Category: Daily Monitor

West Nile Sub-region remains at the crossroads of unresolved land conflicts, dilapidated infrastructure, and unmet government development promises, factors that are shaping voter expectations ahead of the 2026 elections.

The controversial Apaa land dispute, which pits the Madi community in Adjumani District against the Acholi in Amuru, continues to haunt the sub-region. Since the end of the Lord’s Resistance Army insurgency in 2006, the Apaa conflict has claimed several lives and displaced thousands, underscoring a long-standing failure to resolve land grievances.

Tensions escalated in 2017 when deadly clashes erupted at the Gorobi River. By 2023, renewed violence prompted the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) to evict illegal settlers, displacing more than 10,000 people.

Attempts to address the conflict, including a proposed judicial commission of inquiry and multiple presidential directives, have not produced lasting solutions.

President Museveni proposed three options in 2020: relocate the Apaa residents with compensation, allow them to remain but limit expansion, or provide alternative land for resettlement. None of these measures has been fully implemented.

Tensions resurfaced in April this year following two separate violent attacks allegedly by Acholi community members against the Madi people, leaving four dead, including a UPDF soldier.

As violence persists and trust in institutions erodes, the communities in both Acholi and Adjumani districts are seeking a presidential candidate who can end the crisis once and for all.

Similarly, the Jonam community in Pakwach District maintains a strained relationship with the Acholi over land in Got Apwoyo, Nwoya District. Clashes there have destroyed homes, killed several people, and displaced many.

Infrastructure challenges

The sub-region’s infrastructure woes remain a significant source of frustration. During the 2021 elections, President Museveni promised to extend electricity, tarmac key roads, implement the four-acre anti-poverty programme, and construct district hospitals. While some communities benefited, others felt left out or defrauded.

Roads in Nebbi, Zombo, and the surrounding districts remain in poor condition. Transportation becomes nearly impossible, particularly along the Nebbi-Goli-Paidha road. The Nebbi-Goli-Paidha-Warr-Vurra road, a pledge dating back to 1996, has yet to materialise. The 76-kilometre Nebbi-Arua road is also in disrepair, hampering trade.

During World Tourism Day celebrations, the Prime Minister, Ms Robinah Nabbanja, announced maintenance works on the Nebbi-Arua road would commence next month. Similarly, residents in Terego District expressed frustration over unfulfilled promises on the Manibe-Terego-Yumbe road, which has repeatedly appeared in election pledges.

Mr Christine Candiru, a resident of Odupi Trading Centre, said: ‘The Manibe-Terego-Yumbe road has come up as a recurring pledge during previous elections and has not been honoured. Two days ago, two traders died when their vehicles overturned.’

While the government highlights the 1996-2003 tarmacking of the Karuma-Olwiyo-Pakwach-Nebbi-Arua road, funded by a $64.5 million loan from the International Development Association, the road has since deteriorated.

Rehabilitation works by China Railway-18, valued at Shs104 billion, are ongoing on the Pakwach-Nebbi road, with sections nearing completion. Other critical roads awaiting upgrades include the Parombo-Panyimur-Erussi-Goli, Pakwach-Wadelai-Kulikulinga, and Arua-Odramacaku-Lia roads, vital for trade and regional connectivity.

Health sector gaps

Unfulfilled pledges in the health sector remain another concern. Promised constructions and upgrades, including Pakwach Hospital, Koboko Hospital, and the elevation of Paidha Health Centre IV in Zombo, have not materialised.

New districts such as Terego, Madi-Okollo, and Obongi continue to demand district hospitals or upgrades to existing Health Centre IVs. Mr Hassan Ambe, from Itula Sub-county in Obongi District, said: ‘Once we have a district hospital, residents will be able to receive specialised treatment. For now, patients are either referred to Moyo or Yumbe, or in extreme cases, to Arua Regional Referral Hospital, which is very costly for the rural poor.’

The Nebbi District chairperson, Mr Emmanuel Urombi (NRM), acknowledged some progress but stressed ongoing needs. ‘We have achieved in some areas, such as service delivery across the region. But we need Nebbi Hospital upgraded to a referral hospital to benefit the communities,’ he said.

Ahead of 2026, the NRM plans to highlight ongoing infrastructure projects, such as tarmacking of Atyak-Laropi and Koboko-Yumbe-Moyo roads, rehabilitation of Pakwach-Nebbi, electricity expansions, and wider access to the national grid.

Ferry and electricity promises

Residents of Madi-Okollo District continue to wait for the Rhino Camp Ferry, a 15-year-old government promise connecting to Amuru. Local communities rely on boats or canoes, risking lives due to strong currents and hippos. One resident lamented: ‘We are forced to use boats or canoes because we don’t have a safe means to cross the Nile.

The government’s promise of a ferry has given us false hope.’ Electricity access also remains limited. Of Nebbi’s 13 sub-counties, only four urban centres are connected to power. Rural areas across Obongi and other districts remain largely isolated despite extensions to the national grid.

Industrial parks, railways

The development of industrial parks in Omvor (Nebbi), Yumbe, Koboko, and Adjumani is seen as crucial for regional economic growth. Leaders argue that manufacturing in these parks would create jobs, generate revenue, and improve livelihoods.

Meanwhile, the Pakwach railway line, intended to connect to Gulu, remains idle, while the Arua airfield, once earmarked for an international upgrade in 2009, has stalled due to funding gaps and land compensation issues.

The Civil Aviation Authority recorded 170 aircraft movements and 12,000 passengers monthly at the airfield, emphasising its importance.

The former Ayivu County Member of Parliament, Mr Bernard Atiku, who is seeking the Ayivu West parliamentary seat as an independent candidate after losing in the NRM primaries to incumbent John Lematia, said: ‘This airport will offer economic opportunities for West Nile, connecting to South Sudan, Central Africa, DRC, and Europe. The government should fund this project that has been delayed for years.’

At a glance

Population (2024 UBOS Census): 3,292,856

Eligible voters: 1,498,587

Districts: Arua, Arua City, Koboko, Madi Okollo, Maracha, Moyo, Nebbi, Obongi, Pakwach, Terego, Yumbe, Zombo, Adjumani

Major districts: Arua City (384,656), Yumbe (945,100), Nebbi (299,398), Koboko (271,781)

Key issues for voters: Infrastructure, health, electricity, land disputes, and governance.

Compiled by Alex Ashaba, Al-Mahad Ssenkabirwa, Byomugabi Segujja, Rajab Mukombozi, Robert Muhereza, Felix Ainebyoona, Abubaker Kirunda, Denis Edema, Fred Wambede, Bill Oketch, Charity Akullo, Patrick Ebong, Simon Peter Emwamu, Felix Warom Okello, Clement Aluma, Robert Elema, Patrick Okaba, James Owich and Tobbias Jolly Owiny,Dan Wandera,David Ssekayinga and Marko Taibot

The Acholi Paramount Chief, Rwot David Onen Acana II, has raised concerns that escalating land conflicts in the formerly war-affected sub-region are undermining efforts to restore its degraded forest cover.

Earlier this month, the Acholi Cultural Institution partnered with the Uganda National Oil Company (Unoc) to plant 40 million trees across the region, aiming to replace those lost to commercial timber and charcoal activities.

However, Rwot Acana warns that the initiative is at risk due to ongoing land disputes. He attributed the tensions to post-war trauma, land fragmentation, and unresolved ownership issues following the decades-long Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) insurgency.

‘All 57 chiefdoms will receive free tree seedlings to help replenish our forests,’ he said.

Rwot Acana added: ‘But for years, people have cut down trees for timber and charcoal without replanting. Now the land is bare, and restoring it won’t be easy.’ He emphasised that land disputes, particularly those stemming from communal ownership, remain a major barrier. ‘Only about four percent of men are willing to share land with their wives,’ he noted.

‘This poses a challenge for women who want to plant trees but lack control over land use.’

He also cited reluctance from clan leaders to allow communal land to be used for agroforestry, especially by women and youth.

‘The communal land tenure system makes it difficult for younger generations to engage in tree planting, often leading to more conflict,’ he said.

Mr Michael Tebere, director of Kijani Agroforestry, said the mindset of clan elders can be shifted through sensitisation. ‘Trees provide food and income. Within five years, fruit trees can begin generating income for families and help fight poverty,’ said Mr Tebere.

‘Once elders see these benefits, they may be more willing to support agroforestry.’

According to local authorities, over 100,000 hectares of forest have been cleared in the Acholi sub-region over the past six years for timber and charcoal production.

In May, President Museveni imposed a nationwide ban on commercial charcoal production in the north, east, and West Nile regions, his second executive order in two years aimed at protecting natural forests from destruction.

The Uganda Cancer Institute (UCI) is on the verge of introducing Bone Marrow Transplant (BMT) services, a life-changing medical intervention that promises to transform treatment for patients with certain cancers and blood disorders.

With this new service, UCI aims to bring advanced therapy closer to Ugandans, who for many years have had to travel abroad at great expense to access this vital treatment.

What is bone marrow transplant?

Bone Marrow Transplant, also known as Hematopoietic Stem Cell Transplant (HSCT), is a procedure in which healthy blood-forming stem cells are infused into a patient to replace diseased or damaged bone marrow.

The goal is to restore normal production of blood cells and rebuild a healthy immune system. This therapy is used for both cancerous and non-cancerous conditions, including leukaemia, lymphoma, aplastic anaemia, sickle cell anaemia, and other inherited blood disorders.

UCI has already begun preparing for BMT services, including installing infrastructure for a dedicated transplant unit. This unit will feature specially equipped rooms with isolation capabilities, high-efficiency air filters, controlled airflow, self-closing doors, and environmental controls to reduce the risk of infection.

The institute is also investing in the training of specialists in haematology, transplant medicine, nursing, and cellular therapy to ensure the programme is run safely and effectively.

Additionally, apheresis technology, used to collect certain blood components or stem cells, has already been introduced as part of the preparatory and donor process. Government support has been critical, providing resources for equipment, training, and facility preparation.

Benefits

Bone marrow transplant offers hope for potential cures and significant improvements in disease outcomes. For cancers such as leukaemia, high-dose chemotherapy or radiotherapy may eliminate many cancer cells, but residual disease often remains.

A transplant helps to ‘rescue’ the patient by replacing damaged bone marrow with healthy stem cells, offering the chance for long-term remission or even a cure. For genetic or blood disorders such as sickle cell anaemia, aplastic anaemia, or inherited immune deficiencies, a transplant replaces defective or failing marrow, potentially halting the disease process.

In some cases, it is the only curative option. BMT also reduces dependence on lifelong therapies such as transfusions, medications, and frequent hospital visits.

A successful transplant can minimise or eliminate the need for chronic treatments, improving quality of life while reducing long-term costs.

By providing this service locally, UCI and the government anticipate that many patients who would otherwise spend tens of thousands of US dollars for treatment abroad will save significant money and avoid the challenges of travel and accommodation.

What this means for Ugandans

For Ugandans, this development means local access to potentially life-saving care.

Patients with leukaemia, sickle cell disease, and other marrow-related illnesses will no longer have to leave the country to receive treatment. Earlier intervention, closer monitoring, and convenient follow-up care are expected to improve survival rates and enhance quality of life.

Conclusion

The introduction of bone marrow transplant services at UCI represents a major milestone in cancer care and blood disorder management in Uganda. For many patients, this therapy offers more than treatment; it offers hope for a cure. With strong government support, capacity building, and careful implementation, Ugandans may soon be able to access world-class, potentially curative transplant services within their own country.

Patients and families seeking more information are encouraged to contact the UCI’s haematology department and follow updates as UCI finalises the launch of the transplant programme.

Ugandan football now finds itself caught in a storm with no shelter in sight – a battle of power, pride, and principle playing out on a pitch that’s growing colder by the day.

In a game where both sides refuse to blink first, it’s the soul of the sport that’s taking the beating.

The curtain was supposed to rise on a new chapter of the Uganda Premier League (UPL) on Saturday at Namboole, but instead, all that unfolded was an unsettling silence and a painful reminder of how far the game has strayed.

Vipers, led by the defiant Lawrence Mulindwa, stayed true to their word and never showed up for their match against Kitara – a bold protest against the controversial new league format imposed by Fufa.

And when KCCA edged SC Villa 2-1 in the second fixture, it was a victory drowned in apathy, played before empty stands and an echo of fan disapproval reverberating across social media.

The much-hyped ‘double header’ turned into a disaster. Kitara’s players were left awkwardly warming up in what looked more like a training drill than a league match. Vipers, firm in their earlier objection, never appeared – exposing the depths of division that now threaten to tear Ugandan football apart.

The new league format, spearheaded by Fufa President Moses Magogo, splits the season into three phases, with points reset after the first round and double headers introduced throughout.

It’s a system widely criticized by stakeholders and fans alike – described by Mulindwa as a ‘gamble with football’ that disregards logic, fairness, and financial investment.

Mulindwa vows

‘This format is not only confusing but a total mockery,’ Mulindwa fumed in a recent interview.

Mulindwa’s rhetoric has been blunt and unambiguous. ‘I want to assure Ugandans that I can’t be intimidated, bribed, corrupted. If you want to dismiss Vipers out of Ugandan football, I have no problem. Me, I don’t feed on football, it is football that feeds on me. But Fufa feeds on football, you remove football and they will not exist.’

He added a stern warning: ‘If they are not willing to listen, I am not ready to bow down. This is the beginning of the struggle, if they don’t consider their position, we shall fight. Don’t expect to change my mind because where they are taking is gambling, manipulation of football, match fixing.’

While Fufa has promised increased investment, including Shs3.4b injected into the league, Mulindwa remains unconvinced.

‘Even with those billions, some clubs are still walking away with less than ten million. And we, the league and cup champions, haven’t even received our prize money from last season,’ he revealed.

Empty win

KCCA’s win over Villa – once a fixture that brought the country to a standstill – now felt like a formality.

Ivan Ahimbisibwe opened the scoring with a composed finish in the 31st minute, Villa responded through a Najib Yiga penalty, but substitute Umar Lutalo curled home a late free kick to seal the 2-1 win.

Still, the lifeless atmosphere and the glaring absence of fans said it all – the league has lost its spark.

To make matters worse, StarTimes, the league’s broadcast partner, has yet to televise any matchdays under the new format – reportedly due to a breach of contract. For a format that promised greater visibility, Ugandan football is now being played in the shadows.

With SC Villa reluctantly playing under protest, and KCCA far from their fluent best, the quality of football has also suffered. The opening two matchdays have done little to inspire confidence in the so-called ‘reforms’.

Until both parties climb down from their high horses and meet at the negotiation table – perhaps during this two-week international break – Ugandan football remains stuck in a stalemate.

And unless the government or an independent mediator steps in, the league risks sliding into irrelevance, leaving behind nothing but broken dreams and unplayed matches.

This rupture risks a long-term erosion of confidence. Sponsors watch nervously as fixtures dissolve into controversy. For now, the only certainty is uncertainty.

StarTimes Uganda Premier League

Results

Kitara vs. Vipers (boycotted)

KCCA 2-1 SC Villa

It was supposed to be a day of fire and big rivalries, the kind that makes the StarTimes Uganda Premier League tick. Last season, KCCA and Villa had set the place ablaze as part of Namboole reopening test match double-header.

This one promised more of the same, with Kitara ready to reignite their new mini-revivalry with holders Vipers.

But the spectacle never happened. Kitara arrived on time for their home-away-from-home fixture, only to be greeted by silence, empty stands and left shivering in the dressing rooms devoid of opponents.

Vipers had kept their word not to honour any match until their grievances were addressed. On the official sheet, one half listed Kitara’s 11+13 players while the other floated a heavy, unspoken statement with emptiness.

Referee Shamirah Nabadda, already carving a name for herself at home and abroad, stepped onto the pitch into an unfamiliar ritual where she led out one team instead of two.

Kitara warmed up for their return match into the changing room. Murshid Jjuuko, awaiting his debut, must have wondered if it was some cruel joke. But it was all too real.

Clash of letters

Vipers had repeatedly raised concerns through letters and during several meetings. They argued that the new format was ill-timed, undermined competitive integrity and jeopardized the club’s planning.

Their letters accused Fufa of disrespect and ridicule, stating: ‘We shall not be participating in the announced new format double-header match against Kitara . until a formal response and resolution . are addressed by Fufa.’

Fufa’s response stressed that all consultations had been conducted, circulars had been issued and Vipers had signed Form 901, committing to the league.

The federation insisted that Vipers were obligated to honour the match against Kitara, noting 12 matches had already been played under the same rules.

Rulebook

The absence puts Vipers and Fufa at a crossroads. From here, the federation can either choose dialogue and compromise or just as easily let the rulebook take over, treating the no-show as a clear breach of regulations. Should Fufa decide to enforce the rules strictly, the consequences for Vipers are immediate and severe.

Fufa’s Competition Rules and Ethics Code leave little doubt about what happens when a club refuses to play. Rule 23 of the Fufa Competitions Rules that regulates on fixture management clearly outlines clubs’ obligations and the penalties for defiance.

Rule 23(3) states: ‘In the event that a team or both teams in a scheduled fixture turn(s) up for the match but either one of the teams or both teams refuse(s) to play, shall be sanctioned in accordance with the Ethics and Disciplinary Code.’

In other words, a refusal is automatically a disciplinary matter, leaving Fufa free to move beyond discussion to formal sanction.

Rule 23(4) adds that a club that fails to appear or refuses to play must submit a written explanation within 48 hours to the Tournament Organising Committee in this case UPL secretariat. This is the club’s only immediate chance to justify its absence or protest.

Rule 23(5) is clear and uncompromising: ‘A club that fails to submit a written explanation . or submits a written explanation but the explanation is rejected by the TOC or the FJC, such club shall be sanctioned in accordance with the Ethics and Disciplinary Code.’

Once the explanation is rejected or not submitted, the club faces sanctions under Fufa’s Ethics and Disciplinary Code.

These sanctions are not symbolic. Vipers’ refusal to play as an away team results in a forfeited match, accompanied by a three-point and three-goal deduction from their league tally. For a home team, the penalty is even harsher: six points and six goals deducted. This was last invoked in September 2019 when Proline refused to play Villa.

The rules also guard against persistent defiance. Any club that fails to honour three fixtures in a single season with explanations rejected on all occasions, can be excluded from the league entirely. Beyond exclusion, the Fufa Judicial Committee may impose fines, demotion or personal sanctions on club officials.

Uganda’s Electoral Commission (EC) has defended its decision to uphold local tribunals’ recommendations to block three women seeking to unseat Bukedea Woman MP, Annet Anita Among, who also acts as the Speaker of the country’s 11th Parliament.

In an affidavit filed before the High Court in Kampala, the commission headed by Justice Simon Byabakama, through its Acting Secretary, Mr Richard Kamugisha Baabo, said it had reviewed complaints against Ms Norma Susan Otai of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), Marion Alupo Mercy of National Unity Platform (NUP), and Hellen Akol Odeke (Independent) and verified that parish tribunals acted within the law when recommending their deletion from the EC’s register following a petition by one of the residents who claimed they were not registered voters of the area they sought to represent in the 12th Parliament.

The case was filed by one of Bukedea District residents, Zipporah Akol, who sought to block the nomination of the three women challenging Ms Among of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) headed by President Museveni, 81, who has been in power for four decades and seeking re-election in the 2026 polls.

Justice Simon Peter Kinobe, who was assigned to hear the case set October 27, 2025, when he will deliver his ruling.

Uganda’s electoral body said it rolled out its 2025/26 General Election roadmap earlier this year, including guidelines on updating and verifying the National Voters Register.

‘The Commission rolled out its election roadmap to the country detailing all segments of the 2025/26 general elections processes through electronic and print media,’ Mr Baabo stated.

Mr Baabo further stated that between January 20 and February 17, 2025, the Commission conducted a nationwide update exercise to allow voters to register, verify, or transfer their voting particulars.

‘During this period, any person who wished to vote in a parish other than where they were previously registered could apply to transfer their registration,’ the affidavit reads.

The updated register was later displayed for public scrutiny, with a 21-day window for objections from stakeholders.

‘A period of 21 days was appointed in which copies of the voters roll for each parish were displayed to afford an opportunity to raise objections on the registration status of any voter,’ the affidavit notes.

Following the display exercise, parish tribunals in Bukedea recommended deleting Otai, Alupo, and Odeke on grounds of origin and residence.

‘The Commission, upon receiving returns from the Returning Officer of Bukedea, established that the parish tribunal recommended the deletion of the three respondents on account of origin and residence,’ Mr Baabo said.

Tribunal forms show the objections were filed during the May 2025 display period and confirmed by parish council chairpersons.

‘The EC invited the three aspirants to a review meeting on October 2, 2025. The Commission invited the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd respondents to a meeting at its boardroom to attend review proceedings arising out of the decisions of the parish tribunals recommending their deletion,’ Mr Baabo stated.

Adding..’The Commission heard all the parties during the review proceedings, and each was given an opportunity to challenge the recommendations of the parish tribunals. Hellen Odeke formally withdrew from the review, saying she did not wish to challenge the tribunal’s decision’ the affidavit continues.

Mr Baabo states that after review, the EC concluded no contrary evidence had been presented and noted that the respondents were given 10 days of natural justice under the law to challenge the recommendations to the tribunal and therefore the right to a fair hearing was available but not utilized.

‘Upon review, the Commission established that no evidence was lodged with the tribunals to challenge their decisions recommending deletion of the respondents. The Commission, therefore, upheld the decisions of the parish tribunals based on the evidence adduced by the parties,’ he added.

Copies of the aspirants’ registration details attached to the affidavit confirm that their names have been removed from the rolls.

Akol’s petition argues that the Commission failed to implement the tribunal decisions and that the three aspirants were still allowed to campaign.

The EC maintains it acted within its constitutional and statutory mandate. ‘The Commission exercised its powers under Section 20 and 26 of the Electoral Commission Act to manage the voters register and address all complaints raised during the display exercise,’ Baabo affirmed.

Justice Kinobe has directed all parties to complete submissions ahead of the October 27 ruling, which will determine whether the three women can proceed to nomination for the Bukedea District Woman MP seat.

While the laws are clear when it comes to Child Sexual Abuse (CSA), we can and should do better as a society to prevent this scourge. We have the knowledge and tools, and together we create a safer world for children.

The Uganda Children (Amendment) Act 2016 prohibits sexual exploitation: a person shall not engage a child in any work that exposes the child to activities of a sexual nature, whether paid or not. Sexual violence against children entails any sexual act with a child.

The World Health Organisation defines CSA as ‘the involvement of a child in sexual activity that he or she does not fully comprehend, is unable to give informed consent to, or for which the child is not developmentally prepared and cannot give consent, or that violates the laws or social taboos of society.’

Child sexual violence includes touching and non-touching behaviours, sexual harassment, sexual jokes and comments, exposure to pornography and defilement. It happens due to abuse of power by the perpetrators who are always in a position of power as adults are older than the victim.

Other contributing factors include economic poverty and family breakdown, access to the Internet etc. It is exacerbated by negative cultural social norms that expose children, especially girls, to abuse by normalising some forms of sexual abuse.

Our society, for example, defines how girls and women should conduct themselves, for instance how to dress, speak, where to go, and when, otherwise they would be inviting abuse.

These negative social norms lead to secondary victimisation for survivors of child sexual violence. Secondary victimisation comes in the form of disbelief, blame, and rejection from adults; children are labelled liars or manipulative by the very adults whose role is critical in their protection. How prevalent is this?

The Uganda annual police crime report revealed that in 2024 alone, 12,317 children under the age of 18 were defiled and of these, 12,009 were girls while 308 were boys. Moreover, 1,447 of these were between the age of zero and eight years and 2,515 were between nine and 14 years. In Uganda, defilement refers to act of sexual intercourse with a person below the age of 18, whether they consent or not.

The consequences of child sexual abuse are both short-term and long-term and range from social, emotional, cognitive, educational problems, low self-esteem, and self-harm, and may lead to suicide.

Many victims are too young or too vulnerable to disclose their experiences or to protect themselves. But who should take responsibility for child sexual abuse?

Adults have a responsibility to protect children from sexual abuse and hold perpetrators of child abuse accountable.

Empowerment strategies for children like age-appropriate information helps them to know what constitutes sexual violence, be able to testify in court, to name the act, to identify abuse, but this awareness has little impact on the prevention of CSA since they are often abused by adults.

The burden of protection should not be left to children. There is a need to provide teachers and adults with sufficient training to be able to prevent, report and manage sexual abuse in their schools and communities because sexual violence, like other forms of violence against children, thrives in an enabling culture. Our societal norms need to align with and be protective of children. This process must start early by working with parents, caregivers, and Early Childhood Development (ECD) practitioners to provide gender-responsive pedagogies and information from a young age.

Children should be taught about gender equality and the harms of gender-based discrimination early on. This helps them to be gender-sensitive and respectful from the beginning. We also need to ensure the materials we use are translated into local languages to cater for the entire community as well as cater for children with disability since vulnerability to child sexual abuse is compounded by physical disability. We all have a role to protect children from sexual abuse and hold perpetrators accountable for their actions.

From the coffee hills of Bugisu to the dairy plains of Mbarara, the farmlands are booming, driving exports, creating jobs, and feeding millions.

Yet, amid this growth, one question lingers: why does Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) collect almost nothing from a sector powering nearly a quarter of the economy?

The URA Guide to Taxation of the Agricultural Sector (2022/2023) indicates that agriculture contributes 23.8 percent of Uganda’s GDP but less than 1 percent of total tax revenue.

It’s a paradox that raises a bigger question: has URA failed to tax agriculture, or has the system failed URA?

Stuck in the past

Part of the problem dates back to 1997, when the Income Tax Act exempted ‘income derived from farming, animal husbandry, and fish farming’.

The goal was noble – to protect smallholders who dominated the post-war rural economy.

But the landscape has changed. Today, agriculture includes large-scale exporters, investors, and processors with turnovers in the billions, all operating under the same exemptions designed for peasant farmers. That gap has allowed the rich to benefit from a policy meant for the poor.

Yet the guide that had been built to help structure proper mechanisms to tax agriculture and associated industries is gathering dust.

URA estimates that government loses between Shs500b and Shs1 trillion each year due to agricultural exemptions and informal operations.

Agriculture may employ up to 70 percent of Ugandans, but tax collections remain dismal.

Out of millions of participants, only 38,528 agricultural taxpayers are registered, a mere 4 percent of URA’s total taxpayer base.

Of these, 96 percent are in crop and animal production, and only 2 percent each are in forestry and fisheries.

In many districts, entire agricultural value chains, from produce buyers to exporters, operate outside URA’s records, yet the law requires every business operator to have a Tax Identification Number.

The situation is worsened by creative accounting, with several agribusinesses classifying their transport, processing, or export activities as ‘farming’ to claim tax exemptions.

URA calls this the ‘loophole economy’, where tax-free farming becomes a disguise for tax avoidance.

The result is a distorted system where major exporters of coffee, tea, and fish, the top foreign exchange earners, pay far less tax than smaller industries like manufacturing or retail.

Little or almost no oversight

The tax regime has been generous to agriculture. Inputs like tractors, fertilizers, seeds, irrigation systems, refrigerated trucks, and dairy equipment are all VAT and duty-exempt.

These incentives sought to modernize farming, but have also opened loopholes for abuse. Some companies import machinery tax-free for ‘farming,’ only to lease it out commercially.

But the issue becomes more delicate because of politics. With most Ugandans reliant on farming, any proposal to tax agriculture is branded anti-poor.

In the Guide to Taxation of the Agricultural Sector, URA concedes that reforms have faced ‘strong resistance and misunderstanding’. But has managed to push through some changes even as some remain unimplemented.

In the Guide URA notes, it is expanding registration under the Taxpayer Registration Expansion Programme and linking commercial farmers to digital tracking systems such as Electronic Fiscal Receipting and Invoicing (EFRIS).

URA also proposes withholding taxes at export points, starting with coffee, tea, and fish, to capture large-scale players without burdening subsistence farmers, which it says would be ‘a balance between fairness and feasibility.’

At the weekend, Moses Kaggwa, the Ministry of Finance acting director of economic affairs, said government and the entire value chain were reviewing tax policies to find a workable approach for taxing agriculture.

‘The review aims to provide a clear understanding of the modalities and basis for taxing the sector,’ he said.

The government invests close to or more than Shs2 trillion in agriculture annually, but the returns, as noted by Secretary to the Treasury Ramathan Ggoobi, are negligible in terms of taxes.

he Airtel Masaza Cup has reached its penultimate stage with Kyaggwe, Buweekula, Bugerere and Ssingo booking their semifinal places after a dramatic weekend.

While Ssingo, champions in 2015 and 2018, are the only surviving side with pedigree, the other three are chasing a maiden crown since the competition’s revival in 2004.

At Migyeera, Buluuli threatened to overturn the tie when Isaac Ruguruka Musugu struck in the first half to level the contest 2-2 on aggregate. But Bugerere, who have never gone beyond the semifinals before, responded through Patrick Odie to draw 1-1 and progress 3-2 on aggregate. Buganda Kingdom Sports Minister Robert Sserwanga, watching from the stands, praised their resilience.

On the islands, Ssese gave themselves hope after Sabil Muhammad scored before the break to cut Kyaggwe’s advantage. But moments into the second half, Allan Mugalu equalised, sealing a 1-1 draw and a 3-1 aggregate win.

Mugalu, who has now scored in both legs, was named Man of the Match and declared Kyaggwe’s intent.

‘This is a big moment for us. We fell short last year but we’re still on track for the trophy this time,’ he said.

Despite reaching the latter stages on several occasions, Kyaggwe are still chasing a first-ever Masaza Cup triumph.

Ssingo show experience

At Mityana, Ssingo’s championship DNA came to the fore as Shaban Kayongo’s strike downed Mawokota 1-0. After a goalless first leg, Ssingo – winners in 2015 and 2018 – secured their first semifinal slot since 2023 and reminded rivals they remain contenders.

Buweekula, last year’s third-place side, advanced after edging Busujju 2-1 on aggregate thanks to goals from Alex Talemwa and Lauben Lubwama. They now face Kyaggwe in a repeat of last year’s semifinal, which Kyaggwe edged 2-1. But coach Felix Ssekabuuza insisted his team are looking forward, not backward.

‘For us it’s not about revenge. We just want to play better, correct our mistakes and give our fans something to be proud of,’ Ssekabuuza said.

The semifinal ties will be played this weekend with the second leg the following weekend.

The aggregate winner will advance to the finals at the refurbished Ham Stadium Nakivubo on November 1, 2025, where three hopefuls will be aiming for a historic first crown – unless Ssingo reclaims their throne.

Airtel Masaza Cup

Quarter finals – results

Ssese 1-1 Kyaggwe (Agg: 1-3)

Buweekula 1-1 Busijju (Agg: 2-1)

Buluuli 1-1 Bugerere (Agg: 2-3)

Ssingo 1-0 Mawokota (Agg: 1-0)

Semifinals – Oct. 11, 2025

Kyaggwe vs Buweekula

Ssingo vs Bugerere

Masaza Cup best-ever finishes

Ssingo – Champions (2015, 2018)

Kyaggwe – Finalists (2024)

Bugerere – Finalists (2006)

Buweekula – Third place (2024); finalists (2012, 2022)

The principle that bail is a constitutional right, not a privilege, must be more than rhetorical. It must be lived in every courtroom.

Last week’s decision by the Kawempe Magistrate’s Court to deny bail to 10 members of the major Opposition party, the National Unity Platform (NUP), accused of ‘unlawful drilling,’ tests that principle under the weight of political tension and public scrutiny, leaving a lot of questions than answers.

Chief Magistrate Damalie Agumansiimwe, ruling via Zoom, acknowledged that while bail is constitutionally guaranteed, it is not automatic. She held that the applicants had failed to satisfy key legal thresholds.

The court also accepted prosecutorial concerns such as the flight risk of some of the applicants, witness tampering, and questionable sureties, issues the State argued with urgency and detail.

From the defence side, lawyers insisted that none of the accused faced a life sentence or capital charge, stressing the importance of the presumption of innocence and the right to liberty until proven guilty. They argued that the accused offered fixed residences and solid sureties, and they dismissed the fears of interference as speculative.

Yet the court, prioritising the severity of the allegations and the possible risks, found the defence not persuasive. But this case cannot be divorced from its political context.

Among the accused are prominent NUP figures, including the party’s deputy spokesperson, Alex Waiswa Mufumbiro, and others tied closely to the leadership of Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine.

The impression, whether fact or perception, is that the machinery of justice has too often intersected with the machinery of political control.

When State allegations accuse Opposition actors of organising ‘military-style training’ activities without authorisation, the question is: Do the charges rest on legal merit or political calculus? The big question is whether the ruling of the court is legally defensible or is politically influenced.

The denial of bail extends the pre-trial detention of these individuals, already held since February, into indefinite limbo. In doing so, it places heavy constraints on their ability to mount a defence, maintain personal life, or engage freely in public discourse.

Even if the court remains within its legal discretion, the optics are perilous. The law must not be used to silence or intimidate the political opposition. At stake is more than this particular case. It is the integrity of judicial independence and public confidence in justice on trial.

In politically charged trials, the Judiciary carries a solemn duty to act transparently and impartially to hold the State to its burden, and resist becoming subordinate to political imperatives.

Let the courts demonstrate, not just in rhetoric but in practice, that bail is not a barrier but a bridge, one that enables innocent individuals to remain free until their guilt is proven beyond reasonable doubt. Until then, every denial must be firmly grounded in evidence, not inference, especially when democracy itself is the subject.