Category: Daily Monitor

I am 44 years old, but recently I started having a lot of bleeding and was told I have developed fibroids and need surgery. Are there other options since I do not want surgery? Sarah

Dear Sarah,

Fibroids are non-cancerous growths found in the muscle of the womb, mostly in women of childbearing age.

Apart from heavy or painful periods, a woman with fibroids may experience other symptoms such as anaemia (due to blood loss), lower back pain, or sometimes no symptoms at all.

Fibroid treatment depends on many factors, including your age, the size and location of the fibroids, whether you want to get pregnant, your symptoms, and possible complications of treatments, which can include surgery to remove the fibroids or the womb, among others.

Menopause usually causes fibroids to shrink or stop growing because the female hormones (estrogen and progesterone), which support their growth, decline.

At 44 years, you are approaching menopause (when fibroid growth usually stops).

If you do not want surgery, medications can be used to shrink fibroids, or treatments can help reduce bleeding, including progesterone-releasing intrauterine devices (IUDs) and hormonal birth control medications.

Please talk to your doctor about whether they can offer you alternatives to surgery.

In Njeru Municipality, residents of Model Farm are enduring a silent assault on their health, environment and dignity. For over eight years, untreated industrial effluent has been discharged into streams and water bodies, carrying foul smells that permeate the air in early mornings and afternoons, poisoning both water and breath.

Attempts to seek redress have been met with frustration. Locals say they have written repeatedly to municipal officials and the National Environment Management Authority (Nema), yet the problem persists. Instead of enforcement, some allege that regulatory efforts yield only bribery from factory owners, and results from sample analyses collected years ago have never been shared or acted upon.

The consequences of this environmental neglect are severe. Chronic exposure to pollutants such as lead, mercury, and cadmium puts residents at risk of cancer, kidney and liver damage, neurological disease and respiratory disorders. The stench triggers stomach pain, skin and eye irritation and breathing difficulties. Streams are unsafe, alternate water costs have soared, and even animals suffer, one dog reportedly suffered chemical burns after exposure.

Fisherfolk downstream can no longer sell their catch. Once prized crops near contaminated streams are now destroyed by flooding of toxic waste. Local leadership acknowledges their impotence as powerful allies clearly shield offending factories and even municipal officials lack the muscle or will to act. It is commendable that regulators have occasionally intervened, some shutdowns, new drainage guidelines and promises to collect new water samples have emerged.

But these are too little, too late. Without enforcement, accountability and transparency, policy is empty rhetoric. This crisis in Njeru is not merely local; it signals a systemic weakness in Uganda’s industrial governance.

The tension between development and environment is often framed as a trade-off. But the truth is, there is no prosperity in a poisoned land. True growth must not come on the backs of the poor and vulnerable. The time has come for decisive action. First, Nema must publicly release results of all past and present pollution audits, and impose strict penalties on non-compliant industries. Second, municipal authorities must be empowered, not intimidated, to stop illegal discharges immediately.

Third, communities should be included meaningfully in monitoring through citizen science and independent audits, not left begging for scraps of data. Finally, national leadership must make it clear that Uganda will not sacrifice its rivers, its health, or its people for unchecked industrial expansion. Njeru’s people are sounding the alarm. Will we respond before the poison spreads further? Their struggle is our collective test. Can Uganda industrialise without destroying its lifeblood?

A proposal to split Namutumba District and create Bukono District has sparked sharp divisions among political, religious, and cultural leaders ahead of President Museveni’s scheduled visit next month.

Presidential campaigns were officially launched on September 30 and President Museveni is expected in Namutumba on November 24.

Ahead of his visit, leaders from Bukono Chiefdom are urging the President to grant them a new district, create another constituency – Busiki West – and fulfil long-standing pledges to the people of Namutumba.

Among the unfulfilled promises are the tarmacking of the Busembatia-Ivukula-Nangonde Road, the construction of Namakoko Bridge linking Namutumba to Kibuku District, and upgrading the Namutumba-Butaleja-Nabumali Road.

However, these demands have triggered friction among the district’s key leaders, with rival factions racing to find consensus before Mr Museveni’s arrival.

Chief Nabongho Yololim, the royal head of Busiki Chiefdom, said consultations among residents revealed support for the creation of Busiki West Constituency, comprising Kibale Sub-county, Nsinze Town Council, Nabweyo Sub-county, Kibale Town Council, and Nsinze Sub-county. But he rejected the proposed inclusion of his three sub-counties in a new Bukono District.

‘I am not ready to have my sub-counties annexed to four others in Bukono to form Bukono District,’ he said during a meeting with Chief Godfrey Mutyaba of Bukono and Sheikh Saidi Wakibi, the Namutumba District khadhi.

Chief Nabongho argued that allowing Kibale and Nabweyo sub-counties and Kibale Town Council to fall under Bukono District would hand Bukono full control over areas that belong to Busiki Chiefdom.

Unending demand

Bukono Chiefdom has since 2022 demanded district status, citing ‘sabotage’ of its cultural independence. But Mr Nabongho insisted the Busoga Kingdom Constitution grants ownership of sub-counties to their respective cultural institutions.

‘I will not allow that. Let my brother Mutyaba get a district with his four Sub-counties – Ivukula Town Council, Nangonde Sub-county, Ivukula Sub-county, and Nangonde Town Council. Creating a district requires wider consultations since the government hasn’t yet pronounced itself,’ he said.

He added that if the government insists on including Busiki sub-counties in the new district, its name should change from Bukono to one agreed upon by the Namutumba District Council.

Chief Mutyaba, however, said Bukono deserves district status because of its economic contribution to the area.

‘The new district must be called Bukono. Even if it starts with only four Sub-counties, that’s fine. What matters is that Bukono gets its district,’ he said, denying any intention to claim Busiki areas.

Mr Emmanuel Maganda, the NRM flagbearer for Bukono Constituency, warned that the ongoing dispute could derail the district creation process.

Mr David Mukisa, the Namutumba District chairperson, said the council will hold a special sitting to discuss and endorse the proposal before forwarding it to the government.

Mr Simon Peter Wakudumira, the second deputy prime minister of Busiki Chiefdom, emphasised that Bukono remains under Namutumba District administration, which currently hosts two chiefdoms.

‘What Bukono seeks is independence and recognition – nothing more,’ he said.

The National Development Plan IV (NDP IV) emphasises that without efficient service delivery, government investments in infrastructure, social services, and industrialisation cannot achieve their intended impact. It underscores that an efficient public sector is essential for delivering high-quality public goods and services, thereby creating an enabling environment for businesses to thrive and improving the overall quality of life.

However, the plan also recognises that rampant corruption has severely undermined service delivery, leading to annual financial losses estimated at Shs9.1 trillion. Recent data from the November 2021 Uganda National Service Delivery Reports indicates that over the years, the government has made concerted efforts in mobilising resources to finance the National Budget with the aim of improving service delivery, stimulating economic activity, and fostering development.

Despite these efforts, existing evidence shows that corruption remains pervasive. On August 20, a study published on the Inspectorate of Government (IG) website revealed that job seekers in Uganda’s local governments paid at least Shs29b in bribes between 2018 and 2022 to secure public service jobs.

Former Inspector General of Government (IGG) Beti Kamya, whose term expired last month, further reported that 85 percent of Uganda’s civil servants are hired through bribery, with 35 percent of these admitting to paying bribes to secure their jobs. This situation has rendered Uganda’s public service highly vulnerable to systemic corruption and created a vicious cycle that continues to undermine integrity within government institutions. For instance, when a job seeker pays a bribe to secure a position in the public service, their first priority often becomes recovering the money they invested in obtaining the job.

According to the IG study, ‘Some even take out loans to pay these bribes, hoping to recover the money through kickbacks once employed.’ Those who attempt to repay these loans using their official salaries soon realise that the earnings are not enough to cover such ‘investments.’

And as a result resort to corrupt practices; the abuse of entrusted power for private gain. Over time, once such behaviour is normalised and seen as effective, it evolves into a habit. This habit not only undermines efficient service delivery but also perpetuates an entrenched culture of corruption within the public sector. These revelations highlight the urgent need for a national mindset shift, one that moves beyond blaming institutions to fostering personal responsibility and collective action against corruption. First, a corrupt-free Uganda will not be built by government agencies alone, it begins with every citizen.

Each of us has a personal responsibility to act with integrity and reject the culture of bribery that has taken root in society. When citizens stop normalising corruption and start demanding accountability from those in power, the cycle begins to break. Second, silence, as many anti-corruption activists warn, is the oxygen that keeps corruption alive. Every time we turn a blind eye to an official who abuses public resources or accept corruption as ‘business as usual,’ we strengthen the very systems that oppress us. True change will only come when Ugandans collectively say, ‘enough is enough.’

Third, the power to transform this nation lies in our voices and actions. By speaking out, refusing to pay bribes, and insisting on transparency, citizens can force a shift toward a fairer and more efficient public service.

A united, vigilant, and responsible citizenry is Uganda’s greatest weapon against corruption. Lastly, only through collective effort can Uganda build a transparent, efficient, and people-centred public sector. One that truly serves its citizens and drives national development. The fight against corruption starts with you and me.

Fellow Ugandans Uganda is already in election fever. Norbert Mao recently declared that the country is undergoing a ‘political transformation.’ He is right – but the transformation taking shape may not be the one voters expect at rallies. It is unfolding in classrooms, salary slips, and commuter choices.

At the IPOD Summit 2025, President Museveni used one of his favourite analogies. Politicians, he argued, are like doctors diagnosing a patient. Unless they are as brilliant as scientists, they cannot read the symptoms of society or prescribe the right cure. It was a neat metaphor – but troubling. If every politician must be a scientist to govern, where does that leave philosophers, historians, and sociologists who explain causes, not just symptoms?

The irony deepens when applied to his own salary policy. Science teachers, like engineers or pilots, are paid handsomely, while arts teachers – like cleaners or secretaries – lag far behind. Yet doctors cannot function without cleaners; pilots cannot fly without ground staff. Remove one group, and the system collapses.

The results are visible. The science teacher, buoyed by a bigger pay cheque, drives to school in a modest car. The arts teacher, equally qualified but undervalued, clings to a boda boda. This is no harmless contrast. Uganda loses an average of 10 people a day in road accidents, with boda bodas accounting for nearly half. In 2022 alone, boda bodas killed 1,422 riders and passengers.

The salary policy is scripting a new inequality: one group travels safely; the other risks their life daily. Transformation, here, is measured not in slogans but in blood on the tarmac. The question is whether this transformation will strengthen Uganda or divide it further. Science is vital – no one disputes that. But societies are not sustained by laboratories alone.

The humanities teach citizens to think critically, remember their history, and question authority. When governments sideline these disciplines, they silence the very voices that explain why societies rise or collapse. The West provides cautionary lessons. Climate change was not caused by a lack of scientific knowledge but by lack of restraint.

Nuclear bombs were not accidents of poor calculation but brilliance without ethics. Artificial Intelligence now promises efficiency yet is already deployed as surveillance, monitoring citizens, and flagging dissent. These are not technical failures; they are civic ones. As 2026 approaches, Uganda’s voters must ask what kind of transformation they are being offered.

One where science teachers drive cars past accident scenes while humanities teachers cling to boda bodas? Or one where science and the humanities work together – building not just machines, but also justice and civic trust? Science can build rockets, but only the humanities remind us to ask where they should go and why. If Uganda forgets that, its political transformation may deliver cars for a few – but leave many others permanently stranded. Ciao

Uganda has suspended the registration of new asylum seekers from countries not affected by war as the government grapples with dwindling aid and a continuous influx of refugees, a senior official said.

Mr Geoffrey Mugabe, the senior settlement commandant in the Department of Refugees at the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), said countries currently affected by the halt include Somalia, Eritrea, and Ethiopia.

‘I was asked to share updates regarding government measures in light of ongoing financial constraints, the reduction of World Food Programme rations, and the continuous influx of refugees,’ Mr Mugabe said.

‘We intend to narrow support to only vulnerable refugees. Registration from countries not in conflict, notably Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, has been closed,’ he added.

The announcement came during the launch of IsraAid Uganda’s 2025-2028 Strategy in Kampala on October 14, which aims to strengthen refugee resilience amid falling donor support.

Mr Mugabe said the closure has reduced incoming refugee numbers by 5,000.

‘We will continue monitoring these closures for countries not experiencing war, as we’ve mentioned,’ he added.

Records show Uganda suspended Eritrean asylum seeker registration on January 10, blocking legal status and support for new arrivals.

A government headcount conducted two weeks ago indicated that Uganda hosts 1,955,370 refugees and asylum seekers.

Of these, 1,914,626 are refugees, while over 40,000 are asylum seekers. Women and children constitute 78 percent of the population, with more births recorded among refugee women in Kampala during the last quarter than in the entire Wakiso District.

Since the start of 2025, an estimated 600 refugees arrive daily, and numbers are projected to reach two million this year. Uganda has long been praised for its open-door policy. Despite being the world’s second-largest refugee host after Turkey, Uganda receives significantly less funding than Kenya and Ethiopia, which host fewer refugees.

Mr Duuki Richard, the inter-agency coordination associate at UNHCR, highlighted a steady decline in donor support over recent years.

‘In 2018, aid stood at $490 million, rising to $500 million in 2019, then declining to $461 million in 2020, $370 million in 2021, $414 million in 2022, $294 million in 2023, $150 million in 2024, and $130-140 million in 2025,’ he explained.

Mr Mugabe said the government is seeking to bridge gaps through local resource mobilisation, voluntary refugee returns, promotion of regional peace, and partnerships with humanitarian agencies.

‘We are collaborating with NGOs like IsraAid to promote self-sustenance among refugees,’ he said. ‘Uganda operates a settlement system, not camps. Refugees are free to develop skills and livelihoods, and can move freely. In Kampala, two out of every 10 people you meet are likely refugees,’ he added.

Ms Delphine Tumusiime Mugisha, the country director of IsraAid Uganda, said the strategy addresses critical refugee needs, including psychosocial support, water, sanitation, hygiene, protection, and emergency response in settlements such as Palorinya, Nakivale, and Nyakabande transit centre. By 2028, the NGO aims to reach over 200,000 beneficiaries.

‘With dwindling global funding, localisation, strategic partnerships, and efficient use of resources will drive our work going forward,’ Ms Mugisha said. She added that recent cuts by the US government created a 54 percent financing gap in Uganda’s refugee programmes. Mr Patrick Okello, the commissioner for refugees at OPM, said refugees require support to enhance livelihood resilience amid funding shortages.

‘The launch of this strategy will greatly benefit refugees through capacity building and resilience-focused programmes,’ he said.

Ms Harriet Ajilong, the commissioner for guidance in the Ministry of Education and Sports, emphasised the need for psychosocial support, noting that displacement causes anxiety and depression among refugees.

Refugees in Uganda

According to UNHCR data as of October 1, 2025, Uganda’s refugee population comes mainly from the Democratic Republic of Congo (52.5 percent), South Sudan (32.8 percent), Sudan (4.7 percent), Eritrea (2.9 percent), Somalia (2.6 percent), Burundi (2.4 percent), Rwanda (1.3 percent), Ethiopia (0.8 percent), and other countries (0.1 percent).

The Electoral Commission (EC) in September set October 22 and 23 as the days for nominating candidates for parliamentary elections, including Special Interest Groups (Youths, Persons with Disabilities, Workers, and Older Persons).

Ahead of the exercise, businesses are being positioned to make money hand over fist.

Mr Anthony Kayiira, the Kamuli District councillor representing Kitayunjwa Sub-county, who is also Team Bazanya/Museveni coordinator, says if the Church cannot come to you, you go to the Church.

‘It is the candidate who needs the voters, not vice versa; so, you have to stoop so low, humble yourself and treat each voter’s category specially to turn the support into votes and not cry foul that your victory was stolen,’ Mr Kayiira said on Saturday.

At local brew (malwa) drinking joints, campaign agents have started bringing their candidates under the guise of greeting potential voters.

Across Kamuli Industrial Area, four malwa drinking groups are sprawled, with each bearing allegiance to either National Resistance Movement (NRM), Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), National Unity Platform (NUP), or Independent-leaning candidates.

On Saturday, the once orderly place had become competitive as each group or party tried to outdo the other.

‘We are targeting Museveni’s Shs2 million that he promised to malwa brewers; and as of now, we have stocked over 50 sacks of millet (ingredient for making malwa) from Parish Development Model (PDM) funds,’ Rose Audo, the Fisheries Arena Malwa Group Manager, says.

In 2015, while campaigning in Amudat District in the Karamoja Sub-region ahead of the 2016 presidential election, candidate Museveni promised to give women who were struggling to eke a living through brewing malwa (local brew) Shs2 million per village across the then 112 districts to boost their business.

Social media handlers, printers of campaign posters, and airtime sellers, among others, are also into positioning themselves ahead of the nominations this week.

WhatsApp and caller groups are being opened up for candidates’ teams to rally supporters.

Ali Lukomo, a social media handler for Geoffrey Dhamuzungu, who seeks to oust Moses Magogo from Budiope East, says reclaiming that seat involves ‘modern election strategies’ and ‘crude systems’.

‘We have formed various fronts, including ‘Tuyambe Beene’, ‘Dhiwume’, ‘Team No Sleep’ and other covert outfits, but all come with a cost burden,’ Mr Lukomo says.

He adds that the media handler uses a minimum of Shs100,000 monthly in data, which is going to rise after nominations because there will be ‘an aggressive social media counter-campaign’.

Boda bodas and bouncers are also joining the fray to provide ‘security’ to candidates and shield them from voters seeking on-spot financial assistance.

Mr Aloysius Nyenje, the chief executive officer Kamuli Boda boda Tuliwalala Association, says they have been fully registered, monitored and organised to offer transport services across the district from the nomination dates through the campaigns until the polling date.

‘We have always been used and dumped, but this time, we have organised structures which we run as a business for profit so that our members pay off loans, support their families and benefit from the campaigns.’

However, in Namutumba District, boda boda riders say they haven’t benefited from the current presidential campaigns and could be staring at a similar scenario as the parliamentary nominations start on Wednesday.

‘Apart from the incumbent (Mr Museveni), no presidential candidate hires us to escort his procession to campaign venues,’ Mr Ivan Isiko, a boda boda rider, said, raising optimism that he will get money when the NRM candidate visits Namutumba District tentatively on November 24.

He adds: ‘The NRM office has a budget for boda boda riders because we escort the President to and from the campaign venues.’

Mr Mubarak Waiswa, another bod boda rider, however, isn’t expecting any money during this year’s campaigning period because of the strict guidelines put in place by the EC. ‘Justice Simon Byabakama (EC Chairperson) warned that even fueling motorcycles was voter bribery.’

Justice Byabakama warned candidates against bribery, and urged stakeholders to strictly follow the law.

‘Do not use money to influence voters either to vote for you or against another candidate. It is an offence. If you win by bribery, your victory can be challenged in court and cancelled. Offenders will be prosecuted,’ he said last month.

Ms Rita Nalubega, who sells drinks at Kaiti Road, said presidential candidates do not buy drinks for the voters because that would be deemed voter bribery. ‘It is only Members of Parliament and district chairpersons who buy drinks for their electorates; so, most of us are expecting to make money during the MPs’ campaigns.’

Owners of public address systems, on the other hand, say presidential candidates come with their equipment.

Mr Nathan Maka says he bought a new public address system, targeting politicians, but he fears he may have incurred a loss. ‘Even as President Museveni visits Namutumba District next month, he will move with his own, which he will use to address the people.’

Uganda have stamped their mark down as the best country in the Africa Aquatics Zone III after topping the region’s Championships for a third successive time over the weekend at Kasarani Stadium, Nairobi.

Gone are the days when Zone III titles were a reserve of the hosts because they could field more swimmers than their travelling rivals. A rule change a few years ago allowed teams to field as many swimmers as possible, but only two from each country could be entered to score for a particular race.

This levels the playing ground and enhances quality competitions. But it also means that the swimmers who are balanced across all strokes have to bear the brunt of doing many events.

“Guys are honestly tired. They reach the hotel, have dinner, and just go to bed. But we all know we have to take one for the team and each other, and we are happy with it. Sometimes, the races are back to back, and you might have to pick where you go in to compete for a medal or just go in to collect points,” Pendo Kaumi, who did about 12 events, said at some point during the competition.

Strategy vs. ability

For Uganda Aquatics, it is a thin line between strategy and quality.

“Our selection is simple; we select the best two times per event,” team manager and Uganda Aquatics general secretary Maryanne Isabirye, said.

“Many times it will be the same swimmer across most events but at strategy level, we are doing what is best for us to win the competition,” she added.

Coach Thomas Tamale, who was assisted by Kezia Wairimu and Simon Mulumba, said “the swimmers are giving their all. But in terms of preparations, we need to build this ability to perform consistently in many events right from our club level.”

Uganda won in Rwanda 2023 and Burundi 2024.

Kenya 2025, however, is the big one. The hosts wanted it badly as they won it when they last hosted it in 2019. Tanzania was more competitive than they have ever been away from home and a long course pool that Ugandan swimmers are not used to made this 10th zonal competition tougher.

The performance

In the end, Uganda’s women’s team collected 1,802 points while the men had 1,991 to top their genders as the country garnered a collective 3,933 points to retain the championship.

Kenya were runners-up in all categories too; 1,661 points (women), 1,759.5 (men), and 3,572.5 (overall) while Tanzania were third in all too; 1,417.5 (women), 1,721 (men), and 3,270.5 (overall).

“We delivered as promised but Kenya gave a good run for our money,” captain Ampaire Namanya, said in the aftermath.

Uganda had 43 swimmers. Seventeen (17) number of these managed to win at least once individual race.

Female captain Peyton Suubi, swimming in the 15-16 age group, was the biggest collector with nine individual gold medals – including three from all the age group’s breaststroke events and two from the freestyle races taken in the expanded 15 and Over age group. Tara Kisawuzi could have had nine too but had to miss two 17 and Over girls’ races to write exams and completed the championship with seven gold medals.

Nisha Pearl Najjuma, who had to put time off her preparations for Primary Leaving Examinations, got six (winning all age group backstroke and breaststroke events) from the 12 and Under age group while Tyrah Muganzi had three from as many butterfly events in the 13-14 girls’ group.

Rahmah Nakasule (15-16) and Jinan Nakato (from two 12 and Under freestyle sprints) got two gold medals apiece.

Some like Manuel and sister Crystal Ssemanda, Zara Mbanga, Mackayla Ssali, Theresa Kikambi, Paloma Kirabo put shifts in to complete dominant relay sides.

“I am happy to be trusted by the coaches in the relays. But that also means that I should work hard for some individual medals too next time,” Manuel said.

Masters

Kenya, however, retained some consolation as they topped the masters’ competition with 2,063 points. They were joined on the podium by Uganda which had 1,429 and Tanzania with 350. Africa Aquatics president Mohamed Diop made 20 points for the continental federation from topping the 50m freestyle – his only race – while Rwanda had 17.

Resty Kiwuka (3), coach Wairimu, Patricia Ejalu, Yuda Morris Ssekamatte (4), masters’ coach Henry Kakooza, Peter Mugisha (2), Peter Ssebanakitta (2), Alex Kateeba (2), Donald Rukare are some of the masters that won gold medals. Abisagi Mugenyi Namugenze and Sandra Arinaitwe did not win gold but had the uniqueness of being on the podium in each of their four races.

10th Africa Aquatics Zone III Swimming Championships

How They Finished

Uganda – 3,933

Kenya – 3,572.5

Tanzania – 3,270.5

Rwanda – 1,454

Burundi – 989.5

Sudan – 328

Somalia – 133

Nigeria – 125.5

Eritrea – 24

Uganda’s individual gold winners

Women: Tara Kisawuzi (7), Peyton Suubi (9), Rahmah Nakasule (2), Tyrah Muganzi (3), Nisha Pearl Najjuma (6), Jinan Nakato (2)

Men: Kyle Kaweesa (3), Malcolm Nahamya (1), Shaun Murungi (2), Ethani Ssengooba (1), Isaiah Kuc (1), Jonathan Kaweesa (7), Benjamin Ssali (1), Jason Aronda (1), Elijah Ayesiga (2), Kristian Bwisho (1), Giovanni Cruz Mbanga (1)

Relay Golds

Mixed 14 and Under 4x50m medley: Jonathan Kaweesa, Zara Mbanga, Tyrah Muganzi, Manuel Ssemanda,

Girls 14 and Under 4×100 free: MackaylaSsali, Crystal Ssemanda, Theresa Kikambi, Zara Mbanga

Girls 15 and Over 4×100 free: Tara Kisawuzi, Rahmah Nakasule, Peyton Suubi, Paloma Kirabo

For decades, pension funds have played it safe. Pool workers’ savings, buy secure assets, and pay retirees on time. Members feel protected, regulators are satisfied, and managers meet their duties.

But there is a missing link. Uganda’s pension funds-worth at least Shs26 trillion by June 2025-mainly buy listed shares, government bills and bonds, and prime real estate. These assets are liquid and regulator-approved, fitting their long-term liabilities.

The cost is limited impact. Stocks recycle money within established firms. The government paper mostly funds recurrent budgets, not new roads or power plants. High-end property enriches a few urban zones. While savings are safe, society is not built.

The data shows it. As the Uganda Retirement Benefits Regulatory Authority (URBRA)’s 2025 records show, 80 percent of sector assets sit in government securities.

The allure is in yields that can reach 17 percent on secure assets, but heavy concentration creates risk should repayments or macroeconomics change.

Worse, it crowds out private borrowers because less credit means slower innovation and fewer jobs. Economists call this the ‘crowding-out effect.’

Meanwhile, Uganda’s road plan alone requires over $10 billion, Finance Ministry data shows. Each year, more than 30 percent of the national development budget goes to infrastructure-roads, energy, logistics-yet delivery often lags.

The Karuma hydropower dam proves the point.

Built to add 600MW to the grid, it was commissioned a decade late at a cost of $1.7 billion, most of it borrowed from China’s Exim Bank.

For years, Ugandans paid interest on a project that was not delivering power, while factories in Nwoya and Lira postponed investments. While the debt grew, growth gains did not.

The Standard Gauge Railway tells a similar story. Envisioned as a $2.3 billion modern line linking Kampala to Kenya’s port of Mombasa, it remains stalled because there is no funding for it.

Uganda is left with colonial-era metre-gauge tracks, constraining industrial parks in Tororo and Mbale and keeping freight costs among the region’s highest.

Other big projects-from the Bukasa Inland Port to the Kampala-Mpigi Expressway-show promise but stumble on the same hurdles: land disputes, procurement delays, and funding shortages.

The outcome is predictable: sunk money, missed deadlines, and lost competitiveness.

Why pensions matter

This is where pension funds come in. Unlike banks chasing quick profits, they hold long-term capital that fits the lifespan of infrastructure. Properly structured, their money cuts financing costs, secures projects upfront, and enforces delivery discipline.

Ugandans have already shown they will pay for value. The Entebbe Expressway, a 49.6km road built for $476m with Chinese and government funding, introduced tolls in 2022.

Motorcycles above 400cc pay Shs3,000, light vehicles Shs5,000, and large trucks up to Shs18,000. Daily traffic averages 28,000 vehicles-far above the 18,000 forecast.

In just three years, tolls have raised Shs119.8billion (about Shs3.7billion a month). The lesson is infrastructure can fund itself, creating predictable cash flows for bonds and Private Public Partnerships (PPPs).

The wider demand is massive. East Africa needs tens of billions of dollars each year for roads, ports, rail, energy, and water, according to the East African Community Secretariat.

Pension funds, with their patient capital, are natural partners to close that gap.

For them, this is diversification. A careful shift into infrastructure spreads risk, improves returns, and still meets safety and liquidity rules.

In finance terms, if a new market offers higher risk-adjusted returns, funds should enter it. Members gain, economies grow, and development becomes self-financed rather than aid-driven.

But policy lags

Uganda needs deliberate policy to unlock pension capital for development.

The Uganda National Social Security Fund (NSSF)’s rules allow up to 5 percent asset allocation in private equity (PE) and venture capital (VC), yet less than 1 percent has been deployed.

The flaw is structural: there is a cap but no floor, so managers fall back on the comfort of government paper.

As Amanda Kabagambe, chairperson of the East Africa Venture Capital Association in Uganda, notes: ‘If we are serious about growing SMEs and scaling local firms, we should set minimum local allocations.’

Over 70 percent of private equity or venture capital in East Africa comes from foreign investors, mostly Development Finance Institutions (DFIs), 2025 Financial Sector Deepening Uganda research data shows.

As foreign flows dry up, local firms risk collapse. Worse, borrowing in dollars while earning in shillings creates a currency mismatch. Local shilling capital both hedges risk and aligns with local realities.

This is the essence of productive investment-using long-term savings not only for returns but also growth. By pooling millions of small contributions, pension funds provide steady domestic capital. In theory, more savings mean lower borrowing costs.

Governments could depend less on Eurobonds and donors; firms would access cheaper credit. Pension money becomes a growth engine, not just a retirement cushion.

Others show the way. Nigeria’s pension reforms channel billions of dollars into infrastructure bonds and housing. Kenya’s, with 44 percent of assets in government securities compared to Uganda’s 78 percent, invests directly in affordable housing and PPP projects. Both countries use pensions to deepen markets and broaden impact.

Uganda has barely scratched the surface. NSSF, with over Shs26 trillion under management, has built Pension Towers and Lubowa housing estate. But these projects are slow and elite-focused, with little spill over. What is missing are catalytic investments: power plants to lower energy costs, housing for ordinary families, transport networks to cut logistics costs.

The pension sector remains shallow. Uganda Retirement Benefits Regulatory Authority data shows 3.37 million members in 2023/24, just 12 percent of Uganda’s 9.4 million workers by 2025.

Life expectancy is rising, meaning longer retirements but little savings. Without reform, Uganda faces two risks: old-age poverty and wasted capital.

Pension funds should not be viewed solely as retirement vehicles, but as powerful nation-building institutions.

With their large scale and long-term investment horizons, they have the capacity to drive economic transformation and support national development. And some funds are already testing this role.

Uganda’s NSSF is edging in this direction. It has pledged to co-finance the Kampala-Jinja Expressway and is weighing in on the Bombo-Kampala road that is expected to pay for itself through tolls. Energy projects are also under review.

‘Each project must meet our criteria for returns, risk, and long-term sustainability,’ says Patrick Ayota, the NSSF’s managing director.

Regionally, momentum is building. NSSF Uganda, NSSF Kenya, and Tanzania’s Workers Compensation Fund have formed a task force for joint investments.

The case is scale: African pension funds control about $700billion, according to data from the Africa Social Security Association (ASSA).

Pooling just 1 percent-around $7 billion-could finance five Kampala-Jinja expressways, or fully fund Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam, which cost about $5billion to build and now supplies power across the region.

Legally, cross-border investment is possible; politically, it is harder. ‘Why put our money in Kenya instead of here?’ some ask. But Ayota insists the test should be what benefits members, not politicians.

The ASSA is pushing for harmonisation. Some countries already allow cross-border flows while others still block them. Partnerships with the Africa Finance Corporation and TDB Bank are helping funds build expertise and manage risk.

‘The goal is a single voice on Africa’s infrastructure agenda. With the right expertise, nothing is impossible,’ says Meshach Bandawe, ASSA’s Secretary General.

The economics also favour diversification. Spreading assets across borders lowers risk and improves returns.

‘We just declared a 13.5 percent interest rate, driven by our diversified portfolio across East Africa,’ says Ayota.

Liquidity is sacred: ‘We promise safety and liquidity. Even if 1 percent of the Fund faced trouble, members would still be paid.’

The resources are already there. The African Union (AU) counts $1.3 trillion in pension assets, $483 billion in public revenues, $427 billion in private savings, $24 billion in sovereign wealth, and $100 billion in remittances.

The gap is not money but mobilisation. ‘Aid is shrinking, geopolitics is shifting, and Africa carries its heaviest debt in 50 years. Fifteen of Africa’s top 20 donors have cut funding,’ says Leonard Zulu, the UN’s resident coordinator for Uganda.

His message: Africa must turn inward-mobilising pensions, savings, and remittances-and move ‘from aid to trade.’

Uganda’s own plans demand it. The Fourth National Development Plan (2025-2030) targets tenfold growth-from $61 billion to $500 billion by 2040 and that is not expected to happen without domestic capital.

Pensions are rising fast: the sector is now worth Shs26 trillion, up nearly 19 percent in a year.

Alongside insurance funds, green bonds, and diaspora flows, pensions are Uganda’s most reliable pool of long-term money.

Examples prove the point. Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam was funded largely by citizens and diaspora.

‘Local capital must lead local development. We should not be sending our startups to Europe to pitch mobile money to people who have never used it,’ says Kabagambe.

ASSA is launching a continental infrastructure fund, backed by 15 countries including Uganda, Kenya, and Tanzania.

‘Our aim is to mobilise resources, share risks, and pool expertise for roads, energy, ports, health, and education,’ says Bandawe.

Africa’s infrastructure gap is $170 billion a year, while one in three Africans still live in poverty. Mobilising even a slice of pension assets could close part of that gap and strengthen the funds’ long-term stability.

Closing the gap could lift Africa’s Gross Domestic Product by 2.6 percent annually, create jobs, and expand social security membership, according to ASSA’s conservative estimates.

National development plans differ, but most align with the AU’s Agenda 2063, the Sustainable Development Goals, and the Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

The path challenge is execution.

Too many African states still borrow at 13-18 percent on international markets, punished by ratings that ignore fundamentals.

Uganda has kept inflation under 5 percent for years yet pays nearly 18 percent to borrow abroad.

‘If we use our own domestic capital responsibly, we can cut reliance on expensive debt and finance infrastructure at fairer rates,’ Zulu says. ‘That would speed up the SDGs.’

With only five years to 2030, donor aid is drying up. Uganda alone has lost at least $800 million in aid since 2023, according to data from Bank of Uganda.

‘The time has come for Africa to look inward. Just as families use their own savings to build homes, countries must use theirs to build economies. We must all have skin in the game,’ Zulu concludes.

Who funds what ?

It is fair to ask why private equity, venture capital, and DFIs often shy away from the long-horizon projects pension funds are being urged to embrace. The reason is mandate.

Infrastructure pays off over 15 to 20 years-too slow for PE or VC funds that need quicker exits. Their role usually comes later, financing the companies and services that spring up once the roads, power plants, or ports are in place.

Mental health experts have implored the government and other key stakeholders to increase awareness to minimise its dangers of the vice.

In a statement issued to mark the October 10 World Mental Health Day, Mr Yahaya Wanda, the Country Director of Nordic Mindset in Uganda, said that schools, universities, workplaces, and governments should join this massive mental health awareness to join movement to eliminate the vice.

‘Mental health is not just the absence of illness; it’s the presence of awareness, balance, and purpose. Our mission is to guide people back to themselves, to help them reconnect with who they truly are and live with meaning,’ he said.

Nordic Mindset, he said, stands at the forefront of a global movement to redefine how individuals, communities, and institutions understand and care for mental wellbeing.

‘Rooted in The New Psychology, a powerful framework that bridges science, empathy, and practical life tools, Nordic Mindset continues to inspire transformation across continents. With mental health challenges rising worldwide, particularly among youth and working professionals, Nordic Mindset brings a renewed sense of hope,’ he said.

His remarks came a few months after the executive director of Butabika hospital, Dr Juliet Nakku, revealed that a significant number of graduates are among their mental health patients currently admitted at the hospital.

Dr Nakku in an earlier interview this year, linked the increased mental health issues among the graduates and other youths to drug and alcohol abuse.

‘We have so many graduates in Butabika, from different courses, engineers, lawyers, among others. These are not able to be productive because of their mental health, which is primarily caused by them,’ she said.

She added, ‘The mental health among youth has been a problem especially after Covid-19 over the last three years.. More than 70 per cent of the population are youths who are now suffering a lot of mental health including mild, moderate we are seeing common mental disorders like depression, anxiety and sadly, alcohol and substance abuse.’

A study by the Ministry of Health in May 2022 revealed that 14 million Ugandans are mentally ill, where some experience some sort of suicidal thoughts.

The latest June statistics from the same Ministry revealed a concerning 25 per cent increase in mental health cases over the past four years.

In the 2023-2024 financial year, 616,175 cases were recorded in outpatient departments, up from 491,013 in 2020-2021.

These figures, Mr Wanda said, highlight an urgent need for proactive, evidence-based approaches to mental well-being. Nordic Mindset not only supports global awareness campaigns but also offers proven and guaranteed solutions that empower individuals to heal and thrive.

‘Its mission is not only to talk about mental health but to equip individuals with 32 transformative life tools and principles that help them heal, thrive, and build emotional resilience. Through seminars, mentorship programs, and international collaborations, the Nordic Mindset team has already reached thousands of people, empowering them to overcome depression, anxiety, and trauma. Participants report significant life improvements, deeper emotional balance, and the ability to lead others toward personal and professional growth,’ he said.