Category: Daily Monitor

Job Brian Ocen, 24, wakes up early each morning and gets ready for his day. Living in Omwonyogweno Village, Abunga Parish, Amugu Sub-county in Alebtong District, Ocen’s first task of the day is to weed maize in the garden, about two kilometres away. After a few hours of digging, he returns home, exhausted though fulfilled. Ocen rests for a short while, enjoying a simple breakfast of porridge and boiled cassava. But his day is far from over. He has another important task ahead of him- sensitising his community about climate change.

Just like hundreds of energetic youth in Amugo and Abako sub-counties, all in Alebtong District, Ocen is passionate about environmental conservation.

They were trained by a local non-governmental organisation, Change Lead Agency Social Support (CLASS), to educate their community on the impacts of climate change. With a backpack full of informational materials, Ocen sets off on his door-to-door campaign. He walks through the village, greeting his neighbours and friends, and sharing his knowledge about climate change. He explains how rising temperatures, changing rainfall patterns, and increased frequency of extreme weather events are affecting their crops, livestock, and overall livelihoods.

‘I start moving door-to-door beginning at 10am up to 6pm from Monday to Saturday, covering on average 10 households. I sensitise people on the dangers of wetland encroachment and bush burning,’ says Ocen. His message resonates with many in the community, who have already begun to experience the effects of climate change first-hand. Alebtong and Otuke have experienced the worst flooding in decades that has left a trail of destruction and despair in the two northern Uganda districts. Data from Alebtong Disaster Management Committee, for instance, shows that at least 66 grass-thatched huts, one semi-permanent house, and five toilets have collapsed.

A total of 2,591 acres of cassava, 2,210 acres of simsim, 566 acres of groundnuts, and 798 acres of maize have been destroyed by the floods triggered by both human-induced and natural factors. This climatic disaster has affected 3,978 households (715 in Adwir, 672 in Okomo, 706 in Alololo, and 796 in Ocokober parishes in Adwir Sub-county; 310 households in Baya and 291 in Oculokori parishes in Omoro Sub-county; 185 households in Amuria, and 162 households in Anara, and 141 in Alebtong parishes in Aloi Sub-county).

Human-induced causes

The Alebtong Disaster Management Committee blames the situation on unregulated charcoal burning, which has led to the removal of trees. This practice reduces the land’s ability to absorb water, increasing surface runoff and flood risk. Other contributing factors include poor agricultural practices such as over-grazing, and cultivation on steep slopes, leading to soil erosion and increased runoff and silting of River Moroto. Destruction of wetlands in the affected areas has reduced the land’s capacity to hold water, leading to flooding, according to Mr Franco Olaboro, the chief administrative officer of Alebtong, who is also the Disaster Management Committee chairperson.

In the face of climate change, youth in flood and drought-prone areas are rising to the challenge, adapting and innovating to protect their communities.

Mr Moses Omara, the executive director of Change Lead Agency Social Support – a youth-focused organisation – says for the last 10 years, the people of Alebtong District have been experiencing extreme weather events, including prolonged droughts and floods. Nonetheless, the organisation in partnership with the sub-county authorities in Amugu and Abako came up with both mitigation and adaptation approaches to fight climate change.

‘So, looking at some of those effects, we had to intervene. One, to focus on adaptation mechanisms. Here we built the resilience of our communities to survive in the face of climate change,’ Mr Omara explains. ‘Secondly, we also came up with intervention in the areas of mitigating the effects of climate change so that in the near future we don’t see it continue to happen like this. We want to do something to reduce the effects of climate change.’ CLASS has trained about 500 young people on climate change adaptation and mitigation through its community youth-friendly structures.

Adaptation strategies

‘And then we’ve trained other members of the community on the causes of climate change. This is because there are some other members of the community who even still believe that climate change is a result of God’s anger. They don’t think it is man’s actions or inactions that are now resulting in some of this,’ says Mr Omara.

‘So, we have designed messages that let them understand that climate change is caused. So another activity that we brought on board is climate advocacy,’ he adds. A structure called the Youth Climate Activists has also been formulated to help create awareness, but also collect issues regarding climate change among the young people.

The young people often bring these issues to the attention of duty bearers to address them. Mr Omara says they have also started encouraging community members to take coping strategies. ‘We want fewer trees to be cut down and if these trees are cut, there should be a replacement. For example, if one tree is cut at least 10 should be planted,’ says Mr Omara. Nancy Atim, a 22-year-old youth climate activist in Akulaum Village, Abongatin Parish in Amugu Sub-county, says they have reached out to different people with information about climate change.

According to Atim, many people have formed themselves into Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs), where they are able to save and borrow from those saving groups to meet their needs. Oryemcan Group in Abongatin Parish has 90 members, including Atim. ‘On February 18, 2025, I borrowed Shs200,000 from the group, which I invested part of in farming. In the first season, I harvested my sunflower, sold it and fetched Shs280,000. During this second season, I may get close to Shs1 million if all goes well,’ says Atim. Mr David Ojom, the chairperson of Amugu Sub-county, says local leaders are also continuously creating more awareness about bad farming practices, further asking the locals to desist from encroaching on protected ecosystems: wetlands and riverbanks.

‘So, we are also seeing some of the community members responding by making sure that they participate in the protection of the wetlands. This means they’re getting the messages. Then we are also seeing young people getting much more interested in polishing their skills, looking for information on climate change,’ says Mr Ojom. Whenever the Department of Meteorological Services under the Ministry of Water and Environment releases a calendar for a particular month, young people in Alebtong share this information among themselves through various social media platforms. ‘When the meteorological department has released a calendar on some of the early warning signs, we share this information with other people so that they get to prepare for the disaster and how they can mitigate the risks,’ says Mr Ocen.

Challenges

As they are implementing these interventions, young people are also faced with some challenges. For instance, there is limited information on the causes and benefits of climate actions and impacts. There are also limited climate strategies coupled with lack of access to technical resources that would have been part of a coordinated effort to address climate change. In the whole of Alebtong District, climate change experts are not in the villages. In most cases, these experts are only stationed in the neighbouring Lira City or Kampala yet they are needed most in these communities.

Youth Climate Action in Alebtong

500 youth trained by CLASS NGO on climate adaptation and mitigation.

Door-to-door sensitisation campaigns reaching 10 households daily.

Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs) supporting climate resilience.

Tree planting to replace those cut for charcoal.

Promotion of energy-saving stoves to reduce deforestation.

The National Unity Platform (NUP) has removed the privilege to carry the party flag from some of its key leaders, citing lack of loyalty and underperformance, among other reasons. The power to assess and qualify aspirants to carry the party flag was vested in the Elections Management Committee (EMC), which released the list on Monday night.

Some of the notable names denied the honour include Busiro East MP Medard Sseggona, who was replaced by Mr Mathias Walukagga, a folk musician-turned politician; Mr Allan Ssewanyana of Makindye West, who was replaced by the KCCA speaker Zahara Maala Luyirika; and Derrick Nyeko of Makindye East, replaced by Ali Nganda Mulyanyama. The others are Mityana District Woman MP Joyce Bagala, replaced by Proscovia Nabbosa; Rubaga South MP Aloysius Mukasa, replaced by Nassolo Euginia; Wakayima Musoke of Nansana Municipality, replaced by Zambaali Bulasiyo Mukasa, a former journalist.

The party electoral committee overseer, Ms Harriet Chemutai, said their selection of the successful candidates was executed by an eight-member team, with five EMC members based at NUP party headquarters at Kavule in Kampala, and assisted by three commissioners in the sub-regions of Eastern, Northern, and Western Uganda.

‘We were looking for people’s support on the ground and how well they know the party as well as being loyal to what the party believes in,’ Ms Chemutai said.

Ms Chemutai said the aspirants were scored at 60 percent for ground strength, and 40 percent for credentials, including level of education, knowledge of the party, and loyalty to its ideals. Mr Jumah Magatto, the NUP general secretary for Mpigi, said the EMC prioritised candidates who can effectively mobilise the electorate and ensure the party wins the forthcoming general election. Apart from Muwanga Kivumbi, who is the party deputy president in charge of Buganda, and Mukono Municipality MP Betty Nambooze, the other leaders who joined from the DP bloc in 2020 have since been relegated or had the party flag withdrawn from them, even when they are incumbents in their constituencies.

Some analysts have cited their sympathy and leaning towards some of their former DP bloc parliamentary ranks who have since left. The quitters included Mr Mathias Mpuuga, the former NUP party deputy president in charge of Buganda, who left the party and subsequently formed his own political outfit, the Democratic Alliance, before it morphed into Democratic Front (DF). Many other leaders who were close to Mr Mpuuga were torn between moving with the embattled leader or staying a little longer in NUP.

Mr Ssegona, Ssewanyana, and Joyce Bagala, the Mityana District Woman MP, decided to stay in the party and mend fences, but their reception at the party headquarters has always been cold. It was, therefore, not surprising that none of them was given the nod to carry the party flag for the 2026 election despite the experience some of them have amassed.

Ssewanyana, who was denied an NUP ticket to contest for the second term under an NUP ticket, has vowed to run as an Independent in the 2026 elections. He said he did what was required of him to be the best NUP choice but wondered why he was not selected. Mr Ssewanyana said his major enemy is President Museveni, not the Opposition and that he was duty-bound to end the suffering of his electorate from land grabbing, poor education, and unemployment.

‘I once contested as an Independent and they elected me, and the people still have trust in me. I thought I could not contest again, but people have been asking me to and I have to respect their request that I come back because they see able leadership in me,’ he said.

‘We have offered ourselves so much for our party. That is why we endured two years of prison with [Muhammed] Ssegirinya. I have supported the activities of the party, especially in my area. We have registered new members, and we have carried out the core values of the party,” he added.

In June 2021, Mr Ssewanyana, together with the late Ssegirinya, was arrested and detained for nearly two years over accusations of links with the machete-wielding gangs that sprang up in the Greater Masaka sub-region. The duo was charged with murder.

Ms Luyirika, who was preferred over Ssewanyana, said her first major intention was to contest for Makindye West MP before shifting to Kampala Woman MP, but due to chaos, she decided to go back to the Makindye West seat.

‘All my heart was for the people of Makindye West. I have been their leader since my youth. I had submitted my papers to contest for Kampala Woman MP, but during the vetting process, I submitted another application for Makindye West that I had earlier desired. Everything was done transparently and democratically,’ Ms Luyirika explained.

For more than five months, Ms Luyirika has been campaigning and running activities as she was determined to replace Ms Shamim Malende on the Kampala Woman MP seat. But sources privy to the selection process said a meeting that involved top religious leaders and party bigwigs were drawn in to iron out the impasse, creating space for Luyirika, who hails from Makindye West, to be chosen over Ssewanyana. Mr Ssegona, who was denied the NUP ticket, will officially announce his next course of action today. Mr Ssegona says he has a legal background.

‘I did what I was supposed to do as a legislator. When the time for contesting came, I submitted my papers, so the reason why I have not been selected is a subject for NUP to answer,’ he said.

The interventions to get Ms Joyce Bagala, the incumbent Mityana Woman MP on the NUP ticket, ended in vain, after failing to respond to calls. Ms Baagala was replaced by Ms Proscovia Mukisa, alias Nabbosa, the former Kawempe North NUP victim of torture. Ms Nabbosa, a holder of a Mass Communication degree from Makerere University, says she was selected by NUP due to her strength on the ground, people’s choice, and loyalty to the party principles despite being one of the torture victims during the Kawempe North by-election.

She was among the 22 NUP supporters who suffered injuries on March 3, 2025, during the Kawempe North by-election when they were assaulted by security personnel. The election was won by Elias Nalukoola, but his victory was later nullified after the NRM candidate, Ms Nambi Faridah Kigongo, petitioned the High Court, citing irregularities.

Local government workers under the Uganda Local Government Workers Union (ULGWU) have announced an indefinite sit-down strike starting October 1, 2025, citing government inaction on salary disparities within the public service.

On Tuesday, ULGWU Secretary General Hassan Mudiba said workers were left with no option but to resort to industrial action to compel the government to address their concerns.

‘We gave notice to the government through the head of Public Service and secretary to Cabinet on September 18, 2025, of workers’ intention to undertake industrial action commencing October 1, 2025, pursuant to section 14(a)(b) on serving notices between the government and Labour Union. Unfortunately, the government has not responded to the notice,’ Mudiba told journalists.

Despite a wage bill increase from Shs7.8 trillion in FY 2024/25 to Shs8.6 trillion in FY 2025/26, local government workers categorized under unconditional grant wages did not benefit from the increment, the union said.

Mudiba accused the government of creating ‘salary disparities’ through selective increases, polarizing the civil service and demoralizing employees.

He also criticized the opacity of certain salary structures.

‘Like National Planning Authority (NPA), their salary structures cannot be seen yet there are not even scientists, and I challenge government to make public their salary structure and that of National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA),’ he said.

National Treasurer of ULGWU, Miriam Mukani, said there was still room for dialogue.

‘If government comes up and says let us have a dialogue, there is room. But as of now, since there is no response, there is nothing much we can do other than keeping on the strike until the government realizes that local government workers also matter,’ she explained.

Striking in Uganda is protected under Article 40(3) of the Constitution, which guarantees workers the right to join a union, undertake collective bargaining, and withdraw labor in accordance with the law.

Article 20 further obliges all government agencies and persons to uphold these rights.

Mudiba warned against any form of intimidation during the strike stating that: ‘We would not expect any administrative authority, either Resident District Commissioners (RDCs), Chairperson LC IVs, Chief Administrative Officers, District Police commanders, among others, to interfere, intimidate or harass workers during their peaceful strike.’

Although the Ministry of Local Government has yet to officially respond, the strike is expected to disrupt local government operations nationwide.

In the rapidly evolving digital age, Artificial Intelligence (AI) is no longer just for tech giants and multinationals with big budgets.

From streamlining workflows to informing key business decisions with deep insights, AI has leveled the playing field for small businesses. It gives them timely business insights, optimised operations, reduced costs, and increased sales, giving the multinationals a run for their money.

Globally, India leads in AI adoption at 92 percent, with gross concerns about job loss. Although there is still no comprehensive data on the adoption rate in Uganda, debates continue over issues like data security and user privacy, with the country yet to come up with an AI policy.

AI is expected to lead to a rise of $15.7 trillion to the global economy, and contribute $1.2 trillion to Africa’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by 2030, a rise of 5.6 percent.

Despite this, AI adoption is evident across various sectors, especially with the rise of tech-based business models such as SafeBoda, Jumia, and Rocket Health. Even in small details, it is common to find merchandise dealers with fully set-up WhatsApp business accounts, including a catalog, business hours, and pinned location. Many of these dealers also use chatbots and quick replies to assist customers. This is AI in motion, slowly creeping into our midst.

Customer service

Although this is where the most obvious threats to job loss lie, AI has been widely used in customer service. But for small businesses, here is the honey pot.

Today, companies can handle customer inquiries, address complaints, make recommendations, and issue orders through chatbots, all personalised to suit the multitude of customer needs, quickly and without incurring human labour costs, 24/7.

Zendesk CX Trends Report 2024 revealed that 51 percent of customers prefer interacting with AI over humans for immediate service, and 47 percent feel AI agents can be empathetic when addressing concerns.

John Birungi, a digital marketing professional, notes that there are software tools available to qualify leads, answer frequently asked questions, and direct customers to relevant resources.

‘This would cause increased customer satisfaction, higher engagement rates, improved conversion rates, and stronger customer loyalty,’ he adds.

Sales optimisation

According to Birungi, AI helps sales teams better plan their campaigns by anticipating client needs.

‘Companies get the best of their campaign budgets while fulfilling client needs ably,’ he says. Sharon Piloya, founder of Loyan Logistics, speaks highly about using AI in her sales campaigns.

‘With the right targeting of my sales campaigns from the analytics, I have singlehandedly attracted clients and solved their needs without a heavy budget,’ she says. Piloya notes that she had to spend heavily on campaigns, but the reward pays off in the end.

Operations efficiency

Every business strives to operate efficiently, reduce costs, increase sales, and serve customers diligently, earning their loyalty. With AI, SMEs can automate repetitive, less important tasks to give time for employees to focus on strategic, key tasks that require human creativity.

SMEs encourage innovation in how their employees solve operational bottlenecks. Global data reveals that over 80 percent of enterprises are prioritising AI for higher revenue and operational efficiency, which could heighten their productivity by 40 percent.

Financial management

Gone are the days of bulky and heavy cash books. With AI, small businesses have the platform to handle complex financial analysis and decision-making procedures that used to be a privilege only for multinationals and corporations. For Piloya, she has been able to keep her sales and inventory records and used them to monitor trends, predict and make rational financial decisions on sales, marketing, and inventory management.

Human resources

Today, human resource professionals have heavily turned to AI for certain repetitive tasks in talent acquisition, especially in sorting Curriculum Vitae for shortlisting. Currently, there are AI tools that assist in human resource management.

A Career Builder Survey revealed that 93 percent of employers reported significant time savings and improved efficiency, while 67 percent indicated cost and resource savings.

Data analysis and insights

AI can analyse and process massive datasets at a significantly higher rate and with greater precision than humans, uncovering previously unseen patterns and providing marketers with valuable insights to inform their campaigns.

According to Birungi, tools like Meta for Business and Google Analytics include AI-powered insights and anomaly detection that can help you spot big changes in your website’s performance.

‘Such AI-enabled platforms help in improving marketing strategy, decision-making, providing more in-depth knowledge of consumer behaviour, earlier detection of market trends, and more proactive resolution of problems,’ he adds.

With a simple ‘bakeries near me’ search, customers can find a list of available bakeries within the specific locality. A well-optimised Google business profile and a website, or both, can help small businesses gain a competitive advantage in attracting customers from their local communities.

HARARE. Uganda’s battered pride found a little balm yesterday as the Cricket Cranes cruised past Botswana by eight wickets at Takashinga Cricket Club, wrapping up their group campaign with a much-needed triumph.

The result did not change the fate of their failed World Cup campaign, but it ensured that skipper Riazat Ali Shah’s side carried momentum into the fifth-place semifinals scheduled for Wednesday.

Spin stranglehold

On a slow surface, Uganda’s spinners dictated terms. Veteran Frank Nsubuga (0/13 in 4 overs), playing his first match of the tournament in his 29th year of international duty, bowled with trademark guile while Shah himself struck twice in an incisive two-over spell.

The trio of Henry Ssenyondo (1/12), Alpesh Ramjani (1/14) and left-hander Dinesh Nakrani (2/13) suffocated the Botswana batting as they limped to 81 for 6 in their 20 overs.

‘It was good to get my chance and contribute as I have done over the years,’ said Nsubuga. ‘At 44, I still feel the hunger to perform and I’m happy I delivered for the team.’

Nervy chase

If the bowlers were ruthless, the chase began with jitters. Young left-hander Ronald Lutaaya was run out without facing a ball, while right-hander Robinson Obuya fell lbw for nought, leaving Uganda at 23/2.

But Raghav Dhawan steadied the ship with a stylish unbeaten 54 off 45 balls, striking eight boundaries in partnership with Sumeet Verma (29 off 30)* as Uganda crossed the line in 12.4 overs.

Dhawan, named Player of the Match, praised the bowlers: ‘The spinners set it up for us. When I came in, it was about staying calm. After the heartbreak against Tanzania, this win was about bouncing back.’

Coach and captain speak

Coach Abhay Sharma admitted the victory was more about recovery than redemption:

‘It looks clinical on paper – bowling them out for 81 and chasing inside 13 overs – but it wasn’t flawless. Still, I’m happy the boys lifted themselves after Tanzania. The mood is better, and we carry something positive into the playoffs.’

Skipper Riazat Ali Shah, who also picked 2 for 7, added: ‘It was important to get on the board. Dhawan showed maturity, and the bowlers were excellent. We now want to finish strong in the 5th-place playoff matches.’

ICC T20 WORLD CUP AFRICA QUALIFIER

Result

Botswana 81/6 | Uganda 85/2

Uganda won by 8 wickets

NEXT FIXTURE

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 2

5th Place Semifinal, Harare.

Talking Point

SPIN WEB.

Strength and Weakness. Uganda’s trio of spinners conceded just 39 runs in 12 overs, showing their craft is still the Cranes’ biggest strength. But the early dismissals of Lutaaya and Obuya underlined that Uganda’s batting frailties remain a concern despite Dhawan’s solidity.

Kisoro District Council on Monday unanimously rejected a proposal to allocate public land to Uganda’s ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) for the construction of party offices, a rare setback at the local government level.

The motion, tabled by LC5 Chairperson Abel Bizimana on behalf of the District Executive Committee, sought to grant land near the Resident Senior State Attorney’s office to the NRM following a request from the party’s district chairperson.

‘In consultations held on September 24, 2025, under Minute 06/DEC/2025/2026, the committee recommended granting the land to facilitate the construction,’ Bizimana told councillors during the meeting chaired by Speaker Amos Hakizimana.

But councillors across the political divide pushed back, saying the ruling party should not enjoy special treatment.

‘The NRM should be treated the same way other parties are handled,’ said Nyakinama Sub-County Councillor Emmanuel Ndayisaba, an Independent.

Kirundo Sub-County Councillor Bishubeho Louise warned against setting a precedent of allocating scarce public land to one political organisation.

‘It would be wrong to prioritize public land for NRM offices when land is scarce. The NRM has enough money to hire or buy land for their offices,’ he said.

Louise further suggested that the offices could instead be housed in the Resident District Commissioner’s premises, arguing: ‘Both serve the same interests of the party.’

After heated debate, Speaker Hakizimana dismissed the motion, noting the overwhelming rejection.

Mixed voices within NRM

Not all NRM councillors were united on the issue. Byamugisha Deus, the party’s district publicity secretary and Rubuguri Town Council Councillor, backed Bizimana’s motion.

‘Kisoro district supports the NRM 100 percent. Allocating public land for party offices would show our continued love for the party and President Museveni while reducing costs,’ he said.

But NRM District Treasurer Hashakimana Joachim expressed reservations. ‘The offices are important, but I don’t think they are a priority for the people of Kisoro,’ he noted.

Joachim added that he would instead propose relocating the party’s district offices to a more accessible location.

‘The current office poses challenges for persons with disabilities and the elderly,’ he noted.

The majority of councillors cited the principles of a multiparty system and insisted the NRM’s financial resources made free public land unnecessary.

The Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) yesterday unveiled its 2026 manifesto in Buikwe District. Its presidential candidate, Mr Nathan Nandala Mafabi pledged an ambitious economic plan aimed at uplifting rural communities and empowering youth if elected into office.

Launching his campaign in Buikwe District, Mr Mafabi promised to allocate Shs100m to every village across the country as part of a rural development initiative designed to improve livelihoods and reduce poverty.

‘The initiative would create jobs, reduce rural-urban migration, and restore dignity to communities long neglected by government programmes,’ he said.

However, Uganda has over 71,000 villages, meaning the total cost of this plan would be more than Shs7 trillion.

This comes at a time when the country is running on a Shs72 trillion budget and is already in debt by Shs43 trillion. Mr Mafabi also announced a plan to give every fresh university graduate a start-up package of Shs1m to help them set up small businesses. Mr Mafabi who was warmly welcomed by his supporters at Kiyindi Landing Site, also pledged to construct better roads in the area to ease transportation and boost local trade. Mr Mafabi promised to remove the army from the lakes if he is elected, saying the lakes should help people earn a living, not make them suffer. Commenting on the ongoing teachers’ strike, Mr Mafabi promised to introduce an all-encompassing policy that ensures equal pay for all teachers.

Mr Mafabi’s campaign message resonated strongly with the local population, many of whom said they are ready for leadership that prioritises their daily struggles. In Buikwe District, several residents expressed deep frustration with the current state of affairs under the ruling NRM government and called on leaders to prioritise real community issues. The people of Buikwe District continue to grapple with daily hardships caused by poor road infrastructure, struggling public services, and declining livelihoods in key sectors such as education and fishing.

In rural areas like Kiyindi, residents face enormous difficulties accessing schools, markets, and health centres due to dusty, narrow, and often impassable roads, especially during the rainy season. Teachers, many of whom walk long distances to reach under-resourced schools, are burdened by low and unequal pay. In Buikwe, the disparity between science and arts teachers has become a growing source of frustration, with many educators feeling undervalued and demoralised.

Locals speak out

Ms Sharifa Nantongo, a resident of Najja Sub-county, criticised the government’s failure to tarmac the road connecting Kiyindi Landing Site to Lugazi Municipality. She said the promise has appeared in national budgets year after year, but nothing has been done. ‘The NRM government has disappointed us. Every financial year, our road appears in the budget, but it’s never worked on,’ he said. ‘This time, we may not vote based on party loyalty. We want to elect leaders based on what’s in their manifesto.’ Mr Samson Ekalu, from Lugazi II in Najjembe Division, raised concerns over industrial safety, an issue he feels politicians are ignoring. ‘Buikwe has many factories, and industrial accidents happen day and night, yet no one is speaking out, not even Mafabi. Our people are earning very little, and many are losing their lives to these rampant accidents.

The investors are untouchable,” he stated. Meanwhile, Mr Johnson Kafuuma, a resident of UEB Quarters, questioned why Ugandans still struggle with access to electricity despite living near two major hydroelectric dams. ‘We are neighbours to two hydro-power dams, yet we live in darkness. I don’t understand how power is being sold to other countries while our homes remain without it,’ he said. Mr Kafuuma added that today’s political environment is frustrating, as most leaders focus on making promises instead of addressing the critical issues that affect ordinary Ugandans. ‘I’m shocked by the trend of politics today. Politicians brag and campaign, but none are talking about the real problems we face every day,’ he remarked Mr Asuman Makembo, a fisherman and resident of Kiyindi Town, welcomed Mr Mafabi’s idea to remove the army from the lake.

‘Ever since the army was deployed, we’ve been struggling to survive. Our income has dropped, and we live in fear. Mr Mafabi’s plan is giving us hope,’ he said. As the 2026 presidential campaign unfolds, Buikwe residents are urging candidates to address critical challenges affecting the district. Key concerns include rampant land grabbing, which threatens local communities’ ancestral lands. Fishermen on Lake Victoria report being chased away by security forces, disrupting their livelihoods.

The district faces rising industrial fatalities due to poor safety standards in factories, particularly in Lugazi and Njeru. Poor road conditions limit economic activity and access to services, while unfulfilled government promises such as building a vocational institute in memory of the late Kitaka fuel frustration. Health facilities remain under-equipped and understaffed, forcing residents to travel far for care. Additionally, pollution from factories in Njeru municipality is harming nearby communities. Residents demand urgent action and clear plans from presidential hopefuls to resolve these pressing issues.

The US Department of State has announced a life-saving development to bring US-based Gilead Sciences’ breakthrough drug, lenacapavir, to Uganda.

Uganda is one of just ten high-burden HIV countries where the drug will be distributed through the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR).

The US initiative, which will promote large-scale production and distribution of the medication and catalyze further global investment, has the potential to save hundreds of thousands of lives

In collaboration with the Ugandan Ministry of Health, the United States will introduce lenacapavir in 2026. Taken only twice a year, the drug provides a highly effective and convenient HIV prevention option for individuals at high risk of acquiring the virus. Clinical trials show that more than 99 percent of people on lenacapavir remained HIV negative.

This innovative medication marks a significant advancement in Uganda’s fight against HIV/AIDS, particularly for pregnant and breastfeeding mothers. The US government and the Global Fund, of which the US is the largest donor, are co-funding an advanced market commitment to purchase lenacapavir for up to 2 million individuals by 2028 in countries with the highest HIV/AIDS epidemics.

Gilead has agreed to provide the drug at cost and to share its intellectual property with generic manufacturers who can produce it at scale, lowering prices to ensure sustainability by local governments.

US Ambassador William W. Popp said;

‘This medicine is an excellent example of how American leadership drives innovation to save lives. Collaboration between an American company and researchers right here in Uganda led to a medical breakthrough to reduce new HIV infections in the communities that need it most. This exciting development will accelerate our progress toward ending HIV as a public health threat, building a healthier future for America, Uganda, and the world.’

The United States will work closely with the Government of Uganda to develop a rollout plan for the medication.

This article is the second in a three-part series on crypto. The first part unpacked the basics: What digital assets are, how blockchain works, and why concepts like Bitcoin, stablecoins, and tokenisation matter for Uganda-from cheaper remittances to inflation protection and financial inclusion.

This second part picks up where that left off.

Uganda, once a pioneer in the crypto space, has grown increasingly hesitant-whether this reflects justified caution, a deeper ‘crypto clash,’ or mere regulatory apathy remains unclear.

However, both innovators and regulators are now grappling with the challenges and opportunities of this fast-evolving landscape.

The easiest way to picture crypto is through mobile money.

When you receive MTN or Airtel Mobile Money, no cash moves-your balance changes on the company’s internal ledger.

Crypto works the same way, but its ledger is not owned by one company. It is shared across a public blockchain, open to inspection and secured by cryptographic keys-digital locks and signatures that protect your money.

On this blockchain, tokens take different forms: currencies (Bitcoin), assets (investments/property), or stablecoins (digital twins of real money like USDT). That is why crypto is not just ‘internet money.’ It is an asset class worth over $4.4 trillion globally. Uganda’s laws already touch these foundations.

The Electronic Transactions Act, 2011, recognises digital signatures if uniquely linked to a user (Section 18). The National Payment Systems Act, 2020, covers electronic value transfers.

As Robert Kirunda, one of Uganda’s legal minds on the intersection of law, science, and technology, notes: ‘The debate is not whether crypto is real-it already fits concepts Uganda recognises. The issue is how to regulate it.’

Without clear regulations, crypto remains a grey area exposing investors and leaving regulators uncertain. This is not unusual. Mobile money also ran for about years before formal rules on lending and consumer protection emerged in 2013.

The International Monetary Fund echoes the same principle in its research notes on Finance and Technology: ‘strong regulation is essential to harness benefits while mitigating risks.’

Uganda once led. In 2015, Kirunda helped launch Bitreco, the first local Bitcoin exchange. By 2017, momentum crashed when the Finance Ministry warned the public: ‘You’re on your own.’

Kenya, meanwhile, built sandboxes-controlled spaces where innovation continued under regulator oversight. Uganda instead embraced what many call ‘regulatory apathy’-shutting the door rather than learning.

By 2018, the contrast was striking. In its first 90 days, Binance Uganda had processed $7 million in trades, compared to just Shs2 billion ($570,000) on the entire Uganda Securities Exchange at that time.

Regulators noticed, but with no framework, the opportunity fizzled. The message was clear: crypto volumes were already outpacing formal securities.

The clampdown hardened in 2021, when the Bank of Uganda barred licensed payment operators from handling crypto, wiping out billions in monthly transactions.

Yet, as Kirunda argues, ‘Scams have always existed. The solution is awareness, not killing an asset class.’

Courts soon reinforced the freeze. In April 2023, Justice Musa Ssekaana ruled in Silver Kayondo v. Bank of Uganda that crypto was illegal since it was not a recognised payment instrument under the 2020 Act.

Though no law expressly bans it, the ruling entrenched hostility. That leaves innovators squeezed.

As Albert Gitta, head of technology at MTN Mobile Money Uganda, puts it: ‘If somebody does not understand something, it is easy to say, ‘wait a minute.’ But that understanding can take years, while the market is not standing still.’

It is here that Gitta’s broader vision comes in: how to build a system that satisfies regulators while unlocking crypto’s benefits.

Dignity and privacy

Gitta’s dream is a system that is both regulated and flexible-where data is protected, customers feel safe, and crypto’s low-cost benefits are unlocked. Privacy, he argues, is not a side issue but the very foundation of trust.

‘Everybody deserves the benefit of a modern, connected life. Imagine a Ugandan system that becomes the base of a new economic order. A villager doesn’t care whether it’s mobile money or Bitcoin. They just need to know their number and PIN, and they should be able to transact cheaply, securely, and with dignity.’

In his view, the future is a shared platform where banks, fintechs, and mobile operators interconnect-and crypto is just another rail. Customers should not care whether their money moves through a bank, mobile wallet, or blockchain-only that the transaction works.

On this, Gitta and Kirunda converge: ‘bans and circulars don’t stop adoption. They only push it underground and rob Uganda of potential benefits. The smarter path is clear rules, capacity to manage risks, and accountability.’

As Gitta puts it: ‘We need to make sure the regulator is comfortable, and that we are accountable. Yes, we must know who is transacting. But at the same time, we must unlock the opportunities that come with faster, cheaper payment rails.’

Kirunda’s stance remains steady: regulation should begin not with bans, but with understanding, dialogue, and recognition that crypto is already a global asset class.

That raises the bigger question now shaping Uganda’s third wave of crypto: what comes next-especially as geopolitics collides with regulation.

Regulation and power

If Uganda’s first wave of crypto was about discovery, and the second about clashes with regulators, then the third wave is about the future. How to regulate it, balance innovation with protection, and position Uganda in a world where technology choices are shaped by geopolitics.

At the start of 2025, the Bank of Uganda floated the idea of a Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC). Unlike Bitcoin, issued by anonymous developers, the pitch was that Ugandans could ‘trust’ their Central Bank as issuer. Consultations began in November, followed by further meetings in March.

But momentum slowed when U.S. President Donald Trump declared, ‘As long as I am president, there will never be a CBDC in the U.S.’ His warning revealed a bigger truth: digital currencies are not just about technology-they are about power.

So, will Uganda’s CBDC move forward? Robert Kirunda sees a deeper problem: regulators still assume crypto is ‘too difficult to regulate.’ In reality, he says, it is easier than mobile money.

‘Every transaction on a blockchain is traceable. With tools like Chainalysis, you can follow a token anywhere in the world. The real challenge is not regulation-it is understanding.’

Economists agree that regulation often comes down to a single principle: Know Your Customer (KYC). Major exchanges like Binance or Coinbase already require IDs, facial verification, and bank account linkage.

Yet this creates its own paradox: Exchanges will always comply with government demands over user privacy-just like banks do.

The paradox runs deeper. Ugandans already trust digital platforms such as Netflix, paying for subscriptions via bank cards without asking where servers are located. But with crypto, regulators insist it is ‘too risky.’

Several industry voices in law, finance, and technology reached out for this article suggest a way forward:

Political will: Some argue Uganda needs an executive order to unblock innovation while setting guardrails.

In the Education sphere, universities and law schools should add courses on emerging technologies.

Innovation funds: banks and fintechs like MTN and Airtel should pool resources to support blockchain solutions.

There should also be a Capital markets reform that allows listing of blockchain companies under existing trusted institutions.

As Adam Smith wrote in The Wealth of Nations (1776), ‘governments shouldn’t suffocate enterprise but set fair rules and let people use their skills freely.’

For Uganda, that means fear and bans only stifle growth; clear rules could unlock tools, attract investment, and widen inclusion.

Kirunda says: ‘Gen Z and Gen Alpha don’t care about your penal code. They live on their phones. Whether you like it or not, they will trade crypto. So you help them to do it better and safely.’

That tension-between caution and opportunity-frames Uganda’s current stance, where regulators distance themselves but industry leaders insist the Central Bank is more forward-thinking than many realise.

Uganda’s uneasy middle ground

For all the buzz, Uganda’s official stance on crypto has hardly shifted.

Dr Tumubweinee Twinemanzi, executive director of the National Payment Systems at the Bank of Uganda, says:

‘You are free to do whatever you want with it [crypto] because it has no jurisdiction. We are just saying you won’t have the same protections as you would if you were using a currency issued by the Bank of Uganda. So you do so at your own risk. If you choose to risk and make money, by all means-that is the whole purpose of money. The higher the risk, the higher the reward. Fantastic for you.’

This cautious distance goes back to October 2017, when the Ministry of Finance first warned that cryptocurrencies were unregulated. Two years later, the Bank of Uganda repeated the same message: |Anyone trading in crypto was ‘on their own.’

Twinemanzi insists: ‘Engaging or participating in cryptocurrencies is at your own risk. In other words, should you lose or have problems, don’t come to us crying.’

From the Central Bank’s perspective, this posture reflects its dual responsibility: leaving space for innovation while protecting the public from harm.

But not everyone agrees that the bank is dragging its feet. Reginald Tumusiime, chairperson of the Blockchain Association of Uganda, argues the opposite:

‘There are efforts within the Central Bank to explore the applications of blockchain technology in the entire payment ecosystem.’

The Bank has quietly engaged groups like the country’s Blockchain Association and Fintech umbrella body, studying blockchain beyond speculative trading-especially its potential for improving the payments system.

Tumusiime concedes caution is justified: ‘They owe it to the public to protect your money. Some people have done well with crypto, but it doesn’t mean everyone has had a good story-there are scams out there, and regulators can’t ignore that.’

This duality-loud warnings on one hand, quiet exploration on the other-captures Uganda’s uneasy middle ground. Crypto is neither fully embraced nor banned. Citizens are free to experiment, but without regulatory protection.

For Kirunda, Gitta, and other players, this is both a risk and an opportunity: a risk because uncertainty keeps mainstream institutions on the sidelines, and an opportunity because Uganda can still design a framework that marries innovation with accountability.

Who gets to participate?

As debates on regulation and adoption continue, a practical question looms: Who gets to participate?

By June 2025, Uganda had 34.6 million active mobile money subscribers versus 24 million bank accounts, according to Central Bank data. With a population of 51.3 million, this still leaves millions outside formal digital payments.

Gitta warns that the digital divide cannot be ignored: ‘We still have people who are not participating in mobile money. Now, imagine we are talking crypto. Think about the literacy rates today in Uganda. How is somebody deep down in the village going to understand talk of stablecoins, blockchains, or bitcoins?’

The comparison with mobile money’s early days is clear. What began as airtime recharge later expanded to payments, loans, savings, and virtual cards-growth made possible only through years of demystification and trust-building.

Crypto, Gitta argues, will follow a similar path but with steeper hurdles in devices, connectivity, and literacy.

Devices: Millions still use feature phones, relying on USSD (*165#) for transactions. Smartphones are spreading but unevenly, and without them, crypto apps remain out of reach.

Literacy: Even with devices and connectivity, terms like ‘stablecoin’ or ‘blockchain’ require education.

As Gitta puts it: ‘Our responsibility as telcos and fintechs is not to only bring crypto to the affluent. We need to make sure rural communities with small phones are not left behind. The technologies are available-USSD, SMS, and simple interfaces. We just need to be in the middle, helping to translate complexity into something the common man understands.’

This ‘middle layer,’ in his vision, would handle conversions-cash-in and cash-out of tokens-so villagers need only know their number and PIN.

‘We are governed by the central bank, and we’ve had these conversations with them. For us, our responsibility is to be ready to assure Ugandans that the technology we have in place is future-ready. If a mandate came tomorrow, we would implement it,’ he notes.

Uganda’s crypto journey remains unsettled. Innovation pushes forward, regulators hesitate, and millions of ordinary Ugandans still stand on the sidelines.

Whether this becomes a story of missed chances or managed opportunity will depend on how quickly rules evolve to balance risk with possibility.

This article is the second in a three-part series. The final installment will step back to assess how the East African region is approaching crypto regulation differently-and why those choices could carry both opportunity and danger for Uganda.

What should a country like Uganda do in an environment where trade with the US is becoming more difficult?

The good news for Uganda is that very few Ugandan exports have been directed to the US-only about 2 percent in 2024. This is relatively favourable compared to regional peers; for instance, Kenya has a much higher percentage, while Tanzania falls somewhere in between. Moreover, Uganda’s exports do not directly compete with US production. There is no significant movement in America to produce coffee domestically, which is reassuring.

Another key point to consider, though not specific to Uganda, is the importance of identifying new opportunities. Recent data shows that one of the fastest-growing markets for Ugandan exporters is not the US, Europe, or even China, but India.

Over the last five years, exports to India have increased by an average of 50 percent annually. While we want to continue exporting to the US and hope for that market to grow, we must explore new partnerships and opportunities elsewhere. Countries that can successfully navigate this transition are likely to thrive in the future.

How should Uganda position itself for the huge opportunities in India?

To capitalise on the significant opportunities in India, where trade has been rapidly expanding, Uganda should work on building relationships there. This can be achieved by sending groups of Ugandan businesses, rather than individual companies, as trade envoys to India to explore opportunities and promote Uganda’s interests. Additionally, it is essential to ensure that Uganda has the right supply chains in place.

Many assume that placing an order with a local supplier is straightforward. But exporting in sufficient quantities to new markets requires that legislation, regulations, product standards, and logistics are properly managed. This process may take time, but Uganda has a strong trading history and is poised to remain a successful trading nation. Uganda needs to concentrate on identifying and seizing these new opportunities.

Regarding the impact of the upcoming election season on the economy-specifically concerning government spending and fiscal policy-elections play a significant role in every country.

However, we do not expect much change in our forecasts for public finance in Uganda. Discussions with institutions like the International Monetary Fund about funded programs may become more challenging during this period.

Traditionally, incumbent governments tend to spend more leading up to elections to attract undecided voters, which is a natural political strategy.

Another observation during elections is that investors often adopt a wait-and-see attitude, pausing their investments for several weeks or even months as they assess the situation. This may result in a temporary weakness in the Ugandan shilling-not necessarily due to active bets against Uganda, but because there are fewer incentives for investment during the election period.

Finally, we must consider the behaviour of Ugandans during this time. Will people be more inclined to make significant purchases? Will businesses commit to major investments, or will they take a wait-and-see approach? These factors will influence the economy during the election season.

What are your predictions for Uganda’s economy looking at the current trends and uncertainties?

Currently, we expect the Ugandan economy to grow at about 6.5 percent this year and approximately 6.75 percent next year. A significant growth surge, expected in 2027 as commercial oil production ramps up, could see the economy grow by over 10 percent.

This anticipated growth is exciting and transformative for the country. We are also optimistic about the performance of sectors like agriculture and construction, with the latter benefiting from infrastructure investments. Additionally, there is a strong focus on enhancing agricultural value through manufacturing and agro-processing to capture more value domestically before exporting products.

Do you think the Bank of Uganda’s decision to maintain the Central Bank Rate at 9.75 percent will be effective in controlling inflation while supporting economic growth?

Balancing inflation control with economic growth is challenging. We believe that the current rate is appropriate for managing inflation, which is projected to remain around 4 percent in the near term.

While a slight adjustment to the rate may not drastically change the macroeconomic outlook, we anticipate that a stable interest rate will be necessary for the time being.

How might the tightening of liquidity conditions and high lending rates affect private sector credit growth and overall economic activity?

The credit performance in our economy is driven by two things: one is the interest rate and the other is the availability of finance. There is only so much money in the economy to lend, to move around. So in that space, that money can go to the private sector, the government, or it can go to a mix of those things.

Currently, due to significant government deficits, a large portion of the available savings is directed towards government needs rather than private sector growth. This dynamic creates challenges for private companies seeking credit, as limited financing availability can hinder their expansion and overall economic activity.

What are your thoughts on the Uganda shilling in relation to the forex rate and its trading performance against other major currencies?

The shilling has experienced a remarkable year, showing a 4 percent increase in strength as of early September.

The exchange rate compared to the dollar today is not far off from where we were four or five years ago. As we approach the end of the year, we expect the shilling to weaken slightly against the dollar, with forecasts predicting a low of around 3,600.