) funds,’ Rose Audo, the Fisheries Arena Malwa Group Manager, says.

In 2015, while campaigning in Amudat District in the Karamoja Sub-region ahead of the 2016 presidential election, candidate Museveni promised to give women who were struggling to eke a living through brewing malwa (local brew) Shs2 million per village across the then 112 districts to boost their business.

Social media handlers, printers of campaign posters, and airtime sellers, among others, are also into positioning themselves ahead of the nominations this week.

WhatsApp and caller groups are being opened up for candidates’ teams to rally supporters.

Ali Lukomo, a social media handler for Geoffrey Dhamuzungu, who seeks to oust Moses Magogo from Budiope East, says reclaiming that seat involves ‘modern election strategies’ and ‘crude systems’.

‘We have formed various fronts, including ‘Tuyambe Beene’, ‘Dhiwume’, ‘Team No Sleep’ and other covert outfits, but all come with a cost burden,’ Mr Lukomo says.

He adds that the media handler uses a minimum of Shs100,000 monthly in data, which is going to rise after nominations because there will be ‘an aggressive social media counter-campaign’.

Boda bodas and bouncers are also joining the fray to provide ‘security’ to candidates and shield them from voters seeking on-spot financial assistance.

Mr Aloysius Nyenje, the chief executive officer Kamuli Boda boda Tuliwalala Association, says they have been fully registered, monitored and organised to offer transport services across the district from the nomination dates through the campaigns until the polling date.

‘We have always been used and dumped, but this time, we have organised structures which we run as a business for profit so that our members pay off loans, support their families and benefit from the campaigns.’

However, in Namutumba District, boda boda riders say they haven’t benefited from the current presidential campaigns and could be staring at a similar scenario as the parliamentary nominations start on Wednesday.

‘Apart from the incumbent (Mr Museveni), no presidential candidate hires us to escort his procession to campaign venues,’ Mr Ivan Isiko, a boda boda rider, said, raising optimism that he will get money when the NRM candidate visits Namutumba District tentatively on November 24.

He adds: ‘The NRM office has a budget for boda boda riders because we escort the President to and from the campaign venues.’

Mr Mubarak Waiswa, another bod boda rider, however, isn’t expecting any money during this year’s campaigning period because of the strict guidelines put in place by the EC. ‘Justice Simon Byabakama (EC Chairperson) warned that even fueling motorcycles was voter bribery.’

Justice Byabakama warned candidates against bribery, and urged stakeholders to strictly follow the law.

‘Do not use money to influence voters either to vote for you or against another candidate. It is an offence. If you win by bribery, your victory can be challenged in court and cancelled. Offenders will be prosecuted,’ he said last month.

Ms Rita Nalubega, who sells drinks at Kaiti Road, said presidential candidates do not buy drinks for the voters because that would be deemed voter bribery. ‘It is only Members of Parliament and district chairpersons who buy drinks for their electorates; so, most of us are expecting to make money during the MPs’ campaigns.’

Owners of public address systems, on the other hand, say presidential candidates come with their equipment.

Mr Nathan Maka says he bought a new public address system, targeting politicians, but he fears he may have incurred a loss. ‘Even as President Museveni visits Namutumba District next month, he will move with his own, which he will use to address the people.’