Category: Daily Monitor

President Museveni has appointed High Court Judge Aisha Naluzze Batala as Uganda’s new Inspector General of Government (IGG), replacing Beti Olive Namisango Kamya, whose term expired last month.

Justice Naluzze, who currently serves in the Land Division of the High Court, becomes the country’s new anti-corruption chief pending parliamentary approval.

The appointment of the woman, who was appointed a High Court judge in 2023, restores leadership to the watchdog office, which had been vacant since Betty Kamya’s four-year tenure-and that of her deputies-expired on September 22.

Born in 1977, Justice Batala has been appointed to the top graft-fighting role after President Museveni exercised his constitutional powers, presidential assistant for press and mobilisation Faruk Kirunda confirmed Tuesday evening.

Kirunda also said the president retained Kamya’s two former deputies, Dr Patricia Achan Okiria and Anne Twinomugisha Muhairwe, to continue serving in their positions.

‘The names of the appointees have been forwarded to Parliament for vetting,’ he said in a statement posted on X (formerly Twitter).

The Office of the Inspector General of Government (IGG) is a constitutionally established body mandated to promote good governance and fight corruption in public office.

It had been operating without substantive leadership since Kamya’s contract ended, raising concerns about its effectiveness in tackling graft.

Kamya, a former Kampala minister and presidential candidate, was appointed in 2021 and had pledged to ‘name and shame’ corrupt officials.

Her tenure drew both praise for her public advocacy and criticism over limited prosecutions in high-profile corruption cases.

Justice Batala’s appointment comes at a time when Uganda faces persistent public pressure to rein in misuse of public funds and enforce accountability across government agencies.

Since September22, the office of the IG was virtually toothless and was being administratively run by a Permanent Secretary.

Parliament is expected to vet the nominees in the coming days before Justice Batala formally assumes office.

I hereby write with great concern regarding the large number of attendees at various campaign rallies of the candidates participating in the 2026 presidential race of Uganda. This presidential race of 2026 is the seventh of its kind that I am personally witnessing.

Whereas the first two happened in 1996 and 2001 when I was still young and a bit naïve in regards to issues of civic space and elections, I was at least sharp enough to follow the proceedings. I thereafter followed subsequent proceedings leading to elections of 2006, 2011, 2016 and 2021 as an adult.

During those elections, there have been many dynamics that have kept changing, with the only constant being the appearance of Gen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni on the ballot paper during each of those election cycles.

Moreover, one of the key elements that have changed during these elections has been an issue of technology. Much as the 1996 and 2001 election campaigns called for more of physical rallies with radios and television being the main sources of updates, the times have changed and brought on board more print and electronic media, including digital platforms like Facebook, X platform (formerly twitter) Instagram, among others. Through such platforms, one is able to receive real time updates on the performance of their candidates in the field. This is done by way of sharing photos and excerpts from their speeches during the candidates’ trail.

However, even with these strides in technological development, there has been sight of very large numbers of voters and well-wishers thronging trading centres, streets, football pitches and any other places to catch a glimpse of their candidates.

Whereas this would not be bad since this is what the mobilisation offices are there for, I am concerned that these large numbers gather during weekdays.

Most of them gather during working hours, and, for every candidate that visits, there is a substantial number.

So, in all this, the only question that lingers through my head is; when do these people work? Are we giving a blind eye to the unproductive side of our population in the name of love for their candidates? Let us pay attention please.

A lightning strike killed a 23-year-old mother and injured her mother-in-law in Buraza Village, Buhumbu Parish, Busanza Sub-County, Kisoro District on Tuesday evening, authorities said.

The deceased, Pronia Nyiramahoro, was home at around 5PM during light rain when the lightning struck.

Her grandmother, Topista Nyirakayonde, sustained injuries in the incident, said local LC1 chairperson Abel Ntezibyayo.

‘Nyiramahoro leaves behind a breastfeeding child and a three-year-old,’ Ntezibyayo said, highlighting the tragedy for the young family.

This marks the fifth lightning-related death in Kisoro District in less than a month, underlining the region’s vulnerability under rains.

On October 2, 2025, 20-year-old Evaline Nyiramugisha from Bucuzi Village, also in Buhumbu Parish, was fatally struck while uprooting sweet potatoes.

Nyiramugisha, a Senior Four graduate from St John’s Mutanda Secondary School, died instantly.

Earlier the same day, 14 students from St Paul’s Rugarambiro Secondary School in Nyundo Sub-County were hospitalized after a lightning incident.

The head teacher, Emmanuel Obiyare, said the students were critically injured but have since recovered.

Lightning claimed three more lives in Kisoro District on September 15, 2025, when Ashavin Mwubahishe (Primary 3), Jersey Nyiramucyo (Top Class), and their grandmother, Evasta Nyiramugisha, died in Rukundo Town Council.

Local authorities have warned residents to take precautions during the rainy season, which has seen a rise in fatal lightning incidents.

When Fufa rolled out its bold new reforms for the 2025/26 Uganda Premier League season, the expectation was that Ugandan football would enter a new, exciting chapter.

But weeks into the campaign, the narrative has shifted dramatically. The reforms have not elevated the game – they have fractured it.

The face-off between Fufa and Vipers, one of Uganda’s most dominant clubs, has escalated into a full-blown crisis.

Caught in the middle of this administrative warfare are the most important elements of the game: the fans who fill the stands and the players who give everything on the pitch. Today, they are the silent victims, watching a sport they love spiral into chaos.

Bitter feud

The controversial new league structure splits the season into three phases, resetting points after the first round and grouping teams into mini-leagues for the title and relegation battles.

While similar models exist elsewhere – Belgium and Scotland, for example – Uganda’s version resets accumulated points, something critics, including Vipers, argue destroys the meritocracy of the sport.

Vipers president Lawrence Mulindwa, once an architect of Fufa’s rise, has openly opposed the reforms. He calls them ‘a mockery’ and ‘gambling with football,’ warning that they threaten fairness, financial planning, and competitive balance.

His club’s refusal to show up for their fixture against Kitara last Saturday was more than symbolic – it was a line drawn in the sand.

Fufa, on the other hand, maintains that these reforms are part of a Technical Master Plan aimed at aligning Ugandan football with global standards and expanding the league to 18 teams by 2026.

But their tone has been combative, pointing to procedural compliance and league continuity instead of addressing the substance of dissent.

Players shine in darkness

In the midst of the political drama, football might still be played – but to what end? During KCCA’s recent 2-1 win over SC Villa at Namboole, two brilliant moments stood out.

Ivan Ahimbisibwe’s touch-and-go goal was a masterclass in movement and precision. Later, Umar Lutalo’s curling free-kick was the kind of strike that deserves a stadium in full voice. Instead, it met cold air and rows of empty seats.

Matches that once brought Uganda to a standstill now pass without celebration. Players are delivering their best, but their efforts are being lost in a void created by administrative division.

In any normal season, these would be highlights replayed and remembered. Now, they are forgotten moments in a league struggling to stay relevant.

Fans uncertain

Supporters, too, feel betrayed. Confused by the reforms, disillusioned by the infighting, and frustrated by the lack of transparency, many have started withdrawing their support.

Some fan groups have declared boycotts, while others express disdain on social media. The emotional contract between club and supporter is fraying, and without urgent repair, it may soon break entirely.

Fufa’s emergency meeting

Fufa’s reported emergency meeting on Monday evening was a chance to pause the conflict and prioritise the football community’s real stakeholders – the players and the fans. Instead, the federation was expected to double down, reiterate authority rather than rebuilding trust.

Ugandan football has been here before. From the dual-league fiasco of 2012/13 to Proline’s resistance and subsequent punishment, Fufa has a long history of responding to dissent with discipline rather than dialogue.

But Vipers’ defiance, and Mulindwa’s stature, present a different kind of challenge – one that could redefine the power dynamics in Ugandan sport.

The reforms may have been made with the future in mind. But if the present is lost – if fans walk away and players lose faith – then what future is left to reform?

Football is not just played on grass – it’s played in hearts. If those hearts stop beating for the game, no reform, however well-designed, can save it.

The question is no longer whether the league will continue. It is whether it will still matter.

The economy faces a delicate balance between survival and growth. Despite low inflation, high prices continue to strain businesses and consumers, which calls for fiscal discipline, prudent oil revenue use, and targeted support for small businesses.

Economist Fred Muhumuza calls for diversification, productivity, and moderate monetary policies as vital to ensure stability and sustainable recovery amid looming elections and global pressures.

What types of businesses should Ugandans prioritize for sustainability and growth?

Many entrepreneurs need to first focus on survival before thinking about sustainability and growth.

Depending on available capital, it’s wiser to invest in fast-moving ventures with quick turnover, such as salons, restaurants, foodstuffs, garages and spare parts, transport services, and other consumables.

Avoid tying up money in slow-moving items that sell once in a while unless you have the financial muscle to hold stock for long periods.

Inflation seems low on paper, but ordinary Ugandans still feel economic pressure. Why the mismatch?

Inflation measures the rate of price increase, not the price level itself. People are affected by high price levels, which erode purchasing power even when inflation is low.

When demand falls because people can’t afford goods, inflation may remain subdued, yet people still feel poorer.

The real solution is to raise incomes moderately while curbing unnecessary public spending, rather than freezing wages out of fear of inflation.

With elections approaching, what economic risks or opportunities do you foresee afterward?

We could see a wave of inflation if government spending remains high, particularly around election-related activities.

Counter-cyclical policies, reducing certain expenditures while others rise, are essential. Without this balance, key sectors such as health, education, and infrastructure may suffer. The greater risk is poor service delivery, though inflation cannot be ruled out.

What lessons from the 2011 economic crisis can help Uganda avoid instability?

The main lesson is restraint. Limit public spending to essential services and maintain fiscal discipline.

Overspending during political cycles leads to the same inflationary and service-delivery challenges we saw in 2011.

How can Uganda ensure that oil production benefits its citizens?

Oil is merely a source of revenue; the true test lies in how we use it. The so-called ‘oil curse’ isn’t caused by oil itself but by weak institutions and poor governance.

Uganda must strengthen its systems, ensure transparency, and invest oil revenues wisely. If not, we risk following the path of Nigeria or Angola instead of success stories like Qatar, the UAE, or Malaysia.

How important is diversification, and where should Uganda focus?

Diversification is crucial, though Uganda is already diversified in low-yield sectors. Agriculture, trade, and services bring limited returns for most players.

To move forward, we must focus on boosting productivity through modern technology, ICT, and efficient farming, reducing costs related to borrowing, infrastructure, and corruption, and investing in high-yield sectors such as digital services and mineral extraction.

Government must also seek to reform taxation, targeting high-income earners and ensuring fair redistribution through better public services.

How can Uganda cushion itself from global economic shocks?

Shielding completely is impossible; adaptation is key. Maintaining strong foreign reserves and a manageable fiscal deficit are traditional buffers.

Currently, Uganda’s reserves cover 3.9 months of imports, below the preferred 4.5 months, while the fiscal deficit is projected to rise from 4.7 percent in the 2023/24 financial year to 6.4 percent this financial year.

Export growth offers some relief, but dependence on transit gold is risky. Trade disruptions, wars, and protectionist policies also remain serious threats.

What support do Ugandan businesses need from government right now?

Local enterprises need reliable, affordable business support services and a stronger domestic market. Reducing costs, such as rent, taxes, and interest rates, will help businesses survive.

Because many small businesses fund their owners’ livelihoods, addressing household costs like healthcare and transport indirectly strengthens business resilience.

Is the current policy effective in maintaining price stability?

Prices are generally stable due to a strong shilling, high interest rates, and restrained wage growth.

However, this tight policy stance limits investment and job creation.

Government needs a moderate adjustment, loosening slightly to encourage productive borrowing, support exports, and create jobs without jeopardizing stability.

With an ambitious goal to collect Shs37.2 trillion in domestic tax revenue for the current fiscal year 2025/2026, about 60 percent of the national budget, the government, through the Ministry of

Finance, and Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) came up with ax changes to support Ugandan entrepreneurs, among which are Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs).

Most nations in the world, including Uganda, rely on taxes to raise the funds to cover their national spending needs and government may not meet the benchmarks required to fund the country’s financial allocation if tax compliance is persistently low.

Data released by the Uganda Bureau of Statistics in June 2025 categorised SMEs, with businesses with fewer than 30 workers as small, and those between 30 and 100 workers as medium and these, generate roughly 70 percent of Uganda’s Gross Domestic Product and account for 99.6 percent of all enterprises.

SMEs are becoming more significant in Uganda and many other developing nations, particularly when it comes to tackling the issues of job creation, economic growth, and alleviating poverty.

However, many SMEs locally encounter significant obstacles when it comes to fulfilling their tax compliance responsibilities.

SME’s tax compliance challenges among others include maintaining proper records, undertaking tax planning, hiring professionals to complete and file returns, and gaining enough knowledge to allow these obligations to be correctly done. The costs incurred in the performance of these activities are usually significant.

With the recent tax changes such as Nil Stamp Duty on Agreements, Memorandums, Mortgage Deeds, and Mortgage of a Crop among others, SMEs could stand to benefit from reduced legal and transaction costs as this removes a core barrier to registering key documents like contracts and loan agreements.

Additionally, easier loan collateralisation with mortgage deeds and crop mortgages free from stamp duty, smallholder farmers and agribusiness SMEs can pledge land or produce more affordably thus broadening access to agricultural finance. Importantly, this will boost formal business growth as cost savings make formalisation more attractive, encouraging informal traders to adopt structural legal agreements and participate in the formal economy.

Use of National Identification Numbers as Tax Identification Numbers (TIN) regardless of whether one is engaged in economic activity. This simplifies tax registration as SMEs and informal businesses can use alternative identification to obtain a TIN thus lowering the barriers to tax compliance. This will further encourage formalisation as more informal businesses may be incentivised to register and comply with tax regulations, granting them access to government programmes, financial services, and markets.

Revision of Penal Tax for non-compliance with the Electronic Fiscal Receipting and Invoicing System (EFRIS). This softer penal regime gives SMEs time to adapt to EFRIS requirements without facing harsh fines and shifts URA’s posture from punishment to guidance while encouraging compliance through support rather than fear.

This incentive improves cash flow through relief for resource-strapped SMEs as many struggles with digital adoption and record keeping. These softened penalties offer a learning curve without immediate financial consequences, thus reducing disruptions to their operations and liquidity.

Push for digital commerce: EFRIS helps create a transparent and real-time record of business transactions, benefitting SMEs through better bookkeeping, easier access to credit and improved inventory and sales management.

If 2025/2026 amendments are effectively communicated and complemented by capacity-building efforts (such as registration drives in collaboration with URA and local governments, legal aid services to draft formal agreements and mortgage documents, and digital skills workshops focused on tax compliance and EFRIS tools, Uganda’s SME sector could experience accelerated formalisation, higher tax morale, greater investment attractiveness and stronger integration into regional and global supply chains.

Dear Tingasiga:

Africa’s Abdullah Ibrahim, one of the finest musicians of our time, turns 91 on Thursday October 9, the very day that Uganda celebrates its birth as an independent country. I will spend the day reflecting on my beloved homeland and overdosing on Abdullah Ibrahim’s exceptionally beautiful musical offerings that have accompanied me throughout most of my adulthood.

I will allow my mind to imagine what the 32-year-old Dollar Brand, for that was Abdullah Ibrahim’s name at the time, felt on that day.

Newly arrived in Europe, an exile from Apartheid South Africa, the news of another African country gaining independence must have been sweeter than the music that he had so effortlessly written and performed to great public acclaim.

Surely the great speech that British Prime Minister Sir Harold MacMillan had delivered in the South African Parliament in Cape Town on February 3, 1960, must have come alive in Dollar Brand’s mind.

It was in that speech that MacMillan had told an incredulous European minority in South Africa: ‘The wind of change is blowing through this continent. Whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact.’

MacMillan added: ‘As a fellow member of the Commonwealth it is our earnest desire to give South Africa our support and encouragement, but I hope you won’t mind my saying frankly that there are some aspects of your policies which make it impossible for us to do this without being false to our own deep convictions about the political destinies of free men to which in our own territories we are trying to give effect.’

Notwithstanding the worsening of Apartheid, Dollar Brand probably believed that the wind, now coursing through East Africa, was targeting his homeland. Uganda’s independence brought our elders cheer and probably gave South Africans some hope.

Our country’s anthem must have been a delicious treat for his Dollar Brand’s musical ear. The words of the Uganda National Anthem may have energised him as it did our parents and others who understood such things.

We sang the great words that spoke of laying our future in Uganda’s hands and pledged to always stand united in our collective embrace of freedom.

We pledged to live in peace and friendship with all our neighbours, even as we left no doubt that we would always stand for our own dear land, the Pearl of Africa’s Crown. It has been 62 years of a bumpy ride up the mountains of hope and renewal, and down the valleys of darkness and despair.

Uganda has been envied and admired by neighbours and distant nations in the 1960s, despised and abandoned in the 1970s, declared dead before our miraculous revival in the 1980s, and praised as a beacon of hope during our celebrated recovery in the 1990s.

Things have since veered off course, and our political headlights cannot see through the fog that deters one from peering into the future.

However, like Abdullah Ibrahim, we hold on to hope for better days ahead. That is what sustained him through the darkness that had engulfed his homeland.

He had spent his years in exile fighting through music and song, through speech and representation, with a singular focus on Ekaya, home, and frequent mention of Ekapa, the name that his people called Cape Town, his city of birth.

Together with Sathima Bea Benjamin, his late wife who was also a gifted musician, Abdullah Ibrahim had employed his international fame to bring South Africa’s story to the world and had used music to mobilise and encourage his people back home towards their shared goal of freedom.

But not even he could have predicted what was about to happen when he visited Cape Town to record music in 1974.

He started improvising a tune on the piano, with no score and no prior rehearsal with the band. This band consisted of Abdullah Ibrahim (piano), Paul Michaels (bass), Monty Weber (drums), Basil Coetzee (tenor saxophone and flute), and Robbie Jansen (alto saxophone). The tape was rolling when Ibrahim started playing.

The bassist joined in, then the drummer, then the alto saxophonist, followed by the tenor saxophonist whose long solo brought the theme together and spoke a wordless protest declaring a resolute resistance to the injustice.

They were reading from an invisible score, informed by their outstanding musicianship, and their long experience of the dehumanising conditions in which they had been held on account of their skin colour. They produced one of the most beautiful songs in Abdullah Ibrahim’s vast canon, and laid claim to being among the leaders of the peaceful resistance.

The song without words was named ‘Mannenberg,’ after a suburban area of Cape Town into which the Apartheid regime had forced people of mixed racial heritage to relocate under the infamous Group Areas Act.

The improvised song became so popular that it became the anthem of the resistance against racial injustice. It was released on the album Mannenberg – Is Where It’s Happening in 1974.

In the years since Mannenberg, Abdullah Ibrahim’s has become one of the most important composers and performers of Jazz music in the world, blending African and American elements to create something that is uniquely his.

He has received high international honours. A British music critic referred to him as the ‘African Duke Ellington and Thelonious Monk.’ Nelson Mandela called him South Africa’s answer to Mozart.

And one need only listen to just a few of Ibrahim’s more than 70 albums to appreciate Mandela’s verdict. I call him ‘The Unique Abdullah Ibrahim,’ a genius and grand sage that communicates through music.

He started playing the piano at age seven. Eighty-four years later, he remains a master of the instrument, living mostly in Munich Germany, but a citizen of a free and democratic South Africa. I invite you to join me in celebrating this great and unique African.

I will listen to his music, with titles like Banyana, The Mountain, The Wedding,Water From an Ancient Well, Mandela, and, of course, Mannenberg getting replays throughout the day. I will let the emotions take me where they may.

The world knows Abdullah Ibrahim as a giant of the piano, a great composer, the man who brought South African music and African American jazz into a happy marriage.

I know him as poet of freedom, an unabashed protector of our culture and identity, an author of music so beautiful that it invariably triggers in me a great longing for a time and friendships that are irretrievably sealed off by a huge mist that my feeble brain and eyes cannot penetrate.

A very happy birthday Brother Abdullah Ibrahim. Thank you for the joy that you have brought us over the decades.

The government has blamed Uganda’s frequent power blackouts on an overload of the national grid, saying the infrastructure left behind by Umeme -the country’s former power distributor- is inadequate to meet current demand.

Addressing journalists at the Uganda Media Centre in Kampala on Tuesday, energy minister Ruth Naknabirwa Ssentamu, said Umeme stopped investing in infrastructure about three years ago when government informed the company that its concession would not be renewed after its expiry early this year year.

According to the minister, Uganda has witnessed increased demand for electricity due to high paced industrialization and more homes newly connected to the national grid.

‘Growth annually is estimated at 10 % because people are free to get connected. People are constructing, industries are also being connected. Small and medium enterprises are being encouraged by Uganda Electricity Company Limited (UEDCL), to get access to electricity and so we are seeing this 10 % annual growth in electricity demand, which is very good,’ she explained.

Nankabirwa also explained that the decision not to invest in upgrades were taken by government to manage the buyout costs, which would have been higher if new investments were put in.

‘Investment was controlled by the regulator during the time of Umeme because we wanted to end up with an affordable buyout amount,’ she said.

‘So, you constrain Umeme from investing into the system like rehabilitating the infrastructure. But UEDCL, which is waiting to take over, is also constrained from investing in a network where they have not received the license to operate.and so the conversation was really constraining us from doing something,’ she added.

On Tuesday, Nankabirwa hailed UEDCL for ‘making a bold move to upgrade the power distribution network and improving the associated infrastructure.’

She said that since taking responsibility from Umeme, UEDCL has upgraded several substations – including Kakiri, whose capacity doubled from 10 to 20 megawatts; Kaba, expanded from 2.5 to 5 megawatts; and Masaka Central, which increased from 5 to 7 megawatts.

‘I hope that the people of Masaka very soon enjoy more stable power, provided that the lines are not vandalized. As you stabilize power, the distribution network gets vandalized and you have to look for money to inject. So you move four steps ahead, one step backwards,’ she told journalists.

Meanwhile, Nankabirwa highlighted that UEDCL has since late April 2025 replaced 206 transformers that were faulty, connected 140,000 new customers, taking the total number of consumers to more than 2.4 million.

She however said the upgrades and expansions have come at a cost of inconveniences to the power consumers characterized by power blackouts.

‘I want to repeat that Ugandans will continue to experience consequential inconveniences until all the system been fully upgraded. We can’t run away from this. We need stable power. We need to work on that transformer which was mounted in 1994. Those substations which are very old are operating under overload,’ she maintained.

She added: ‘My call to them is to bear with us. These consequential inconveniences will continue but I want to assure you that they will not be forever. We are still in the transition period. A concession that took 20 years, you don’t expect you in this year to take three months to correct everything.’

Opposition Justice Forum (JEEMA) party has pushed back against National Unity Platform (NUP) leader Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, also known as Bobi Wine, after he urged voters in Bugiri Municipality to replace incumbent Member of Parliament and JEEMA president Asuman Basalirwa.

Speaking during a campaign visit to Bugiri last week, Kyagulanyi accused some opposition lawmakers of prioritizing personal gain over the People Power movement.

‘Some people we trusted have gone quiet or sided with the regime. It is time for you, the people, to choose leaders who will not sell you out,’ he said.

JEEMA responded on Tuesday through its spokesperson, Dr Swaib Kaggwa Nsereko, who described the remarks as ‘inconsistent and divisive,’ warning that they could weaken the broader opposition ahead of the 2026 elections.

‘We find it contradictory for Kyagulanyi to praise and endorse regime members like Rebecca Kadaga while calling for the replacement of a fellow opposition leader,’ Nsereko said.

He added that similar internal divisions in Koboko County in 2021 had allowed the ruling regime to dominate the region.

‘Undermining Basalirwa will not strengthen the opposition,’ he emphasized.

JEEMA said it would focus on scrutinizing candidate manifestos rather than engaging in personal attacks.

‘Ugandans know Basalirwa’s record of service and commitment to justice,’ Nsereko noted, urging opposition parties to ‘stay united and avoid external distractions,’ and warning that internal rifts only benefit the ruling regime.

JEEMA also thanked Bugiri voters for their continued support for Basalirwa, stressing the importance of focusing on the bigger goal of ‘liberating Uganda.’

Background

Bobi Wine previously backed Basalirwa in the 2018 Bugiri by-election, contributing to his victory following a rerun triggered by challenges to his 2016 general election win.

However, the NUP leader now argues that candidate Mangeni is better suited to address current challenges in the municipality.

JEEMA’s stance highlights ongoing tensions within Uganda’s opposition, as parties prepare for the next general elections, with unity increasingly framed as essential to challenging the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party.

The Electoral Commission (EC) has issued strict guidelines that must be met by individuals and organisations seeking accreditation to observe the 2026 General Election. Mr Julius Mucunguzi, the EC spokesperson, said several applications have already been received and that only those meeting the set criteria will be cleared to monitor the polls.

‘Successful applicants shall be required to abide by the laws of the Republic of Uganda, remain non-partisan, and comply with the election observer guidelines and Code of Conduct to be issued by the Electoral Commission,’ Mr Mucunguzi said last week.

‘Organisations and institutions must also provide the Commission with names of individuals to be accredited, meet all their operational expenses, and submit a comprehensive report at the end of the election exercise,’ he added. In addition, applicants must demonstrate prior experience in election observation. Mr Mucunguzi said the Commission is still reviewing and verifying applications, and that successful applicants will be notified and issued with formal guidelines.

‘The Commission is the one that requested applications. When the accreditation process is concluded, the successful applicants will be informed. Whoever goes through must follow the guidelines issued by the Commission. Only successful applicants will receive them,’ he said.

Clearance mode

Justice Simon Byabakama Mugenyi, the EC chairperson, noted that accredited organisations will receive written clearance, identification tags, and relevant information to facilitate their observation work. Both local and international observers will take part to enhance transparency in the electoral process.

‘For transparency purposes, the Electoral Commission will accredit international and national observers to monitor the various electoral activities. We are committed to ensuring transparent, free, and fair elections through a comprehensive accreditation process,’ Justice Byabakama said.

The Electoral Commission Act, Cap 176, Section 16 (1), provides for the accreditation of representatives from political parties, civil society organisations, and other registered entities or individuals to observe electoral activities. This legal provision aims to guarantee credible and transparent elections through independent observation.

In the 2021 General Election, the Commission accredited 2,184 stationary observers deployed at the sub-county level and 270 roving observers across all 146 districts. The number of observers for the 2026 elections is yet to be disclosed. Currently, the EC is implementing the Roadmap for the 2026 General Election, which includes presidential, parliamentary, and local government council elections.

Presidential campaigns began on September 29, with candidates traversing the country to solicit support. According to Mr Mucunguzi, campaigns have so far been peaceful.

‘No major incidents have been reported. We urge everyone involved in the campaigns to follow the law, respect guidelines issued by the Commission and Police, avoid hate speech, and refrain from violence. Peaceful conduct applies to everyone,’ he said.