Category: Daily Monitor

Today, October 3rd, Germany is celebrating its National Day. 35 years ago – after 41 years of separation – East and West Germany were reunited. East Germany was a communist dictatorship with a state-run economy and part of the Soviet-led Warsaw Defence Pact. West Germany was a liberal democracy with a free market economy and part of the Western Defence Alliance, Nato. It seemed completely unimaginable that they would ever be one country again. In 1987, US President Reagan visited Berlin and appealed to the Soviets: ‘Mr Gorbachev, TEAR DOWN THIS WALL!’ Germans in East and West very much welcomed his strong words – but nobody believed that this would actually happen.

It was not Mr Gorbatchev, the new Soviet leader since 1985, who tore down the wall, but it was his new policy of restructuring and opening (known as Perestroika and Glasnost) that encouraged and allowed the people of East Germany to demonstrate peacefully in 1989, claiming their right to determine their future by chanting ‘We are the people!’ This finally led to the heavily guarded Berlin Wall being opened in November 1989, and the two countries became one again, without a single shot being fired. Nobody would have thought this was possible even a few months before it happened. To me, this is still a true miracle for which I am immensely grateful.

What led up to these events? After Nazi-Germany had lost World War II, the Allied Powers divided it into four sectors. The US, the British, and the French became West Germany, and the Soviet Russian sector became East Germany in 1949. People in the East were not happy with the political and economic conditions they lived in. On June 17, 1953, about one million citizens took to the streets all over East Germany, but the demonstrations were brutally crushed by Soviet tanks. When the economic and political situation did not improve and more and more people left the East to go to the West, the East German leadership reacted on August 13, 1961 by putting up a wall with barbed and electrical wire, and thousands of mines. In the following 28 years, several hundred East Germans were killed by their own border patrols while trying to flee to the West.

Looking back, it seems to me that it was the ignorance of the Communist party claiming to know what is best for the people that led to its downfall. It was considered criticism of government policy as a hostile act that threatened the stability of the system. Therefore, the opposition went underground. It is actually this lack of dialogue, this disconnect between a government and its citizens, that was the threat to stability. Who knows, maybe East Germany would still exist if the party leadership had been willing to listen to critical citizens and enable real participation from civil society.

This year, we are happily looking back on 61 years of development cooperation between Germany and Uganda. For two generations now, Germany has been supporting the Ugandan people in many different ways. It is Uganda’s ambitious strategies and objectives that guide our cooperation. Without the ownership of the Ugandan Government and the Ugandan people, our cooperation would not only be a bad partnership, but it also simply wouldn’t work. We can support and contribute to Uganda’s programmes, but they will only be successful with the mobilisation of its own funds for development, reform-oriented policies, and political decision-making.

In societies like Uganda’s, with its huge share of young people, the opportunity to participate freely and with equal opportunity in the political and economic realm is a fundamental element of future stability and prosperity. That is why we provide solid and transparent cooperation on good governance, civil society, and human rights, because they are the basis for social stability and development. Just to avoid a common misunderstanding: Good governance is not about telling somebody else how to run their show! Germany wants to help more Ugandans to access services, e.g. in the education, water and sanitation, energy, and health sectors. For this reason, we are here to support Ugandan efforts to help ensure that resources are correctly used, corruption is reduced and citizens are involved in decision making. To this end, we support both government institutions like the Office of the Auditor General and national and local civil society organisations.

A lot has been achieved, and a lot remains to be done. Germany is looking forward to many more years of trustful and efficient cooperation.

During the NRM nomination rally for President Museveni at Kololo, the remarks made by some top leaders about the ongoing teachers’ strike were not only unfortunate but deeply regrettable. For leaders of their stature to trivialise such a serious national crisis by comparing government teachers’ salaries to those in private schools is an insult to our hardworking teachers.

They mock teachers, suggesting that because private schools pay less, government should not pay teachers adequately. That is not leadership. If indeed private schools were the benchmark for government policy, then are these same leaders suggesting that private schools also pay science teachers five times more than arts teachers? Do private schools perpetuate the same absurd salary disparities? And if government schools are as well facilitated as our leaders claim, why don’t the children of our leaders attend UPE or USE schools? This is hypocrisy of the highest order-leaders prescribing for ordinary Ugandans what they themselves cannot consume. It is like giving food to a neighbour that you cannot eat yourself because you suspect it is poisoned!

Let us not forget that striking is a right protected under labour laws such as the Employment Act. Teachers have always given the government ample time and due notice before laying down their tools. They have knocked on every door of dialogue, but instead of being listened to, they are being mocked and ridiculed. What more do we want teachers to do-bleed on the streets before their voices are heard? Worse still, by making such careless remarks during the unveiling of our NRM flagbearer, these leaders were effectively shooting the party in the foot. They sent a dangerous message to teachers and Ugandans at large-that the NRM is insensitive to their suffering.

The real problem in this country is not President Museveni. The problem is the coterie of leaders who surround him, shielding him from the truth. The Bible tells us, ‘You shall know the truth, and the truth shall set you free.’ It is only by telling the President the truth that we can build a fairer, stronger Uganda. If we claim that arts subjects are irrelevant, why do we still teach them in our curriculum? The sciences cannot stand without the language of instruction, English. A biology or physics teacher still relies on the English teacher. Primary school teachers-who lay the foundation for all subjects-are paid the same regardless of whether they teach sciences or humanities, yet in secondary schools you find science teachers earning more than their own headmasters. What kind of skewed policy is this?

As a teacher and as a leader, I say without fear: this policy is unfair, divisive, and poorly thought through. I strongly believe that the President was misadvised, and that there is urgent need for review. Arts teachers, primary school teachers, technical and vocational instructors all deserve better. They deserve equality, equity, and respect.

President Museveni has always stood for fairness and development. It is our duty as leaders to advise the President truthfully and responsibly. Shielding him from reality is not loyalty-it is betrayal. True loyalty lies in telling him the truth so that he can take corrective action. Teachers are not the enemy of the state. They are the backbone of our nation. To undermine them is to undermine Uganda’s future. This strike has come at a time when we are at the beginning of a budget process. It is only wise that teacher’s concerns are well addressed and catered for!

They say life is short but in Kampala, traffic makes it feel much, much longer. A recent report revealed that we lose an average of 52 days every year stuck in traffic jam in Kampala. That is an equivalent of nearly two months of productivity wasted. And that’s before you add the frustration, anxiety, and emotional burnout that have become part of daily life on our roads.

The causes of this agony are no mystery i.e. a poor and overstretched road network, the slow pace of infrastructure development, outdated traffic management systems that still rely on traffic wardens rather than technology, and perhaps most visibly, indiscipline among road users. Anyone who has braved Kampala’s roads knows the chaos all too well. One morning at Wampewo Roundabout, I found myself in the middle of a police operation. Officers were stopping cars to check for unpaid EPS tickets, and permits, right at the roundabout. How can traffic flow when enforcement blocks the very arteries meant to keep the city moving! Sometimes, our methods seem to fuel the very indiscipline they are meant to stop.

Then there are boda bodas! It’s almost impossible to tell whether traffic laws apply to them or if they are the law. Their disregard for lanes, and signals has become so normal that even the police appear to have given up. Reports indicate that 70 percent of road crashes recorded annually in Uganda, involve boda bodas. Behind every statistic is a family grieving or drained by hospital bills.

Kampala traffic can be both stressful and strangely entertaining. Near misses, shouting matches, and daring manoeuvres play out daily like a live action drama. Taxi drivers with bull bars squeezing into impossible spaces, mocking private car drivers with their trademark, ‘which driving school did you go to?’ VIP convoys add another twist with sirens blaring, escorts jumping out to push traffic aside, sometimes even overruling traffic officers. For ordinary motorists, always remember to manage your fuel, lock the doors and ensure wind screens are high enough to protect your valuables. That is life on Kampala’s roads!

To be fair, government has made progress. With support from partners like the World Bank and JICA, Kampala is getting new signalised junctions, improved roads, and even a central traffic control centre. Projects like the Kampala Flyover and the expansion of the Northern Bypass are promising. The pressure intensifies during major events. The plot gets thicker as we step into the election period, with political party primaries and campaigns kicking off that draw huge numbers of delegates in different places within the city. For Kampala businesses, that means revenue. For road users, it means gridlock. The costs are borne by ordinary citizens rushing for medical emergencies, deadlines and schedules missed.

The losses go beyond frustration. Billions of shillings annually in wasted fuel, lost man hours, higher vehicle maintenance costs, and disrupted supply chains. According to the World Bank, congestion in African cities can shave up to 5 percent off GDP every year. That’s a cost Uganda cannot afford! The solutions are clear, and they call for better planning of road closures and diversions, switch from manual to smart traffic management systems and a return to discipline in every road use. Because until then, sitting in Kampala traffic will remain what it has always been. A daily tug of war between survival and sanity!

The Ministry of Works and Transport has announced that the Lira-Kamdini section of the North Eastern Road Corridor is ready for commissioning, three years after reconstruction works began.

According to Mr Allan Ssempebwa, the ministry’s senior communications officer, the road is now fully paved, marked, and motorable, eliminating the bottlenecks that had long hindered the movement of goods and people along this critical trade corridor.

‘The upgraded route enhances connectivity between Uganda and regional neighbours, including South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, linking them to the Port of Mombasa,’ Mr Ssempebwa said during a press briefing in Kampala on September 30.

His statement follows an inspection of the project by the State Minister for Works and Transport, Mr Musa Ecweru, who urged road users to prioritise safety now that the road is complete.

‘We’ve had a challenge in many places where an improved road becomes a death trap for the travelling public because motorists ignore speed limits and road signs,’ Mr Ecweru cautioned.

The Lira-Kamdini road is part of the broader 340km North Eastern Road Corridor Asset Management Project (Neramp), which covers the Tororo-Mbale-Soroti-Dokolo-Lira-Kamdini stretch.

The contract was awarded to Portuguese construction firm Mota-Engil Africa and is funded by the World Bank at a cost exceeding Shs500 billion.

According to the contractor, the road has a lifespan of over 20 years if properly maintained. They have tentatively set the end of this month as the timeline for inviting the public to fully access and benefit from the road.

During his visit, Mr Ecweru also inspected works on the Lira-Dokolo highway, which are progressing steadily.

In Akapiri Sub-county, Ngora District, the minister addressed residents, urging them to support the ongoing road development and take necessary safety precautions.

‘For the contractor to deliver quality work, residents must cooperate. For example, children should not cross the road recklessly during construction. If an accident occurs, the World Bank could suspend funding,’ he warned.

He added that the corridor is designed to accommodate heavy equipment, especially those destined for Uganda’s oil development projects, hence the presence of vehicles with high axle loads.

The Neramp project includes three main components: engineering works, project management and monitoring, and social risk management.

Although the main contract began in August 2018, reconstruction of the Lira-Kamdini section, known as Lot 2B, commenced in November 2022 and was initially scheduled for completion in October 2024. The entire Neramp project is expected to be completed by 2027.

Community impact

Residents have already began experiencing the positive impact of the road, even before its official completion. Traffic volumes along the Lira-Kamdini section have increased, indicating growing economic activity and improved connectivity in the region.

I was on a random call, pitching an idea, confidently sprinkling what I thought were simple, everyday words just with a little Gen Z seasoning. Nothing too wild, you know, a casual low-key solid, maybe a ‘that’s giving strategy,’ or a polite ‘we could finesse this.’ Normal, right? I mean, when you read these things, they make sense. right?

On the other end of the line, my colleague hit me with the dreaded triple shot: ‘Pardon? ‘Pardon?..’Pardon?’ Three in a row, like a DJ scratch. At that point, I was convinced my Wi-Fi had been hijacked by village witches, or my accent had turned mid-sentence. It happens sometimes ever since I watched Peaky Blinders, my tongue occasionally decides to relocate to Birmingham, pit some worra.

Panicked, I left the call, phoned my G to confirm the network, only to find my voice was crystal clear. My bars were full, no buffering. Meaning the problem was not Nabanja’s network. The problem was translation. When I rejoined, I realised the colleague was not hard of hearing, no. They just did not understand my English, which they kept dismissing as Gen Z slang. To me, this idea is giving means the idea is brilliant. To them, it sounded like I was distributing handouts. When I said, we can vibe with this, I meant align. They thought I was organising karaoke night.

That is when it hit me; the workplace is not just divided by job titles. It is divided by generations. A corporate Tower of Babel. CEOs are usually Gen X or Baby Boomers, fluent in ancient tongues languages of KPIs, synergies, strategic pivots, and long-winded PowerPoints that end with actionables no one will action.

Middle managers? Mostly Millennials, who speak a hybrid, half corporate jargon, half WhatsApp group chat. They are comfortable with emojis in Slack, but still hope nobody notices the GIFs hidden in their emails. Then there’s Gen Z, the newest employees speaking in TikTok captions, Snap sounds, meme references, and slang that sounds like puzzles from a Kampala escape room. Same English, different planets.

So maybe my editor was right; we need a dictionary. Boomers searching for the mute button, Millennials still touching base, and Gen Z waiting for everyone to just catch vibes. Uganda already has 65 tribes and 40 languages, did we really need corporate English tribalism too?

Its giving or not giving , ate

Take the phrase ‘It’s giving.’

For Gen Z, this is the ultimate compliment. If a young colleague says, ‘Your pitch is giving world class, and your presentation ate,’ what they really mean is it is fresh, relevant, and impressive. And when they say ‘ate,’ it is not about food you have just delivered a 15/10 performance. Positive feedback, yes, but wrapped in a meme-coded package that needs subtitles.

The other day, we were deliberating on artwork in the Teams chat group. The designer posted his draft, and my comment was short: ‘Bro, it’s not giving!’ Being my peer, he understood and shot back: ‘What more spice can I add to make it cook?’ Perfect. Then, of course, our boss entered the chat. Lost in translation, he warned us to take our personal jazz out of the work thread. Poor lady thought we were actually debating recipes.

Imagine this , an intern presenting a campaign at a hotel, confidently declaring, ‘This campaign is giving Serena Hotel energy. Or imagine someone saying, ‘That rebrand is giving Full-Figure.’ They mean bold, flashy, maybe even too much. Without cultural context, though, older managers just nod, secretly planning to Google ‘Full-Figure’ after the meeting. This is where the corporate comedy sets in.

To Gen Z, ‘it’s giving’ is like corporate jazz vibes, mood, essence. To Boomers and Gen X, it sounds like handouts, food drives, or NGOs. Millennials? They are stuck in the middle, pretending to understand both while secretly checking Urban Dictionary on the side.

Highkey and lowkey

Then there is ‘lowkey’ and ‘highkey.’ These are Gen Z’s favourite modifiers for subtlety or emphasis. A young colleague might confess, ‘I lowkey think this project is going to flop,’ which simply means they have a quiet concern but are not ready to die on that hill. Flip it, and you get ‘I highkey love the new client proposal,’ meaning they are openly enthusiastic and do not care who hears it.

Translated into corporate: lowkey = ‘I’m informally concerned.’ Highkey = ‘I’m overtly excited.’ But let us be honest, the corporate jargon does not slap the same.

In Uganda’s office life, the applications are endless. For the record, all Gen Zs lowkey hate meetings especially the ones without per diem. Like, can’t you just text your concerns?

Meanwhile, colleagues from earlier generations are highkey obsessed with meetings, the kind where a simple email could have done the job, but now you are trapped at a hotel with lukewarm tea and dry mandazi. When the HR calls for a two-hour wellness session but the Gen Z intern just lowkey just came for the soda and chapati.

Or a manager announces new uniforms, and someone mutters, We highkey look like a choir about to back up Bebe Cool. Even in strategy sessions, the contrast shows. A Millennial will say, We should consider risks cautiously. Gen Z?- I lowkey think this campaign will backfire. A Boomer will say, unsatisfactory proposal.

Gen Z? I highkey feel it . Same message, different wrapping.

Cap , No Cap

‘Cap’ and ‘no cap’ are where the generational gap fully shows itself. For Gen Z, no cap simply means truth or fact, while cap signals exaggeration or outright lies. So when a young colleague says, ‘I can finish this report by tomorrow, no cap,’ they are not being dramatic.

They’re with cap. Promises of salary increments? Cap. Assurances that this financial year we will prioritise staff welfare?

Cap on cap. You start to wonder why HR does not just issue helmets since we are drowning in cap anyway. In everyday office banter, it can get hilarious. That Gen Z intern might whisper to the CFO , about that budget proposal is full cap, boss, even my village SACCOS wouldn’t buy it. Or when IT swears, We will resolve the Wi-Fi today no cap, everyone side-eyes because, let’s be honest, that’s high cap.

Touch some grass

Work-life balance has its own slang, and Gen Z delivers it with touch grass. At first, managers hear this and think we have joined some new agricultural cooperative. But really, it is simple advice; step away from the screen, breathe, and reconnect with reality. Older generations would call it take a break or recharge. Gen Z? Boss, touch grass. Many managers never take leave. They wear exhaustion as a badge of honour. In my 20 years here, I have never gone on annual leave. My brother, that is not inspiration that is an HR crime report.

The unspoken assumption is that we, too, should chain ourselves to the office. But sorry, we didn’t come to suffer. We came to work smart, get paid, and live to do a vibe check on the newest spot in Jinja on a random weekend. When a colleague says, you need to touch grass, they are not telling you to run laps around Kololo. They are reminding you that life exists beyond Microsoft Teams and endless boardrooms. The company does not need martyrs; it needs people alive. Because, honestly, if you collapse at your desk, HR will post ‘Gone too soon’ on WhatsApp and immediately start advertising your position. No cap.

Main character energy

Every office has that one person who walks in like the whole building is their stage. That is what Gen Z calls main character energy. It is not arrogance at least, not always. It is the confidence, presence, and leadership vibe that makes you feel like the meeting was scheduled around you, even if you are just here to give a two-minute update on stationery procurement.

In corporate terms, it us called executive presence. But let us be honest executive presence doesn’t quite capture the flair of someone entering a boardroom with TED Talk hand gestures and PowerPoint slides that transition like a Netflix trailer. That as main character energy. Our offices are full of them.

The manager who takes a sip of bottled water before making a point, as if they are about to drop the national budget. The intern who greets everyone with Good morning, team! as if they own the Wi-Fi. The colleague who dominates the Zoom screen, unmuted or not.Some take it too far; they mistake main character energy for Kardashian energy, turning every staff meeting into a personal reality show. Others master it perfectly, balancing confidence with results, so the team actually benefits from their spotlight.

Vibe check

Vibe check might sound like a nightclub ritual, but in Gen Z office culture, it’s a quick scan of team morale or energy. No long reports, no surveys, no HR workshops just reading the room. In a traditional office, managers rely on formal tools: performance reviews, one-on-one check-ins, or those dreaded employee engagement surveys that nobody fills honestly.

Gen Z cuts through the bureaucracy with a simple: ‘Vibe check, are we good?’ In Uganda’s workplace, this could happen mid-meeting. A colleague pauses the PowerPoint to whisper, Kamanda, the vibes are low. Translation; everyone is tired, hungry, and praying for samosas. Or when deadlines pile up, an intern drops ‘The vibes are stressing,’ which is basically a mental health SOS. It may sound casual, but a vibe check often catches what spreadsheets can’t: team burnout, low morale, or that one colleague plotting to resign silently.

Fam, Delulu, Flex, and Rizz in the Office

Take ‘fam.’ This is not about blood relatives it’s a casual, inclusive way of saying team. A young colleague might write on Slack, ‘Fam, we’ve got this deadline,’ which sounds warmer than the classic, ‘Dear all, kindly note.’ . Then there is ‘delulu.’ Short for delusional, it is perfect for those unrealistic expectations we all know too well. Like when management says, ‘This year, profits will triple without increasing the budget.’ Gen Z shrugs that is sheer delulu.

‘Flex’ is another favourite. It is showing off achievements, skills, or perks. Someone casually saying, I was in Nairobi last week for a client meeting, is not just updating you they are flexing.

In older speak; highlighting achievements.

And finally, ‘rizz.’ Short for charisma, it is all about persuasive charm and people skills. That colleague who convinces the client to sign despite shaky numbers?

High rizz. In traditional corporate language, these qualities already exist team spirit, overconfidence, showcasing results, and interpersonal influence. But Gen Z, as usual, delivers them with vibes, memes, and just enough sarcasm to keep the office awake.

With the retirement of Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo approaching, the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) has advertised his position, which falls vacant on January 18, 2026. The 1995 Constitution provides that Justices of the Supreme Court and those of the Court of Appeal/Constitutional Court retire at 70 years, High Court judges at 65, and Registrars at 60. Chief Justice Owiny-Dollo turns 70 on January 18, 2026.

The advert by the JSC, the body mandated to recruit and discipline judicial officers, sets October 20 as the deadline for applications. It was signed by Dr Rose Nasaali, the Commission secretary.

Applicants for the top judicial position, the fourth highest in the country, are required to have at least 20 years of experience, be a justice of the Supreme Court or a court of similar jurisdiction, and have practiced as an advocate for not less than 20 years before a competent court in civil and criminal matters.

The Chief Justice heads the Judiciary, oversees the administration of the Supreme Court and all courts in the country, presides over Supreme Court sittings, and issues orders for the efficient administration of justice. As of June 1, the Supreme Court had 11 justices, the Court of Appeal/Constitutional Court 21, and the High Court 89 judges.

Candidates who previously contested alongside Justice Owiny-Dollo include former Deputy Chief Justice Richard Buteera, who retired after turning 70, and Justice Esther Kisaakye, who fled the country citing security concerns following friction with the Chief Justice over the Robert Kyagulanyi presidential election petition of 2021. Former Principal Judge Yorokamu Bamwine also retired upon turning 65.

Flavian Zeija

The current Deputy Chief Justice, Dr Zeija was elevated from Principal Judge in February. His rapid rise from High Court judge in 2016 to Principal Judge in 2019, and now Deputy Chief Justice, positions him as a likely candidate for the top post.

Mike Chibita

Justice Chibita, 62, is a Supreme Court judge. He graduated from Makerere University with a Bachelor of Laws in 1989 and completed the Bar Course in 1990. He holds a Master of Laws from the University of Iowa, USA.

Appointed to the High Court in 2010, Justice Chibita became Director of Public Prosecutions in 2015 until his Supreme Court appointment in 2019. In 2012, he conducted the re-trial of Masaka businessman Godfrey Kato Kajubi, accused of ritual murder of a 12-year-old, resulting in a life sentence.

Kiryowa Kiwanuka

Mr Kiryowa Kiwanuka, 53, is the current Attorney General and chief government legal adviser, a position he has held for five years. He is a founding partner of K and K Advocates with over 20 years of experience. Before his appointment, he led the firm in high-value commercial litigation.

His practice includes commercial and civil litigation, banking and finance, insolvency, arbitration, and energy law. He has served on boards including the Petroleum Authority of Uganda and the Makerere University Council.

Catherine Bamugemereire

Justice Bamugemereire began her career as a State Attorney in 1993, moved to the Judiciary as a Grade One Magistrate, then Chief Magistrate, and became a High Court judge in 2010. She served in the Anti-Corruption Court and Family Division before moving to the Court of Appeal/Constitutional Court, and was elevated to the Supreme Court last year.

She has chaired two commissions of inquiry into land matters and KCCA, which led to the controversial 2013 impeachment of Kampala’s Lord Mayor. Justice Bamugemereire holds a Bachelor of Laws from Makerere University and a Master in Comparative Law from Southern Methodist University, USA. She has also worked at Shell Mexico LPG and taught at the University of Surrey in the UK.

Christopher Izama Madrama

Justice Madrama, a Supreme Court judge appointed in October 2022, is considered a strong candidate due to his reputation for well-reasoned judgments rarely overturned. He has progressed steadily through judicial ranks.

The recruitment of the next Chief Justice will be the first test for the new Judicial Service Commission, now led by Justice Douglas Siginza, who replaced Justice Benjamin Kabiito after his two terms ended earlier this year. The President, who makes the final appointment, will choose from the list of candidates submitted by the JSC.

When Ijo Irama made the long journey from Metu Sub-county to Moyo Hospital in late September 2025, he hoped a weeklong surgical camp would finally bring relief from a condition he has endured for years. Instead, he left with his hopes shattered.

‘I came expecting surgery, but after days of waiting, I was not attended to,’ he said, visibly worried as the camp closed two days earlier than planned.

Ijo was among more than 1,000 patients who turned up in Moyo. In Arua and Nebbi, over 2,000 gathered. The overwhelming turnout, according to health officials, exposed deep cracks in a system where routine surgeries remain out of reach for many.

Every morning, patients trekked to the camp sites. By afternoon, many went home without being seen as doctors and nurses struggled with the numbers. With paperwork stalled and new patients turned away, some were left stranded, uncertain if they would ever get the surgery they came for.

Prof Moses Galukande, president of the Uganda Association of Surgeons, said the overwhelming demand showed urgent need for government support.

‘We have very many willing souls ready to help the poor. Even specialists in the diaspora have been asking to participate,’ he told Monitor.

He added: ‘But you need a degree of serenity to cause people to travel from very far.’

Over 200 surgeons and health workers were deployed across West Nile’s district hospitals, health centre IVs and regional facilities. Yet resources were quickly stretched thin.

Dr Alex Andema, director of Arua Regional Referral Hospital, argued that such initiatives should not be left to surgeons alone.

‘Why don’t we as the people of Uganda take this on? Maybe we think of budgeting for this every year on a rotational basis. This can bridge the gaps we have,’ he said.

At Moyo Hospital, Dr Richard Idro said his team had already carried out more than 98 operations despite financial constraints.

Medical Superintendent Dr Fred Chandi warned that extending the camp by just a few days would cost Shs 7.5 million, money they did not have.

Lawmakers have taken note. Arua Central Division MP Jackson Atima promised to raise the matter in Parliament.

On his part, Ayivu West MP John Lematia said the camp had given new hope to desperate patients.

‘Some had lived with ailments for more than 10 years because they cannot afford the costs,’ he revealed.

For Ijo and many others, the closure meant another return to long queues and unaffordable bills. The camp brought hope, but also a stark reminder of the fragility of health care in West Nile.

Kampala Central parliamentary aspirant Suzan Kushaba has petitioned the World Bank over what she described as the illegal approval of commercial developments along the Nakivubo Channel, warning of environmental damage and disruption to livelihoods in the city’s central business district.

In a letter dated September 19, Kushaba asked the World Bank country office to intervene, citing government ministries, Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), Parliament, and private developer Hamis Kiggundu of Kiham Enterprises Ltd as responsible for irregular approvals.

‘On behalf of a section of Ugandan business community in Downtown Kampala and other city dwellers. we are petitioning your honorable office to prevail over the government of Uganda,’ she wrote.

She argued that the construction deprives many traders of livelihoods, worsens traffic congestion, and blocks storm water flow during rainy days.

‘Without following the legal requirements. the political team illegally gave out Nakivubo Channel to Kiham Enterprises to erect commercial buildings at the expense of other Ugandans,’ she claimed.

The World Bank previously financed the 1999 Nakivubo Channel Rehabilitation Project with a $19.15 million loan.

Its environmental impact study had recommended measures such as widening the channel, planting trees, realigning its course, and setting up an escrow account for maintenance.

Kushaba questioned whether these safeguards had been observed. She accused city authorities of proceeding without a certificate of environmental impact assessment, a clear working plan, or competitive bidding.

She called on the Bank to halt financing to KCCA ‘until they rectify the anomalies in this project,’ and demanded compensation for traders whose goods were lost to flash floods linked to the developments.

The World Bank did not immediately react to Kushaba’s petition and KCCA spokesperson Daniel Nuwabine declined to comment on the accusations.

On August 22, KCCA itself ordered a halt to works along Nakivubo Channel, citing public concerns over safety and legality. The directive was dismissed, and construction defiantly went ahead.

The controversy has already drawn parliamentary scrutiny. Speaker Anita Among directed a committee inquiry into how KCCA was bypassed, raising questions about Kampala’s urban development policies.

President Museveni, however, endorsed the project in an August 2 letter to the Prime Minister and senior officials, describing it as imaginative and instructing its facilitation.

For Kushaba, the matter now rests with the World Bank. ‘We want guidance about this contentious project likely to impact the climate of Kampala,’ she wrote.

The contest between JKL Lady Dolphins and UCU Lady Canons in the National Basketball League semifinals has several subplots.UCU is the most decorated women’s team with eight titles while JKL are the form team having won four of the last five championships on offer.The Lady Dolphins side also features several players who were part of the success at UCU, including Ritah Imanishimwe, Zainah Lokwameri and Agatha Kamwada.But none of those sub plots comes close to that of JKL head coach Henry Malinga going up against his daughter Zoe Atek.The Ugandan legend lost the first battle Wednesday night when the Lady Canons defeated JKL 57-46 at YMCA to take an early lead in the five-game series.His daughter played 27 minutes for a predominantly young UCU side and recorded eight points and three rebounds on the night.Atek and the Lady Canons were led by Shillah Lamunu, who recorded a double-double of 18 points and 12 rebounds in the victory.Team captain Hajara Najjuko scored 10 points and was the only other Lady Canon to reach double figures in the low-scoring encounter.Like father like daughterMalinga is not sure whether he inspired his daughter into the game but now finds himself in a situation where he wants her to excel for her team without necessarily eliminating his own.’I am glad she plays the game I love and always look forward to games like these,’ Malinga, the former Falcons and Warriors center, told Daily Monitor.Atek was part of the Junior Gazelles side that scaled heights in 2024 and has since moved from St. Noah Girls to UCU, where she is now of a new-look side that lost up to three starters from last season.Shakirah Nanvubya, Tracy Namugosa and Aziidah Nabayunga are some of the big names that left Mukono at the end of last season.’Her game has kept getting better, from high school to university,’ Malinga highlighted.’I believe she is still going through the process and only time will tell.’

Wednesday’s game was the third time Atek went up against JKL with UCU, she scored six points and picked seven rebounds in the 82-64 first round loss before contributing six points and five rebounds as the Lady Canons won 71-67 in the second round.Business timeThere is hardly any family time when the action tips off, with the 20-year old taking instructions from Nicholas Natuhereza and Malinga also focused on getting the best out of his side.The Lady Dolphins have all the talent required to win but must find a way of stopping the Lady Canons’ transition offense to level the series let alone progress to the finals.’It was a tough loss but we have to regroup and play better,’ Malinga noted.JKL struggled to get going on offence and only had Hope Akello, with 11 points and nine rebounds, scoring in double figures.Going 2-0 down in a best-of-five series would not be an ideal situation for the defending champions and that will set the tone for tonight’s Game Two.JT Lady Jaguars defeated Magic Stormers 63-37 in the first game and will be looking to stretch the series on Friday.National Basketball League PlayoffsSemifinalsGame One ResultsStormers 37-63 JT JKL 46-57 UCUPlaying Friday, YMCAJT vs. Stormers, 7pmUCU vs. JKL, 9pm

As the 2026 General Election approaches, residents of Bugisu Sub-region say they are disappointed with the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) government for failing to fulfill several pledges made by President Yoweri Museveni.

Bugisu comprises seven districts, Mbale District, Mbale City, Bulambuli, Sironko, Manafwa, Bududa, and Namisindwa, with a combined population of about 1.8 million, according to the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS).

The sub-region lies on the slopes of Mt Elgon’s Wanale Ridge and is dominated by subsistence farming. Poverty levels are high, with roughly 28 percent of the population living below the poverty line.

Despite these challenges, Bugisu voted overwhelmingly for NRM in the 2021 elections, winning 20 out of 24 parliamentary seats. President Museveni secured victories in all districts except Mbale City, where NUP’s Robert Kyagulanyi (Bobi Wine) received 42,267 votes against the incumbent’s 29,717. Residents argue that despite their continued support for the party in most districts, critical issues remain unresolved.

Road infrastructure

One of the most pressing concerns is the 25.8km Bududa-Bubulo circular road, which connects Manafwa, Bududa, and Namisindwa. The road has been in poor condition for years, and residents have awaited its construction since Mr Museveni assumed office.

Mr Robert Mafabi, a resident of Bududa Town Council, said the road becomes impassable during rainy seasons, and broken bridges prevent farmers from transporting produce to markets.

‘The poor state of this road has blocked many opportunities for Bududa,’ he said. Local leaders recently launched a ‘no road, no vote’ campaign after the road was omitted from the 2025/2026 national budget. Mr Kamoti Wilson Wasunguyi, the incumbent Bududa District chairperson who lost the NRM primaries, attributed his defeat to the poor state of the road. ‘I know why I lost. I promised that the road would be tarmacked based on the President’s manifesto, but when voters asked why it had not been done, I had no answer,’ he said, adding that the road remains a major hurdle for party mobilisers in Bududa.

Disasters and resettlement

Bugisu continues to experience natural disasters such as landslides, floods, and falling rocks. Bududa District has been particularly affected, with repeated landslides since 2010, causing loss of property and lives. Some families have been relocated to Kiryandongo and Bunambutye IDP camp, yet many remain in tents without compensation.

‘Some families relocated last year to Bunambutye resettlement camp are still living in tents. They have not received any compensation from the government,’ said Mr Charles Walimbwa, a Bududa Town Council resident.

‘We demand a special ministry to handle Bugisu affairs and a long-term plan to protect people from disasters that destroy lives and property,’ said Mr Akim Watenyeri, the vice president of Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC).

Trade and border challenges

Farmers and traders face difficulties at the Lwakhakha border in Namisindwa, where goods are manually offloaded and checked due to a lack of scanners.

‘This damages agricultural produce and lowers its market price in Kenya,’ said Mr Moses Kigai, a trader. He added that the government should establish storage facilities for produce awaiting export and negotiate with Kenyan authorities on tariffs, taxation, and rejection of Ugandan products.

Agriculture and coffee pricing

Bugisu is known for Arabica coffee, yet fluctuating prices disrupt farmers’ planning and income. ‘The price of coffee keeps changing each season, affecting our planning. The government should regulate prices and build proper facilities for drying and storage,’ said Mr Yasin Walimbwa, a coffee trader in Mbale City.

Farmers also struggle with poor road networks, which hinder the transport of produce to markets. Many sell cheaply to Kenyan traders who purchase directly from gardens, reducing potential profits.

Political representation

Despite their electoral support for NRM, locals say Bugisu is underrepresented in government appointments. The region currently holds two state minister positions-Karamoja Affairs and Elderly Affairs-and two permanent secretary roles.

‘We currently have only two state ministers and about two permanent secretaries. We want to know why Bugisu is always left out,’ said Mr Emmanuel Biara Wepukulu, the NRM flagbearer for Bulambuli County.

Education and regional governance

Residents are also advocating for the establishment of Mbale University of Science and Technology to enhance education and opportunities in the sub-region.

They call for a dedicated ministry for Bugisu, similar to ministries created for Teso, Karamoja, Luwero Triangle, and Bunyoro, to address recurring natural disasters and other local issues.

‘Such a ministry would allow the sub-region to handle its own problems, including natural disasters,’ said Mr Steven Masiga, a researcher and Mbale City resident.