Category: Daily Monitor

For years, Kololo maintained a status as one of the best residential areas in our lovely city, Kampala. Most diplomats have their residences in Kololo, which is actually zoned as residential. For many of us who have invested in Kololo to improve our homes and provide diplomatic missions with accommodation, we are appalled at the contradictory practices of officials at Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) who brazenly continue to breach their own rules and regulations by allowing noisy bars and nightclubs which play loud music up to 5.30am.

For the past few years, there has been an increase in the number of nightclubs/bars within the area of Kololo as more residential properties are being illegally converted into commercial properties. It is alleged that the city, though there is no documentary evidence as such, was rezoned for light commercial purposes. In any case, light commercial purposes would include dentist clinics, pharmacies, law firms or a doctor’s clinic and not loud noisy bars that play music until 5.30am!

The illegal mushrooming of these nightclubs/bars, many of them without a license and or permits, has caused great disruption not only for the residents, many of whom are diplomats and ambassadors, but also for hotels, apartments and hospitals that have patients and guests.

The Landlord and Tenant Act Cap 238 stipulates that a tenant shall not use their premises in a manner that causes a nuisance or interferes with the reasonable peace, comfort or privacy of the occupier of the neighbouring premises. The National Environment (Noise Standards and Control) Regulations, 2003, define noise as any unwanted or annoying sound that is intrinsically objectionable to human beings, or likely to have an adverse effect on human health or the environment. The activities of these nightclubs/bars undoubtedly fall within the scope of noise and noise pollution as defined by the regulations.

Majority of the residents, some of whom have been residing in Kololo for about 50 years, have a right to enjoy quiet possession of their homes, which is a covenant in their leases and freehold titles and also a stipulation in KCCA by-laws. Unfortunately, the same government institutions tasked with enforcing them are breaching their duty and their own covenants. As you may be aware, deprivation of sleep is serious as it leads to increase in levels of blood pressure and subsequently can lead to stroke or heart conditions.

It is in light of the above humble submissions the residents of Kololo are humbly requesting for your intervention to resolve this problem, which continues to become worse every day. They are allowed to operate despite assurances from KCCA that many of these are actually operating without the appropriate license or permits and also that they would halt the issuance of any further licenses and permits to new nightclubs/bars in Kololo, and close down the ones illegally operating in breach of the noise nuisance regulations.

KCCA and Nema both have enforcement regulations but they have been reluctant to implement, with some officials claiming that when they try to enforce the regulations, they get ‘calls from above’ ordering them not to interfere. A new church gathers at Naguru Hill and has very loud open air music and sermons during their services, some of which end late at night. The residents of Kololo, therefore, humbly request the government to urgently close these bars and those that are willing to comply with shutting down noise at midnight, to completely sound proof their premises. Our humble request to His Excellency the President of Uganda is to give an executive order shutting these places down as the level of noise is now at an unbearable level.

Today’s fashion recommendation is one of those accessories that seem simple but can completely transform any outfit. The pillbox hat may be small, but it adds sophistication and elegance to any look it is paired with. Whether you are attending a wedding, red-carpet event, or simply looking to elevate a formal look, this little hat can instantly turn a basic ensemble into a statement of class and confidence.

This head accessory is a vintage piece that dates back to the 1960s, and the fact that it is something one can seamlessly rock in present times says a lot about how versatile and timeless this headwear is. The round, brimless hat is designed to sit neatly on top of the head, making it the perfect addition to any look.

While the hat may be regarded as a royal favourite, it has found its way back into modern fashion, becoming a favourite for street style. It would be great to see some of our Ugandan fashionistas embrace it with their own creative touch. Here is how you can incorporate this accessory into your style and turn heads.

For a wedding guest look

The pillbox hat is a perfect match for elegant wedding guest attire. It pairs well with midi or knee-length dresses or structured suits, if that is what your choice for the day is. Whether you’re going for a soft romantic look or a bold statement, it adds that polished touch that says you came to celebrate in style. And this hat isn’t just something that only the guests can wear. It can also be the perfect accessory for the modern bride, for a civil wedding attire. You can elevate this by adding a veil to it, for the bridal touch.

For a red-carpet affair

If you are looking for a new spin to your red carpet looks, then the pillbox hat is an accessory that will come in handy to execute this. You can style it over your well-tailored suit, and you have the option of keeping the hat in the same hue for a monotone look, or switch it up and give it some flair with a splash of colour or print for a more playful look. You can also pair it with your evening gown or with a jumpsuit.

Remember to keep the other details in your look elaborate, as that is the only way your hat also gets elevated and stands out. Choosing your pillbox hat is about creating balance with the look. You need to pick one that does not deviate from what your personal style would be, but also chic and sophisticated enough to create the fashion statement you are going for.

If your outfit is detailed or heavily embellished, go for a simpler pillbox hat to avoid clashing. On the other hand, if your outfit is minimalist, a bold hat with a bow, netting, or beadwork can add character to your outfit and elevate the look in the long run. Also, keep in mind that the Pillbox hat is meant to complement, not dominate, your look. So, if you have a petite frame or a small face, opt for a smaller design.

Whether styled with a tailored kitenge dress, a polished jumpsuit, or a simple sheath dress, the pillbox hat adds that final touch to your ensemble.

Next time you are planning your outfit for that wedding, high tea, or red-carpet moment, nail the pillbox hat. It may be a throwback, but it is proving that timeless style never really goes out of fashion.

Did you know?

A pill-hat is a small, low brimless female hat with a round or oval cylindrical crown. Its English name pillbox hat is dictated by the resemblance to the small boxes in which pills were once sold

In what came across as the first public rejection of what was ostensibly meant to be a bribe, 22 years ago, earlier this month, Justice James Ogoola rejected a ‘soda’ offered to him by a city tycoon whose cases he was presiding over. Justice Ogoola told a court session that he was presiding over on October 7, 2003, that the tycoon, Mr Muhammad Majyambere, offered him an envelope with the ‘soda’ sealed inside it.

“I could not accept the small envelope, because I thought it was against my conscience and code of conduct. I accepted the condolence message. I called you [Majyambere] here to tell you that I did not accept the envelope,’ Ogoola said, looking straight into the embarrassed businessman’s eyes. Whereas Justice Ogoola, who was at the time the head of the Commercial Court, did not reveal how much was involved, Mr Majyambere, later told journalists that the ‘soda’ was in the form of cash amounting to ‘just Shs100,000’. At the time, the tycoon was Djibouti’s consular general to Uganda, and the judge’s going public, it was feared, had not only embarrassed the businessman, but also threatened to strain relations between Uganda and Djibouti.

The offer

The tycoon offered the money to the judge on October 2, 2003, at All Saints Church in Nakasero during a funeral service for the judge’s mother-in-law. The judge revealed that the tycoon had, during the said service, passed on the huge envelope through his wife, whom the businessman had not even known or met before.

At the time, Justice Ogoola’s wife was a resident of the United States of America and had only briefly flown back to Uganda to attend her mother’s funeral. According to The Monitor of October 8, 2003, the judge kept the envelope sealed until October 7, 2003, when he called Mr Majyambere’s lawyers and the media in court to witness the dramatic handover of the envelope.

The judge told the packed court that the big envelope that the tycoon handed over contained both what could be looked at as a normal condolence message along with a smaller envelope that contained the ‘soda’. Inscribed on the small envelope were the words ‘contribution for a soda’. The judge read the words out to the court. According to The Monitor, Mr Majyambere who seemed uneasy as the judge went public on the soda, stood up and raised his hand several times which was an indicator that he had something to say, but Justice Ogoola ignored him and went on to tell the story uninterrupted.

After making the stunning revelations, Justice Ogoola handed over the ‘soda’ envelope to Majyambere’s lawyers, Mr Augustine Semakula of Semakula and Company Advocates and Fred Ntende of Ntende and Company Advocates. He instructed the lawyers to pass on the envelope which was still unopened to their client.

Recusal

Justice Ogoola was suspicious that the offer of ‘soda’ was linked to the three cases involving Mr Majyambere, which he was at the time dealing with.

The cases civil suit number 229 in which Mr Majyambere through his company, East African Foam, sued the Attorney General seeking to recover property worth Shs2 billion. The second case was one in which the tycoon sued the government along with the East African Trade and Development Bank, the Metropolitan Properties Limited and Fulgence Mungerera, a certified public accountant.

He claimed that his property which comprised of a modern foam making factory along 8th Street Industrial Area was fraudulently sold by the government. He was seeking an order of court annulling the sale and a cancelation of the land title on Plot 9-11, registered in the names of Metropolitan Properties Limited. The tycoon also sought compensation for the wrongful sale. The third case was one that had been brought against the tycoon by Trust Bank Limited seeking to recover $50,000 from him.

The judge pulled out of all three cases to avoid any risk of bias in his judgements. “I am now pulling out of his cases. The file is going to be taken back to the registrar for reallocation to another judge who will handle the cases afresh,’ he declared.

Reallocation

However, rather than allocate all three to the same judge, the cases were split up and allocated to different judges. The case in which the tycoon sought to recover property worth Shs2b was, for example, allocated to Justice Edmond Sempa Lugayizi, also of the Commercial Court. Justice Lugayizi retired from the bench in May 2014, having clocked the retirement age of 65 in February that year. The case involving Trust Bank was allocated to Justice Stella Arach-Amoko. Lady Justice Arach-Amoko died on June 17, 2023.

In Defence

Speaking to The Monitor on the evening of October 7, 2003, the tycoon said he was surprised by the judge’s allegation, adding that he had only made a contribution towards the funeral expenses as any other mourner would have done. He admitted that he did not know the judge’s wife and had not met her before. He said it was the master of ceremonies who had pointed her out to him. “It was only Shs100,000 for buying 10 crates of soda. There wasn’t anything beyond that. How could I bribe a judge in church?’ the businessman mused.

The tycoon told The Monitor that he had made another contribution, which he dropped in the offertory bag as it was being passed around. ‘It is clumsy to attend a funeral and not make any contribution,’ Mr Majyambere said. He said unbeknownst to Justice Ogoola, a friend of his, who he did not name, had introduced him to the judge’s deceased mother-in-law as far back as 1994.

As such, he needed no invitation to attend the funeral of a friend, he said. The newspaper quoted him, adding in Swahili, ‘I have attended funerals of other people I did not even know.’

Elevation

Justice Ogoola left the Commercial Court at the end of July 2004 when he was named Principal Judge, taking over from Justice Herbert Ntabagoba, who died in April 2020. He retired from the Judiciary in 2010 after clocking 65 years of age, which is the mandatory retirement age for judges of the High Court.

However, whereas the public rejection of the alleged bribe will stand out as one of the things that will define his legacy, his poetry in the wake of the November 2007 invasion of the High Court premises in Kampala will no doubt stand out.

The court was invaded by armed men clad in black T-shirts and military fatigue bottoms and wielding special military grade assault weapons. Their mission?

Abort hearing of a bail application by suspected rebels of the People’s Redemption Army (PRA). The men had, along with Opposition leader Kizza Besigye, been charged with treason.

The invasion meant that the hearing that was meant to be presided over by Justice Edmond Ssempa Lugayizi did not take place.

Justice Ogoola subsequently described the invasion as a ‘despicable act’, a ‘rape of the Judiciary’ on ‘a day of infamy’.

That, much more than the rejected ‘soda’, is what is most likely to define his legacy as a defender of the pillars of justice.

I always feared saunas. They seemed like anterooms to hell. The heat therein was suffocating and searing. I came to this dual conclusion because, in the mid-1990s, there were not so many saunas in Kampala. So, when a friend told me his hair caught fire in one of them, I unblinkingly believed him.

Mbazira, the friend who inconveniently found his hair aflame, had a jerry curl.

A Jerry curl (or Jheri curl) is a chemical hair treatment from the 1980s that creates a glossy, loose, and permanently waved, or wet-looking, curl on black hair.

Popularised by stars such as Michael Jackson and Lionel Richie, it was a cultural staple that offered a “wash and wear” alternative to chemical relaxers, but required a greasy, oil-based activator product that could reportedly explode into flames.

That’s what happened to Michael Jackson during a Pepsi commercial in 1984, causing him to suffer second- and third-degree burns to his scalp. Ugandans only got the memo on jerry curls in the 1990s, when box haircuts were ‘in’. In a previous life, the CDF sported one, too (Mic testing, testing). Mbazira also had the dubious distinction of boozing himself silly before taking an HIV test. So, if he was positive, he’d blame the drink. If negative, he would guzzle even more alcohol to celebrate. It was a win-win situation.

He was on my mind when I visited a sauna recently. Initially, I was the only person in the health spa. I went for a short call and returned to find it repopulated by four nubile ladies. Ruthlessly seductive, the four transmogrified the heated room, typically made of wood, into something of a peepshow. Their towels, wrapped scantily around them, accentuated their curves with a shared body language whose vocabulary consisted of the words ‘red hot’. They were joined by a young man who seemed to have been brother-zoned by them to the extent that he seemed like their pastor.

One of the ladies, Olivia, broached the subject of satisfaction. My attention suddenly peaked. She told her friends that foreplay didn’t factor in the definition of some ladies’ idea of pleasure. Thereupon, a debate ensued. As words took wing, the ladies would cross and uncross their legs. I decided it was time to get involved in what became a heated discussion. And not because of the heat in the sauna. After all, we had four red-hot ladies and an inferno raging in my belly.

After introducing myself, they introduced themselves as health professionals with a bias in sexual reproduction. To them, procreation was as essential as recreation. Suddenly, I felt myself dripping with sweat as I observed these red-hot ladies who should’ve come with a ‘Parental Advisory’ label. I couldn’t stand up. It seemed these ladies were turning up the heat, like a Fire Base crew.

Seeing my pointed interest, Olivia took me aside to ask which ‘one’ I wanted. Delighted, I declared I could ‘take on’ all four as the lightbulb in my head carried a yellow hue. If I left out anybody, I might leave out the one who found me attractive, too. I was thus willing to ‘attack’ all at once. Olivia, looking me deep in the eye, said they were all taken. Did I want to continue? she asked. No, I replied. Knowing where I stood with these ladies changed the game. It defused the tension. We all relaxed.

And became bosom buddies, not only because my buddies had bosoms. Once the masks were off in a presumed battle of the sexes, the guards dropped too. Yellow sunrises of new friendships implied the ruddy sunsets of old passions in a day we all seized. My libido evaporated. I can honestly say I made four new female friends and one brother, the pastor. I had misunderstood them. Their talk and posture caused this, not the environment. The environment was what we made happen, and that made all the difference.

Uganda faces significant gaps in access to palliative care, experts warned on Saturday, citing limited knowledge among stakeholders and a shortage of trained personnel as major obstacles.

Speaking at the World Hospice and Palliative Care Day Commemoration 2025 in Kampala, Mark Donald Mwesiga, Executive Director of the Palliative Care Association of Uganda (PCA), highlighted the country’s challenges despite its reputation as a continental leader in palliative care.

‘The country has yet to establish a national-level policy strategic framework to guide the programming and implementation of palliative care at all levels. The number of trained palliative care professionals is still limited to only 300 health facilities providing this form of care in 107 of the 146 districts, leaving out many places without a nearby health facility offering palliative care,’ Mwesiga said.

He explained that community and public health approaches have yet to fully embrace palliative care, leaving services ‘scanty and only implemented by a few charitable stand-alone hospices and a limited number of private hospitals in Uganda.’

Mwesiga also pointed to insufficient data and research as a barrier, noting that Uganda is experiencing ‘a rise in the incidence of non-communicable diseases and an aging population.’

An estimated 500,000 Ugandans currently require palliative care, yet only 11 percent have access to pain relief and related services, according to Ministry of Health statistics.

‘The global theme emphasising universal access to palliative care is therefore applicable to the real needs of Uganda. The World Health Organisation explains that the goal of Universal Health Coverage (UHC) is to ensure that everyone can obtain necessary health services without facing financial difficulties, thereby reducing the risk of poverty due to health-related expenses,’ he said.

Mwesiga stressed the holistic nature of palliative care, urging leaders to understand its role in addressing ‘physical, psychological, social, and spiritual needs, ensuring that patients and their families receive compassionate support throughout the course of illness from diagnosis to end of life and into bereavement care.’

Dr Charles Olaro, Director of Curative Services at the Ministry of Health, echoed the call for expanded services.

‘Strengthening palliative care requires skilled practitioners, public awareness, and health system integration. There is a need for intensified advocacy, deeper health integration, and public awareness, ensuring palliative care is recognized as a human right,’ he said.

Olaro added: ‘Every patient deserves to face illness with dignity, love, and compassionate support. Let us continue to strengthen human resource capacity and fund essential palliative and chronic care services, ensuring no one suffers in silence.’

Dr Kedrace Turyagyenda, Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Education and Sports, highlighted the role of schools in fostering empathy. ‘If I don’t teach the heart, I will leave the hands. True education goes beyond grades; it shapes compassionate, empathetic, and humane individuals. Palliative care in schools teaches students to care, to feel, and to act with love. Let’s build a generation that learns not just to excel, but to heal,’ she said.

The event was held under the theme: ‘Amplifying Palliative Care Awareness through Introducing Palliative Care in Primary and Secondary Schools in Uganda.’

President Museveni and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) government are banking on Musevenomics, an approach that combines several strategies, to drive Uganda to an upper-middle-income economy by 2040. To increase the size of the economy by tenfold to $500b by 2040, the government is relying on pillars like agro-industrialisation, tourism development, infrastructure, mineral development, including oil and gas.

To support agro-industrialisation this financial year, the government is prioritising investment in appropriate agro-processing and value addition technologies, high-quality agricultural inputs, construction of key water storage and irrigation infrastructure and diseases, pests and vector control. While presenting his 2025 State of the Nation Address in June, President Museveni disclosed that the country’s economy was projected to grow to Shs224.9 trillion by the end of June 2025. Economic growth was projected at 6.3 percent this financial year (FY), and further projected to grow at 7.0 percent in FY2025/2026. This trajectory is estimated to triple once the commercial production of oil and gas starts in 2026. With the continued implementation of the Parish Development Model (PDM), Museveni said achievements in a bid to alleviate poverty are not by accident.

‘They are due to deliberate and focused government interventions. Cumulatively, over the last 10 years, the government has injected over Shs8.03 trillion in strategic wealth creation initiatives, which have boosted economic performance,’ he noted. Yet experts have warned that unless the country integrates its new growth model with policies and investments that boost productivity growth, especially in the agriculture sector, to achieve its Fourth National Development Plan (NDP IV) and Vision 2040, all could fail.

Infrastructure

For nearly two decades, the government has prioritised infrastructure development, especially roads, railways and electricity. Just last year, President Museveni flagged off the construction of the yet-to-begin Standard Gauge Railway (SGR). Road projects like the construction of the 23.6km Yumbe-Ure road and bridge and the 69.3km Katine-Ochero road, to mention but two, are deemed noteworthy.

The World Bank Group has, regardless, warned that unless the government recognises the need to prioritise high-vulnerability geographies and sectors, besides aggressive implementation of additional targeted adaptation interventions, climate change and its associated impacts could leave quite the trail of destruction. Under the energy, transport, and digital infrastructure, the Group says climate shocks could damage Uganda’s power network, roads, and bridges if a climate-responsive approach is not considered. Besides privately run electricity generation facilities, Uganda boasts of four large hydropower plants at Nalubaale, Kiira, Isimba and Karuma, with a combined generation capacity of 1,163.2 megawatts.

This, alongside, other generation sources like Kigwabya, XsaboNkonge solar power in Mubende, among others, brings the total installed generation capacity to 2,052 megawatts. More than half of the country’s electricity transmission and distribution network is, however, exposed to landslide and flood risk. The risk road networks grapple with comes up to about 60 percent at national level.

‘Flood damage could increase annual road maintenance costs by between $13.6m (Shs46b) and $26m (Shs89b), on average, in the 2040s, with associated road delays causing 2.6-3.5 million labour hours lost, under optimistic and pessimistic general circulation models of climate change, respectively,’ the group warns.

Potent mix

Uganda seeks to expand power generation from 2,048 to 52,400 megawatts by 2040, a development that arguably requires private sector participation and improved institutional project management and procurement capacity. The Energy ministry’s power generation and transmission expansion plan for 2025-2040 envisages a largely renewable electricity generation mix. The Group says building a climate-resilient and low-carbon infrastructure system is an effective way to increase private investment and leverage international trade opportunities.

Based on A and R scoring, Uganda has put several key foundational measures in place for rapid, robust, and inclusive growth, facilitating the adaptation of people and firms, and enabling prioritisation, implementation, and progress monitoring, and needs to implement these. It is projected that by 2050, more than 40 percent of Uganda’s total population could be living in cities, with urban populations expected to grow to 42 million, 30 million more than in 2023. The spread of people across Uganda’s urban centres is, however, uneven, particularly between secondary towns and the rapidly growing metropolitan area of Kampala.

In 2021, the government promoted 10 secondary cities (Fort Portal, Arua, Gulu, Jinja, Mbarara, Mbale, Masaka, Hoima, Lira, and Soroti) as regional hubs for job creation and improved social services. It also upgraded five urban areas (Entebbe, Kabale, Moroto, Wasiko, and Nakasongolo) to cities as alternative migration destinations to Kampala. Uganda, however, has an acute housing shortage, with 66 percent of the population living in slums and informal settlements where over 70 percent of urban housing units are made from temporary materials.

‘With up to 85 percent of the city’s population living in slums and informal settlements, climate change impacts are amplified. Nearly 45,000 people are impacted every year by river flooding in Uganda, but fortunately, only around 40 education and health care facilities are inundated,’ the report says. In contrast, 10 and 50-year floods can inundate as many as 200 and 250 facilities, respectively, causing $150m (Shs512.4b) to $250m (Shs854.1b) in damage to buildings alone. Expected annual damages from inland flooding amount to more than $60m (Shs204.9b), or 0.1 percent of capital by 2050 under the SSP3-7.0 mean climate future, the Group says.

High building density compounds the urban heat island effect, increasing energy consumption (as people rely on air-conditioning to combat heat) and GHG emissions, as well as the risk of heat-related illnesses and chronic conditions. ‘Disregard for the natural landscape when building roads and housing development destabilises the terrain, and can result in landslides when climate events occur,’ the group notes.

Agro-industrialisation

Candidate Museveni has anchored his re-election bid on the two planks of protecting the gains made during his nearly four-decade-long rule and taking a qualitative leap as Uganda’s oil plans gain traction. An oil refinery is scheduled to begin operations in the fourth quarter of 2029 or the first quarter of 2030, according to Michael Nkambo Mugerwa, the General Manager of Uganda Refinery Holding Company. With construction set for late 2025, the $4b (Shs13.6 trillion) refinery is expected to fuel growth and enhance exports.

The World Bank, on its part, says landscape management measures are vital for resilience to climate risks and lowering greenhouse gas emissions. They will also safeguard nature-based tourism, a key growth sector in Uganda. The NRM party is deeply interested in growth. Should it win the people’s mandate during the 2026 polls, the party promises to double the size of the economy between 2026 and 2031 by transforming livelihoods and turning every adult Ugandan into a producer of goods and services for sale and focus on generating more gainful jobs, expanding wealth creation opportunities and empowering Uganda to take charge of its economic destiny.

‘The overall goal is full monetisation of the economy through commercialisation of agriculture, investing in manufacturing, investing in young people’s talents, among others. For these objectives to be realised, the NRM will continue to prioritise macroeconomic stability and lower the cost of doing business by bringing down the cost of electricity, Internet, transport and capital,’ the party’s manifesto reads in part. According to candidate Museveni, the NRM’s onslaught on the subsistence economy has resulted in reducing the number of Ugandans ‘working only for the stomach’. ‘Households in subsistence in the different parts of the country reduced to 33 percent in 2024 from 69 percent in 2014. The target is to fully monetise all Ugandans.’

To stop over-reliance on rain-fed agriculture and stabilise agriculture, the government is currently constructing three major irrigation facilities. It has also prioritised investment in water for production and irrigation by investing in seven large-scale irrigation schemes. In the past few years, it has also claimed to have constructed more than 4,300 micro-scale irrigation facilities and 5,251 small and medium-scale irrigation schemes in 135 districts across the country, benefiting thousands of smallholder farmers. Besides constructing valley tanks to address water shortage in the cattle corridors across the country, it also promised to build valley dams.

The World Bank, however, notes that climate change-induced soil erosion is expected to compound this volatility, with additional yield decreases ranging from 0 to 12 percent, with relative negative impacts on crop production concentrated in the north and northeast. To counter the impact, the lender’s report suggests that the government will need to expand climate-compatible irrigation to moderate volatile yields, noting that in some regions, expanding irrigation will result in unmet irrigation demands.

‘At the farm level, expanding irrigation and improving soil quality can help counter expected increases in crop yield variability due to climate change. Between 2022 and 2050, crop yields could fluctuate between -12 per cent and +12.5 per cent, compared to the baseline,’ the report reads. ‘It will also need to develop and operationalise a plan that details infrastructure needs, establishes community-based management of irrigation schemes, controls water abstraction, monitors compliance, and promotes micro-irrigation,’ it adds.

Whereas Uganda’s economic transformation hinges on trade opportunities with the African Continental Free Trade Area alone, estimated to deliver up to $2.5b (Shs8.5 trillion) export boost by 2035, this, it says, will require significant improvements in energy, transport, and digital systems.

Musevenomics

On September 2, the government, during the annual ambassadors’ conference in Gulu City, unveiled its new flagship programme, the Economic and Commercial Diplomacy Strategy (ECDS). It is born out of a 2016 presidential directive to the Ministry Foreign Affairs (MFA) to cause all the country’s foreign missions and embassies to embrace and pursue economic and commercial diplomacy. At the launch, meanwhile, the Senior Presidential Advisor on Defence and Security, Gen Caleb Akwandanaho, alias Salim Saleh, challenged Uganda’s ambassadors and high commissions to synchronise the operational strategies with the vision of President Museveni, to boost their success.

Gen Saleh said the country has so far shifted from sector-based to programme-based planning, adding that the embassies need to urgently adjust. In ‘Musevenomics,’ President Museveni emphasises a deliberate social-economic transformation in which he seeks to rid the country of the peasantry of our society and become a middle-class money economy.

After a nasty divorce with his former party, the National Unity Platform (NUP), Nyendo-Mukungwe legislator Mathias Mpuuga went on to form his own party, the Democratic Front (DF). Many thought this would be his platform to contest for president in 2026, but this week, he announced his intention to contest for a fourth term as MP. Monitor’s Arthur Arnold Wadero had a wide-ranging interview with him.

Mid this year, you launched the Democratic Front. As party president, many expected you to be in the presidential race. What happened?

First of all, political parties by their nature are meant to provide leadership and leaders to the nation. They are supposed to be the midwives of political leaders. And when those leaders are produced by political parties, it is up to those parties to make a choice as to what they want to do with those leaders. The decision to stand for the presidency of the country was never supposed to be a personal decision, as long as l am subjected to the whims of the party.

Whereas I harboured and still have the ambitions, at some stage probably they will come to fruition. But in the meantime, the party outed what they called the party’s minimum political agenda to cover the period of the ongoing political season and discounted the presidency as one of its minimum programmes. And they gave reasons. The DF, from the onset, intended that for an election and the presidency to be consequential, we needed reforms, electoral and political reforms, to even give credence to this argument.

What is the update on the reforms you submitted to Parliament?

We had the two constitutional amendment Bills. We had an Election Commission Amendment Bill, we had the Presidential Election Amendment Bill, the Parliamentary Election Amendment Bill, Referendum Amendment Bill, Local Government Amendment Bill, and the Political Parties Amendment Bill. All these Bills were meant to try and crack what is a state of political inertia in the country. And while we tabled all of them before Parliament, and they were received by the Speaker’s Office and the Clerk, only the Political Parties’ (Amendment) Bill was given leave. But even when it was given leave, it has never been given a Certificate of Financial Implication to be able to proceed to the next stage.

The presidential campaigns have started. We have seven Opposition candidates. Is this the group that will finally uproot President Museveni? Unfortunately, the spirit is willing, but the bodies and action speak differently. Of course, I’ve seen even some of them pressing self-defeating buttons. I’m wondering whether they are actually committed to the campaign of defeating Gen Museveni. I have seen some of them spending their little energy fighting colleagues in the Opposition, and then I wondered whether they are committed or actually hired.

But also, I don’t want to speak like a political novice. The political Opposition failed to organise prior to the election. Probably, you people in the media need to put these questions to the various leaders of the political parties in the contest: Why didn’t they organise? Why are they pretending to be organising during elections when they had four years to prepare?

We have a presidential race in which two contestants got more than 90 percent of the vote in 2021. What do you say to those calling for a single Opposition candidate?

I think there are two layers to this argument. First of all, it’s not simply a single candidate to the Opposition that is an issue because that’s a no-brainer. That matter has been discussed over several electoral cycles we have gone over. To recollect, the TDA [The Democratic Alliance], which became a debacle eventually, there are several attempts to a single candidate which have not given us any outcome. But then you say if that has failed, what are the other possibilities that can help the Opposition to have a chance at power? That’s why some of us talk about clawback legislation. Clawback legislation is the kind of legal regime that can give the Opposition a chance to compete. Which is why we were debating and proposing a departure from the current winner-takes-all system.

Because if we are going to have an opportunity as the Opposition to really make a demand to the population to give us power, we must have some opportunity at entry clawback legislation, which will mean we have more MPs in Parliament, and it will mean you have more representation in Local Government. It’s a form of power-sharing that the Opposition can take advantage of if you did that.

DP president general Norbert Mao, while taking over the leadership of IPOD [Inter-party Organisation for Dialogue] recently, said the transition is already taking place behind closed doors. Do Ugandans deserve to have a say in what happens to them after President Museveni’s 40 years in power?

Well, even the wrong clock at some time counts, right? I have spoken variously before that our political DNA is a civil-military relationship. The time Gen Museveni changed the Uganda People’s Deence Forces (UPDF) structure, it was part of managing the transition, albeit in a manner I call fraudulent because it was done without the knowledge of Parliament and other stakeholders. The process of changing the UPDF structure was not consulted upon.

And as long as our politics remains a civil-military relationship, one part of the relationship has migrated; only the civil side has not yet migrated. If it goes on without the participation of the population through their institutions, people, institutions, the political parties, civil society groups, cultural institutions, and religious institutions, it is a fraudulent transition.

What should a transition process for Uganda look like?

The transition conversation must be an honest conversation between those in power and those without power. Between those who intend to keep power and those who aspire to take power, there must be an honest conversation preceded by an agreeable framework of issues to be discussed, the mode of implementation of those issues, including the nature of legislation that must be undertaken to midwives.

That is the nature of transition that I think we need to engage in, not a transition where people seek positions in government. I’m talking about an honest conversation about governance of this country, including a debate on a new national consensus, which is the new Constitution. Your former party, NUP, recently announced its parliamentary flagbearers, and some MPs who were previously thought to be close to you lost the party card.

Are you going to woo them as DF?

First of all, I left the NUP a long time ago and, therefore, whatever they do with themselves is their business. Secondly, for those members who were denied tickets, they should have known better because NUP works without a constitution. So, there’s no premise for them to explain to you why you have no ticket. Thirdly, the DF is a political party. We are open to receiving every citizen who believes that the DF could be a vehicle worth working with to the end. Then fourth, if any member of the NUP denied a ticket on account of their closings, to me, that kind of inductiveness is unacceptable. I think it’s very dangerous for our parties.

Parties should never mirror the expressions of individual characters. They should only mirror the expressions of the people and the membership.

Mr Medard Sseggona is one of those who were denied the NUP party ticket. Have you talked to him about joining DF?

The Honourable Sseggona and I are not involved in politics as the first issue. We are brothers. We actually speak every day on several matters. If they are not about our practice as lawyers, they are about our families, they’re about our kingdom, they’re about our country, and they are about Parliament. We talk about so many things. We even spoke when he was denied a NUP ticket. The decision of where he goes is a personal decision. I cannot compel him even when we share so much in common.

Kampala Central MP Muhammad Nsereko recently went hard on you with the allegation that you rescinded your support for him as he sought to contest for the presidency. What do you make of his claims?

I was not around, I was not in the country, but I heard what he said. I have not spoken to him, but reading what he said, I can only advise him as my brother. I want to ask him to do a self-evaluation; where he wants to go, if he wants to still keep the confidence of the people.

Your parting shots?

My parting issue, especially to the Opposition, is to continue speaking to each other even when there are so many issues over which we disagree, including issues of candidates. Yes, we disagree on who is standing where, for what position. But the one door which should never close is the door over which we speak.

The start of the new Uganda Premier League (UPL) season has been overshadowed not by exhilarating football, but by a dangerous administrative crisis.

A fierce power struggle between the Federation of Uganda Football Associations (Fufa) and several of the country’s biggest clubs has brought the game to a painful standstill, threatening to reverse years of hard-won progress and scare away critical investment.

At the core of the conflict is a deep rift in governance and a clash over financial control, triggered by Fufa’s unilateral introduction of a new, complex league structure and controversial revenue-sharing model.

The federation’s attempt to “modernize” the Uganda Premier League with a multi-phase, three-round format has ignited unprecedented fury among key stakeholders.

Clubs like reigning champions Vipers SC and giants SC Villa argue the reforms were imposed without consultation, a move they have branded “undemocratic” and a direct threat to their financial sustainability.

The most contentious part of the reforms is the new financial distribution system, which mandates that a significant percentage of match-day gate collections-traditionally the backbone of big clubs’ income-must be shared with the federation, UPL management, and the winning team.

For major clubs with large fan bases, this redistribution is viewed as financial penalization. SC Villa owner, Omar Mandela, captured the sentiment, stating the changes had “no justification… save for selfish financial gain by Fufa that is taking away even the little that the clubs have been collecting to keep them going.”

The resistance is powerfully led by Vipers SC President and former Fufa head, Dr. Lawrence Mulindwa. His club’s outright rejection of the new format, which included boycotting an opening fixture, has thrown the season into chaos.

In a scathing public statement, Mulindwa highlighted the unequal relationship between club investors and the governing body, famously declaring:”Me I don’t feed on football; it is football that feeds on me. But FUFA feeds on football; remove football and they will not exist. If you want to dismiss Vipers out of Ugandan football, I have no problem.”

Mulindwa’s ultimatum is significant. He represents the kind of “blank cheque” private investment-funding infrastructure like the state-of-the-art St. Mary’s Stadium-Kitende and youth pipelines-that Ugandan football desperately needs.

His potential withdrawal signals a massive loss of private capital, which the league’s fragile financial ecosystem can ill afford. Mulindwa also detailed other financial grievances, including Fufa’s alleged failure to pay his club prize money for winning the previous season’s trophies, further fueling the atmosphere of mistrust.

The standoff is already inflicting severe damage across the football ecosystem.

League Credibility and Integrity: Match boycotts and a confusing format-which many fans and even club officials struggle to understand-have created an atmosphere of instability. The UPL appears unpredictable and commercially risky, severely denting its integrity in the eyes of the public and potential partners.

Erosion of Commercial Deals: Corporate sponsors, who require stability and clear audience engagement metrics, are watching nervously.

StarTimes, the league’s broadcast partner, has reportedly failed to televise early matches under the new format due to the instability.

The ongoing conflict makes it difficult to market the league product, risking a long-term erosion of confidence that could see existing sponsors cut back and potential investors avoid the Ugandan market altogether.

The new revenue-sharing model directly cuts into the operational budgets of self-sustaining clubs, many of which rely on gate collections to pay player wages and cover costs. Combined with stricter, mandatory compliance rules (like submitting sophisticated data), the reforms impose new financial burdens that small clubs are ill-equipped to handle, potentially creating a two-tier system favoring only government-backed institutions.

The current turmoil is eerily familiar, echoing a cycle of governance and financial crises that have hampered the development of Ugandan football for decades: The infamous 22-0 win by SC Villa over Akol FC on the final day of the season to clinch the title on goal difference remains a low point. The resulting disillusionment caused fans to desert the stadiums, leading to a major financial downturn for clubs and a severe loss of public trust.

Before the current administration took charge, Ugandan football was marred by internal wrangles and administrative conflicts so severe that at one point, two parallel national leagues were being run by competing factions. This chaos severely damaged the sport’s image, led to sponsor flight, and stifled player development.

Historically, most Ugandan clubs have operated on a precarious foundation, relying heavily on single patrons or government subsidies, with little financial diversification. The swift collapse of previously successful clubs (like SC Victoria University) after the loss of a single major backer is a testament to the persistent lack of institutional and financial stability, a problem the current crisis only deepens.

The present Fufa-Vipers standoff is more than a dispute over rules; it is a battle for the soul and structure of Ugandan football.

While the federation insists the reforms are necessary for long-term professionalization, the manner of their imposition has undermined the very stakeholders whose support is essential for success.

Until dialogue replaces defiance, the silence at stadiums will continue to speak volumes, threatening to dismantle the foundations of a sport striving for stability.

As Uganda gears up for the 2026 General Election, voters have been urged to keep away from politics of excitement and focus on leaders who can address critical issues affecting them.

The call was made by several speakers during a thanksgiving prayer service for Mbarara District National Resistance Movement (NRM) party chairperson, Mr Prosper Tuheise Kururagire at his home in Bukiro town Council in Mbarara District on Saturday.

The Minister for Trade, Industry and Cooperatives, Mr Francis Mwebesa who represented the Vice President, Maj (Rtd) Jessica Alupo at this function, told the gathering that politics of excitement will compromise them to make wrong choices of leaders.

‘You need to be careful; that music, drinks and simple handouts that some of the candidates normally use during elections will lead you to elect leaders who will not help in addressing the challenges being faced. Look at the critical issues affecting you and interrogate those who want to get elected if they are offering solutions to address them,’ Mr Mwebesa said.

He cautioned the youth, whom he said are usually used by politicians during the electioneering period for selfish interests.

‘It is mostly the young people who get excited and forget the issues that affect them, where they have come from and what the future holds for them,’ Mr Mwebesa added.

The Vicar General of the Archdiocese of Mbarara, Rev Fr Severinus Ndugwa, who presided over the ceremony, challenged Ugandans to keep away from the politics of sectarianism.

‘Whether your colour is brown or black, the tribe or religion you belong to is just an accident. We are all children of God. So, avoid any sectarian tendencies that normally surface during this election period. What is important are the services for the good of humankind,’ Fr Ndugwa said.

He also cautioned leaders to avoid segregating people because they never supported them or were of opposing political parties.

‘When elected as a leader, do not look at only those people who supported you or the political party that brought you in a position of leadership. Render services to all people equally without discrimination,’ Fr. Ndugwa appealed.

Mr Sedrack Nzeire Kaguta, the former Kiruhura District NRM party Chairperson, also brother to President Museveni, said people should not get excited about being in power or being associated with those in power to discriminate against others.

‘That clan, tribe or connections you have today will one time wane. So, do not get excited and start discriminating against one another. For some of us who have travelled around the world, you get to a situation where you can’t reach that one person you were born with, your village mate, a friend and you find someone willing to help is a foreigner. So, why do you become sectarian? You never know who will help you in future,’ Mr Nzeire said.

According to Mr Benjamin Cadet, the NRM flagbearer for Bunyaruguru Constituency in Rubirizi District, voters at times gamble when choosing leaders because of being misled.

‘Leadership is not about gambling. We need to have leaders who can move this country forward but in politics, there can be a temptation where voters may get excited and end up voting for incapable leaders. As the NRM party, we need to educate our people to make rightful decisions during elections,’ he said.

Mr Tuheise, whose party has been in power for four decades, said they have since launched a sensitisation campaign targeting, especially the youth, on how to make the right decisions during elections.

‘The challenge we have been having is with the youth who are easily taken up by excitement during elections. We are sensitising them on the choice of leaders they should vote for but also trying to address some of the issues they face, especially unemployment,’ he said.

While campaigning in Luuka District, on October 1, NUP presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, castigated the Parish Development Model (PDM), a policy of government targeting the over 33 percent Ugandans who are still outside the money economy. In fact, he vowed to freeze the fund if he is elected President. Instead, in his view, he would put that money into the health and education sectors.

His wayward political statement notwithstanding, it is totally inconceivable what exactly informed Mr Kyagulanyi to make such a statement. Is it because the programme has been so successful and, therefore, he thinks it will give President Museveni milage or was he less thoughtful in the heat of the moment?

Mr Kyagulanyi should know by now that even if the government were to commit half of its annual budget to education and the health sector to attain world-class standards, this alone would not shift our people out of poverty.

For the people to make an economic shift from a subsistence lifestyle, the government must pursue deliberate programmes of capitalising the citizens and offer proper guidance for them to engage in profitable ventures that generate regular income. The PDM policy is not set in stone. Countries all over the world have pursued similar programmes to shift their people to the wealth cluster, and the results are there for everyone to appreciate.

Indeed, President Museveni saw this much earlier. Even when he built schools, hospitals and modern roads, he knew so well that Ugandans needed to shift substantially from their subsistence lifestyles and move into the money economy. He, therefore, began socioeconomic programmes aimed at changing their economic outlook.

Even before PDM, there was Boona Bagagawale, Entandikwa. Operation Wealth Creation and now Emyoga, Youth Livelihood, among others. The usual naysayers are quick to say these programmes were all in vain. However, they forget that it is through such deliberate programmes that poverty in Uganda has been reduced to 16.1 percent, according to the National Household Survey 2023/2024.

They forget that it is through such interventions that we are currently the leading exporter of most cash crops in the region. Uganda is now the Number One coffee exporter in Africa. We feed the region and the rest of the world with maize, milk, beans, cocoa, vanilla, etc. For one to fully appreciate the value of PDM, one must study Muhammad Yunus and his microfinance support programmes that turned around the Indonesian poor masses.

Prof Yunus pioneered microfinance to give the unbanked rural poor, especially women, access to credit for self-employment and small businesses. The aim was to create bottom-up development where economic growth starts with the most marginalised. In 1976, Yunus took matters into his own hands, loaning very small sums of money, reportedly between $27, and $42 local women who needed to buy materials to produce their products.

In 1983, Yunus formally opened the Grameen (Village) Bank, which served as a way to offer microcredit to entry-level and subsistence entrepreneurs. By June 2020, Grameen Bank had given $30.48 billion worth of loans to some of the world’s poorest people. Similarly, introduced in 2022, PDM is Uganda’s flagship poverty eradication and wealth creation programme. It targets the 39 percent of Ugandans in the subsistence economy, aiming to transition them into the money economy using parish-level Saccos.

The President’s call that everyone must join the money economy with a clear calculation is being realised. Every one of the 10,594 parishes nationwide receives Shs100m annually, directly credited to parish Sacco accounts. PDM funding for Greater Kampala Metropolitan will rise to Shs300m per parish, with special grants for persons with disabilities, village leaders, and religious leaders.

Mr Kyagulanyi should pick a lesson from President Museveni and Yunus. PDM emphasises borrower responsibility and accountability, trains and supports local financial institutions (Saccos) in the way Grameen trained its staff.