Category: Daily Monitor

As the countdown to the 2026 General Election intensifies, Uganda’s political landscape is shifting from a battlefield of rallies to the theatre of narratives. The question is no longer just who has the best policies, but who can most effectively articulate them to capture the hearts and minds of the electorate. In the new political arena, I would like us to draw from the unlikely source of the Uganda Law Society presidential election. The surprise victory of the ‘legal rebel’ Isaac Ssemakadde was not a fluke. It was a revelation of precision-targeted strategic communication.

His campaign, built on a defiant, action-oriented mantra of ‘Bang the table!’, did not just promise change; it demonstrated the change. This is an approach that every political party must study for them to be triumphant. Ssemakadde identified a clear market gap: a membership (the electorate) fatigued by the talk and hungry for tangible action. His famous phrase, ‘Bang the table!’ was more than a slogan; it was a strategic positioning statement. It was memorable, actionable, and perfectly encapsulated his brand promise of assertive, uncompromising advocacy. His dress code was one that broke away from the traditional legal attire. His record of public interest litigation provided the credibility that backed his brand up.

As Uganda’s diverse political parties gear up for 2026, applying this strategic lens could be the difference between victory and defeat. The National Resistance Movement (NRM) over the past years has fronted the incumbent, whose strategy has historically been one of stability and continuity, communicated through a vast and structured network, ‘Steady progress.’

The challenge beyond 2026 will move beyond listing past achievements to crafting compelling, forward-looking narratives that resonate with the overwhelming young population. Their communication must strategically address the future opportunities, innovation and stability-making them feel inevitable and secure under the NRM umbrella. ‘Protecting the gains’ is a well thought through slogan to drive the incumbent’s 2026 campaign. The Natonal Unity Platform (NUP), fronting itself as the primary Opposition force, bears a strength in its energetic base and powerful grassroots messaging, ‘Foot Soldier.’

NUP faces a strategic challenge to evolve from a protest movement vote, as depicted in the 2021 General Election to a government in waiting. This transformation requires a disciplined, policy-centric communication strategy that expands its appeal beyond its core supporters. NUP ought to leverage its digital savvy to move from mobilising outrage to inspiring hope with a clear, actionable plan for governance. The Forum for Democratic Cchange, Democratic Party, Peoples Front for Freedom , Alliance for National Transformation, among other parties, are at risk of fading into irrelevance amid the NRM-NUP polarisation. The strategic direction of these parties is to have an established strategic plan to communicate to their niche market.

The 2026 elections will not be won by the party that speaks the loudest but by one that speaks the clearest and most convincing truth to the right people. The party that understands that politics is no longer just about patronage and mobilisation but more about branding, positioning, and strategic communication.

President Yoweri Museveni has called on Ugandans to take charge of their economic destiny by harnessing the potential of the Parish Development Model (PDM) to create wealth and prosperity. The PDM is a poverty alleviation program aimed at transforming the lives of millions of Ugandans and propelling the country towards economic growth.

Addressing a rally in Amolatar District on October 1, 2025, President Museveni emphasised the importance of the PDM in empowering citizens, especially those in rural areas, to break free from poverty and join the money economy.

“So, therefore, what I’m appealing to all of you Ugandans, chase poverty from your home, and do it by doing something that will bring food on your table but also money in your pocket,” he said. “The government has already given you how to start.”

The President highlighted the potential of the PDM, which allocates Shs100 million per parish, to transform the lives of Ugandans.

“This PDM money, one hundred million per parish. In five years, that is five hundred million in one parish. And in the third year, the ones who get first, go back to the circle. The money will never come back to the government. It will remain in your parish,” he explained.

The PDM is a seven-pillar strategy that focuses on production, processing, and marketing, as well as infrastructure and economic services, financial inclusion, social services, mindset change, and governance.

President Museveni urged Ugandans to tap into these pillars to unlock their potential and become active participants in the country’s economic growth.

However, concerns have been raised about the implementation of the PDM, particularly regarding the allocation of funds to vulnerable groups such as persons with disabilities and older persons.

Minister of Gender, Labour and Social Development, Betty Amongi, previously stated that these groups are not consuming all their allocations, with some funds being returned or given to other interest groups.

The President also touched on other issues affecting the region, including the upgrade of the Namasale-Amolatar-Ochero-Dokolo road to bitumen and the ongoing conflict between the fishing community and the Fisheries Protection Unit (FPU).

While acknowledging the promise to upgrade the road, President Museveni did not commit to a timeline for its completion. Regarding the conflict, he said he would consult with leaders in the districts surrounding the water bodies before committing to a solution.

The International Crimes Division (ICD) of the High Court has directed the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) to visit Luzira Prison and investigate the conditions under which former Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) commander Jamilu Mukulu is being held.

The order was issued on Wednesday by a panel of four judges as the long-running terrorism trial against Mukulu and 31 others resumed.

When the case was called, defence lawyer Caleb Alaka raised preliminary matters, including an application relating to Mukulu’s detention conditions. He informed the court that Mukulu had previously complained of being denied special food, kept in isolation, and exposed to harsh prison conditions.

The court received a written response from the Uganda Prisons Service, presented by ASP Dennis Arinaitwe, Officer in Charge of Upper Prison. In the response dated October 1, 2025, prison authorities denied allegations of mistreatment, stating that contraband items had been discovered in food brought by visitors, leading to a ban on outside food.

“The prices being high is not true, there are open markets where one can get items at affordable prices,” the response read in part.

The response added that Mukulu declined a self-contained room but was accommodated in a ventilated cell and allowed into the courtyard for exercise. It further stated that he is not kept in isolation but is restricted in line with prison regulations.

Having considered both sides, the judges acknowledged Mukulu’s complaints but stressed that their mandate was to try the criminal charges, not to manage prison facilities. “We have taken cognizance of the complaints and the response,” the panel ruled. “We advise him to use the Uganda Human Rights Commission, which can make relevant recommendations that Uganda Prisons must abide by. As a court of justice, we are here to try the culpability of the accused.”

The panel then issued an order granting UHRC visitation rights to Luzira Prison to assess Mukulu’s detention conditions and prepare a report.

Meanwhile, the prosecution informed the court that 13 of the 38 original accused persons had entered a plea bargain agreement with the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) and were already convicted and sentenced. The defence informed the court that Mukulu and another accused had earlier filed a 2022 application challenging their extradition and the enforcement of their fundamental rights.

The judges adjourned the case to Thursday for parties to agree on facts before the hearing could resume. The case resumes on Thursday, with the parties expected to harmonize agreed facts before trial witnesses are called.

Background

Mukulu, jointly charged with 31 others, faces 20 counts, including terrorism, murder, aggravated robbery, attempted murder, and membership of a terrorist organization. Prosecution alleges that as ADF commander, he issued orders for attacks that left clerics, police officers, and civilians dead in several districts. The group is further accused of robbing firearms, ammunition, money, and property. Prosecution maintains the offenses were carried out with political, economic, and religious aims intended to cause fear among the public and government.

The trial of 12 environmental activists accused of staging an unlawful demonstration against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) took a new turn on Wedensday after the defence rejected a prosecution request to introduce a CCTV footage request letter as evidence.

During the hearing before Buganda Road Court, presided over by Grade One Magistrate Winnie Nankya Jatiko, two police officers narrated how the accused were arrested on Nile Avenue in Kampala while allegedly blocking traffic and carrying placards.

Police Constable Delma Oceng testified that while on patrol duty around Yusuf Lule Road and Nile Avenue, he found a group of protesters seated in the middle of the road.

“They were holding banners, others putting on orange t-shirts and reflectors,” Oceng said. “We parked our motorcycles and told the accused to leave the road, but they refused.”

The witness identified the banners bearing inscriptions against the pipeline, which the prosecution sought to tender as exhibits. Defence lawyers objected, but the magistrate overruled them and admitted the banners, ruling that the witness had properly identified the items.

During cross-examination by the defence led by Mr Samuel Wanda, Oceng admitted he did not personally arrest any suspect but only removed placards from the protesters. He named his colleagues as Aturo Rebecca and Commander Alex Bende. Asked whether wearing an orange t-shirt amounted to an offense, Oceng replied, “It depends on where you are.” He further told the court that, in his view, peaceful demonstration also constituted a public nuisance.

Another witness, Detective Ronald Tayebwa, the investigating officer from the CID department at Central Police Station Kampala, testified that he received the protesters after they were brought in by field officers. “They were seated in the middle of the road, their act was inconveniencing other road users,” Tayebwa said. “When I received them, I recovered seven t-shirts, 18 placards, four banners, and two reflectors.”

Tayebwa added that he interviewed two suspects, Akram Katende and Noah Katiti, who admitted to possessing the t-shirts after reading an online call to join the demonstration and deliver petitions to Stanbic Bank and the European Union. It was during his testimony that the prosecution made reference to a letter allegedly requesting CCTV footage, which the defence immediately opposed.

Defence lawyer Wanda told the court, “We do not understand the letter being referred to in court. It was never disclosed to us, and the witness is not even the author. The state has now brought in another request for evidence CCTV footage which was made on September 8, a few days after we had appeared for the first hearing. This is to fabricate evidence we do not have control over.”

The prosecution countered that the accused persons had not denied signing the statements, arguing that the issue raised was about whether the statements were read back to them. However, the trial magistrate directed the state to ensure full disclosure, saying, “In the interest of justice, prosecution should make disclosures to the defence team.”

The case was adjourned to October 16 for continuation of the hearing, with the 12 activists returned to remand.

Background

The activists, including members of the group Students Against EACOP Uganda, were arrested in August during a sit-in protest at Stanbic Bank’s headquarters in Kampala. They demanded that the bank withdraw financing for the $5 billion pipeline project, citing environmental harm, forced evictions, and unfair compensation of affected communities. Police dispersed the protesters with tear gas before arresting a dozen of them. They were remanded to Luzira Prison in the absence of legal representation and charged with unlawful assembly and public nuisance.

The EACOP project, spearheaded by TotalEnergies and CNOOC, has drawn global criticism, with 43 banks and 29 insurers reportedly ruling out support. Activists say Stanbic’s continued participation violates climate and human rights obligations. The case returns on October 16, when the state is expected to have shared all requested disclosures with the defence.

Alur King Phillips Olarker Rauni III has introduced by-laws granting clan chiefs additional powers to monitor antenatal care visits of expectant mothers in an effort to curb HIV infections in the kingdom.

The new health initiative will be formally launched during the 15th anniversary of the Alur king’s coronation in November, with clan heads working alongside Village Health Teams (VHTs) to ensure couples attend joint antenatal appointments.

‘By-laws will act as a working document to encourage husbands and wives to attend antenatal care together and know their HIV/AIDS status,’ said Vincent Ochaya Orach, Deputy Prime Minister of Alur kingdom.

The rules were outlined to clan heads and cultural chiefs during a series of cultural dialogue meetings focusing on voluntary HIV testing and awareness campaigns, chaired by the Uganda AIDS Commission (UAC).

Dr Amos Nyathirombo, Health Minister for the kingdom, said the by-laws aim to reduce HIV infections by compelling men to escort their wives for antenatal care, a step often avoided due to fear of disclosing their HIV status.

‘The issue of antenatal care is real, and cultural chiefs must closely monitor mothers who visit health facilities with their husbands. Records must be well documented as mobilization tools to fight HIV/AIDS,’ Nyathirombo said.

He added the regulations would also tackle harmful cultural practices, including underage marriages, by ensuring a signed consent letter from couples and background checks.

Dr Hope Murungi, UAC Coordinator for Civil Society and Private Sector, highlighted national and regional HIV statistics indicating that ‘Five people are infected hourly, 711 weekly, and 37,000 yearly, with 54 daily deaths linked to HIV/AIDS. Cultural leaders must act positively to reduce this scourge.’

Murungi reported district-level infection rates of 3% in Pakwach and Nebbi, and 4% in Zombo. ‘Factors like cross-border trade and social functions, including traditional marriages and dances, contribute heavily to the spread,’ she noted.

Cultural Chief of Kebu Chiefdom, Luciano Macakadho, welcomed the initiative but emphasized the need for cooperation from both the government and VHTs.

‘Cultural leaders are strong in their areas when supported by their subjects. Health issues cut across all sectors, and joint efforts are essential,’ he noted.

Kingdom officials suggest that the initiative is a bottom-up approach by the Alur kingdom to address rising HIV rates through community-level oversight and engagement, combining traditional leadership structures with modern health strategies.

Job Brian Ocen, 24, wakes up early each morning and gets ready for his day. Living in Omwonyogweno Village, Abunga Parish, Amugu Sub-county in Alebtong District, Ocen’s first task of the day is to weed maize in the garden, about two kilometres away. After a few hours of digging, he returns home, exhausted though fulfilled. Ocen rests for a short while, enjoying a simple breakfast of porridge and boiled cassava. But his day is far from over. He has another important task ahead of him- sensitising his community about climate change.

Just like hundreds of energetic youth in Amugo and Abako sub-counties, all in Alebtong District, Ocen is passionate about environmental conservation.

They were trained by a local non-governmental organisation, Change Lead Agency Social Support (CLASS), to educate their community on the impacts of climate change. With a backpack full of informational materials, Ocen sets off on his door-to-door campaign. He walks through the village, greeting his neighbours and friends, and sharing his knowledge about climate change. He explains how rising temperatures, changing rainfall patterns, and increased frequency of extreme weather events are affecting their crops, livestock, and overall livelihoods.

‘I start moving door-to-door beginning at 10am up to 6pm from Monday to Saturday, covering on average 10 households. I sensitise people on the dangers of wetland encroachment and bush burning,’ says Ocen. His message resonates with many in the community, who have already begun to experience the effects of climate change first-hand. Alebtong and Otuke have experienced the worst flooding in decades that has left a trail of destruction and despair in the two northern Uganda districts. Data from Alebtong Disaster Management Committee, for instance, shows that at least 66 grass-thatched huts, one semi-permanent house, and five toilets have collapsed.

A total of 2,591 acres of cassava, 2,210 acres of simsim, 566 acres of groundnuts, and 798 acres of maize have been destroyed by the floods triggered by both human-induced and natural factors. This climatic disaster has affected 3,978 households (715 in Adwir, 672 in Okomo, 706 in Alololo, and 796 in Ocokober parishes in Adwir Sub-county; 310 households in Baya and 291 in Oculokori parishes in Omoro Sub-county; 185 households in Amuria, and 162 households in Anara, and 141 in Alebtong parishes in Aloi Sub-county).

Human-induced causes

The Alebtong Disaster Management Committee blames the situation on unregulated charcoal burning, which has led to the removal of trees. This practice reduces the land’s ability to absorb water, increasing surface runoff and flood risk. Other contributing factors include poor agricultural practices such as over-grazing, and cultivation on steep slopes, leading to soil erosion and increased runoff and silting of River Moroto. Destruction of wetlands in the affected areas has reduced the land’s capacity to hold water, leading to flooding, according to Mr Franco Olaboro, the chief administrative officer of Alebtong, who is also the Disaster Management Committee chairperson.

In the face of climate change, youth in flood and drought-prone areas are rising to the challenge, adapting and innovating to protect their communities.

Mr Moses Omara, the executive director of Change Lead Agency Social Support – a youth-focused organisation – says for the last 10 years, the people of Alebtong District have been experiencing extreme weather events, including prolonged droughts and floods. Nonetheless, the organisation in partnership with the sub-county authorities in Amugu and Abako came up with both mitigation and adaptation approaches to fight climate change.

‘So, looking at some of those effects, we had to intervene. One, to focus on adaptation mechanisms. Here we built the resilience of our communities to survive in the face of climate change,’ Mr Omara explains. ‘Secondly, we also came up with intervention in the areas of mitigating the effects of climate change so that in the near future we don’t see it continue to happen like this. We want to do something to reduce the effects of climate change.’ CLASS has trained about 500 young people on climate change adaptation and mitigation through its community youth-friendly structures.

Adaptation strategies

‘And then we’ve trained other members of the community on the causes of climate change. This is because there are some other members of the community who even still believe that climate change is a result of God’s anger. They don’t think it is man’s actions or inactions that are now resulting in some of this,’ says Mr Omara.

‘So, we have designed messages that let them understand that climate change is caused. So another activity that we brought on board is climate advocacy,’ he adds. A structure called the Youth Climate Activists has also been formulated to help create awareness, but also collect issues regarding climate change among the young people.

The young people often bring these issues to the attention of duty bearers to address them. Mr Omara says they have also started encouraging community members to take coping strategies. ‘We want fewer trees to be cut down and if these trees are cut, there should be a replacement. For example, if one tree is cut at least 10 should be planted,’ says Mr Omara. Nancy Atim, a 22-year-old youth climate activist in Akulaum Village, Abongatin Parish in Amugu Sub-county, says they have reached out to different people with information about climate change.

According to Atim, many people have formed themselves into Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs), where they are able to save and borrow from those saving groups to meet their needs. Oryemcan Group in Abongatin Parish has 90 members, including Atim. ‘On February 18, 2025, I borrowed Shs200,000 from the group, which I invested part of in farming. In the first season, I harvested my sunflower, sold it and fetched Shs280,000. During this second season, I may get close to Shs1 million if all goes well,’ says Atim. Mr David Ojom, the chairperson of Amugu Sub-county, says local leaders are also continuously creating more awareness about bad farming practices, further asking the locals to desist from encroaching on protected ecosystems: wetlands and riverbanks.

‘So, we are also seeing some of the community members responding by making sure that they participate in the protection of the wetlands. This means they’re getting the messages. Then we are also seeing young people getting much more interested in polishing their skills, looking for information on climate change,’ says Mr Ojom. Whenever the Department of Meteorological Services under the Ministry of Water and Environment releases a calendar for a particular month, young people in Alebtong share this information among themselves through various social media platforms. ‘When the meteorological department has released a calendar on some of the early warning signs, we share this information with other people so that they get to prepare for the disaster and how they can mitigate the risks,’ says Mr Ocen.

Challenges

As they are implementing these interventions, young people are also faced with some challenges. For instance, there is limited information on the causes and benefits of climate actions and impacts. There are also limited climate strategies coupled with lack of access to technical resources that would have been part of a coordinated effort to address climate change. In the whole of Alebtong District, climate change experts are not in the villages. In most cases, these experts are only stationed in the neighbouring Lira City or Kampala yet they are needed most in these communities.

Youth Climate Action in Alebtong

500 youth trained by CLASS NGO on climate adaptation and mitigation.

Door-to-door sensitisation campaigns reaching 10 households daily.

Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs) supporting climate resilience.

Tree planting to replace those cut for charcoal.

Promotion of energy-saving stoves to reduce deforestation.

The National Unity Platform (NUP) has removed the privilege to carry the party flag from some of its key leaders, citing lack of loyalty and underperformance, among other reasons. The power to assess and qualify aspirants to carry the party flag was vested in the Elections Management Committee (EMC), which released the list on Monday night.

Some of the notable names denied the honour include Busiro East MP Medard Sseggona, who was replaced by Mr Mathias Walukagga, a folk musician-turned politician; Mr Allan Ssewanyana of Makindye West, who was replaced by the KCCA speaker Zahara Maala Luyirika; and Derrick Nyeko of Makindye East, replaced by Ali Nganda Mulyanyama. The others are Mityana District Woman MP Joyce Bagala, replaced by Proscovia Nabbosa; Rubaga South MP Aloysius Mukasa, replaced by Nassolo Euginia; Wakayima Musoke of Nansana Municipality, replaced by Zambaali Bulasiyo Mukasa, a former journalist.

The party electoral committee overseer, Ms Harriet Chemutai, said their selection of the successful candidates was executed by an eight-member team, with five EMC members based at NUP party headquarters at Kavule in Kampala, and assisted by three commissioners in the sub-regions of Eastern, Northern, and Western Uganda.

‘We were looking for people’s support on the ground and how well they know the party as well as being loyal to what the party believes in,’ Ms Chemutai said.

Ms Chemutai said the aspirants were scored at 60 percent for ground strength, and 40 percent for credentials, including level of education, knowledge of the party, and loyalty to its ideals. Mr Jumah Magatto, the NUP general secretary for Mpigi, said the EMC prioritised candidates who can effectively mobilise the electorate and ensure the party wins the forthcoming general election. Apart from Muwanga Kivumbi, who is the party deputy president in charge of Buganda, and Mukono Municipality MP Betty Nambooze, the other leaders who joined from the DP bloc in 2020 have since been relegated or had the party flag withdrawn from them, even when they are incumbents in their constituencies.

Some analysts have cited their sympathy and leaning towards some of their former DP bloc parliamentary ranks who have since left. The quitters included Mr Mathias Mpuuga, the former NUP party deputy president in charge of Buganda, who left the party and subsequently formed his own political outfit, the Democratic Alliance, before it morphed into Democratic Front (DF). Many other leaders who were close to Mr Mpuuga were torn between moving with the embattled leader or staying a little longer in NUP.

Mr Ssegona, Ssewanyana, and Joyce Bagala, the Mityana District Woman MP, decided to stay in the party and mend fences, but their reception at the party headquarters has always been cold. It was, therefore, not surprising that none of them was given the nod to carry the party flag for the 2026 election despite the experience some of them have amassed.

Ssewanyana, who was denied an NUP ticket to contest for the second term under an NUP ticket, has vowed to run as an Independent in the 2026 elections. He said he did what was required of him to be the best NUP choice but wondered why he was not selected. Mr Ssewanyana said his major enemy is President Museveni, not the Opposition and that he was duty-bound to end the suffering of his electorate from land grabbing, poor education, and unemployment.

‘I once contested as an Independent and they elected me, and the people still have trust in me. I thought I could not contest again, but people have been asking me to and I have to respect their request that I come back because they see able leadership in me,’ he said.

‘We have offered ourselves so much for our party. That is why we endured two years of prison with [Muhammed] Ssegirinya. I have supported the activities of the party, especially in my area. We have registered new members, and we have carried out the core values of the party,” he added.

In June 2021, Mr Ssewanyana, together with the late Ssegirinya, was arrested and detained for nearly two years over accusations of links with the machete-wielding gangs that sprang up in the Greater Masaka sub-region. The duo was charged with murder.

Ms Luyirika, who was preferred over Ssewanyana, said her first major intention was to contest for Makindye West MP before shifting to Kampala Woman MP, but due to chaos, she decided to go back to the Makindye West seat.

‘All my heart was for the people of Makindye West. I have been their leader since my youth. I had submitted my papers to contest for Kampala Woman MP, but during the vetting process, I submitted another application for Makindye West that I had earlier desired. Everything was done transparently and democratically,’ Ms Luyirika explained.

For more than five months, Ms Luyirika has been campaigning and running activities as she was determined to replace Ms Shamim Malende on the Kampala Woman MP seat. But sources privy to the selection process said a meeting that involved top religious leaders and party bigwigs were drawn in to iron out the impasse, creating space for Luyirika, who hails from Makindye West, to be chosen over Ssewanyana. Mr Ssegona, who was denied the NUP ticket, will officially announce his next course of action today. Mr Ssegona says he has a legal background.

‘I did what I was supposed to do as a legislator. When the time for contesting came, I submitted my papers, so the reason why I have not been selected is a subject for NUP to answer,’ he said.

The interventions to get Ms Joyce Bagala, the incumbent Mityana Woman MP on the NUP ticket, ended in vain, after failing to respond to calls. Ms Baagala was replaced by Ms Proscovia Mukisa, alias Nabbosa, the former Kawempe North NUP victim of torture. Ms Nabbosa, a holder of a Mass Communication degree from Makerere University, says she was selected by NUP due to her strength on the ground, people’s choice, and loyalty to the party principles despite being one of the torture victims during the Kawempe North by-election.

She was among the 22 NUP supporters who suffered injuries on March 3, 2025, during the Kawempe North by-election when they were assaulted by security personnel. The election was won by Elias Nalukoola, but his victory was later nullified after the NRM candidate, Ms Nambi Faridah Kigongo, petitioned the High Court, citing irregularities.

Local government workers under the Uganda Local Government Workers Union (ULGWU) have announced an indefinite sit-down strike starting October 1, 2025, citing government inaction on salary disparities within the public service.

On Tuesday, ULGWU Secretary General Hassan Mudiba said workers were left with no option but to resort to industrial action to compel the government to address their concerns.

‘We gave notice to the government through the head of Public Service and secretary to Cabinet on September 18, 2025, of workers’ intention to undertake industrial action commencing October 1, 2025, pursuant to section 14(a)(b) on serving notices between the government and Labour Union. Unfortunately, the government has not responded to the notice,’ Mudiba told journalists.

Despite a wage bill increase from Shs7.8 trillion in FY 2024/25 to Shs8.6 trillion in FY 2025/26, local government workers categorized under unconditional grant wages did not benefit from the increment, the union said.

Mudiba accused the government of creating ‘salary disparities’ through selective increases, polarizing the civil service and demoralizing employees.

He also criticized the opacity of certain salary structures.

‘Like National Planning Authority (NPA), their salary structures cannot be seen yet there are not even scientists, and I challenge government to make public their salary structure and that of National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA),’ he said.

National Treasurer of ULGWU, Miriam Mukani, said there was still room for dialogue.

‘If government comes up and says let us have a dialogue, there is room. But as of now, since there is no response, there is nothing much we can do other than keeping on the strike until the government realizes that local government workers also matter,’ she explained.

Striking in Uganda is protected under Article 40(3) of the Constitution, which guarantees workers the right to join a union, undertake collective bargaining, and withdraw labor in accordance with the law.

Article 20 further obliges all government agencies and persons to uphold these rights.

Mudiba warned against any form of intimidation during the strike stating that: ‘We would not expect any administrative authority, either Resident District Commissioners (RDCs), Chairperson LC IVs, Chief Administrative Officers, District Police commanders, among others, to interfere, intimidate or harass workers during their peaceful strike.’

Although the Ministry of Local Government has yet to officially respond, the strike is expected to disrupt local government operations nationwide.

Last week, this column argued, in its humble contribution to defining the Uganda we want, that the crisis of the great number of unemployed, unemployable and low-waged needs to occupy more space in public discourse and policy making.

To increase employability, support higher incomes, and undergird long-term development, we need to take a long, hard look at education: how and what we teach our learners.

At the rollout of universal primary education in 1997, the focus was on mass enrolment, but the quality problems were baked in. Some were obvious, in the form of inadequate infrastructure, teachers, and teaching aids. Others were less obvious, like the demand for farm labour, bottlenecks at transitional points upwards, and social dynamics like teenage pregnancy, early marriage and sexual abuse.

Thus, although the student population in Uganda tripled between 1997 and 2014, only one in three of the pioneer UPE class of 1997 made it to the end of primary school in 2003. The expansion of secondary and tertiary education has helped, but major problems of equity, quality, and outcomes remain.

Education is a great leveller and enabler, but without intentional system design, it is probably entrenching socio-economic hierarchies seen anecdotally, in the concentration of better performing schools in the south and central parts of the country. A Unicef study found that kids of the 20 percent richest families are five times more likely to continue to secondary school than those of the poorest 20 percent. Unsurprisingly, this transition is highest in Kampala and lowest in Acholi, which continues to bear the trailing effects of war, disease and destitution.

Means-tested scholarships and a higher per capita investment in public schools in poorer regions (including in teacher accommodation and salaries to attract better teachers) could be among the options considered by policymakers.

Such interventions could also aid in confronting the quality issue. Only one in two Ugandan kids is literate by the end of primary school, and less than one in two are proficient in English and mathematics in secondary school. In the absence of teachers and facilities, including laboratories, the 15 percent proficiency rate in biology among secondary school pupils is unsurprising and perhaps even miraculous.

The quality problem can feel overwhelming, which is why we should consider carefully calibrated nudges and some unconventional interventions. One is to start at the bottom, with early childhood development. Some preschools or kindergartens in Greater Kampala charge more per term than some diploma courses at Makerere University. This is because there are hardly any public preschools and kindergartens (and because parents of small kids are irrational in spending on them).

Investing in early learning should increase retention rates in the education system, improve literacy, and aid vulnerable families, including single mothers in informal employment who often can’t afford child education or care.

The second nudge, to make education more pleasant, is already being considered by the clamp down on corporal punishment. It needs to be complemented by guardrails to safeguard children from other types of harm, including the one in four Ugandan kids who are sexually abused in schools. How do we not have a sexual offender’s register in the year of our lord, 2025?

The third nudge is to redirect the focus of learning away from what learners know to what they can do. The internet has kicked down the door of the ivory tower, making learning accessible to anyone with a connection and cognitive power. Artificial intelligence will outsource even the need to find and sort information to machines/computers.

This will spill over into real-world practical applications. Robots already do much of the heavy lifting and repetitive actions in factories and will continue to do more as their dexterity and manoeuvrability improve.

Much of this disruption is still way off into the future for a middling developing country like Uganda, where urban mass transit, to give just one example, is still powered by two-wheeled maniacal riders. But the times, they are a-changin, and with them we must.

To better prepare our young people for a disrupted world of work, we must destigmatise vocational education, expand apprenticeships to give learners real-world experience, and add life skills to the curriculum, including (possibly compulsory) community service.

The millions of factory jobs that accompanied the industrial revolution in the West and the manufacturing boom in Asia will not arrive uninterrupted in our hinterlands. We must begin to imagine future-proof jobs and reimagine the way we prepare learners for them. An education system from the past can’t prepare us for the jobs of the future.

Police have arrested local musician Patrick Mulwana alias Alien Skin, on allegations connected to the death of Wilfred Namuwaya, alias Top Dancer, a former member of his Fangone Forest crew.

Kampala Metropolitan Police spokesperson Patrick Onyango confirmed the arrest, saying Mulwana reported himself to the director of crime intelligence and was later taken to Katwe police station for statement recording.

“Alien Skin, whose real name is Patrick Mulwana, has been arrested today, October 1, 2025, in connection with the death of Wilfred Namuwaya, alias Top Dancer,” Onyango said. “He is currently at Katwe police where his statement is being recorded.”

According to detectives, Namuwaya’s decision to quit the group had angered its leader, Alien Skin. Before his death, Namuwaya reportedly told investigators that he was abducted and tortured on Alien Skin’s orders.

“They picked me up at my home, claiming that I stole something, and took me back,” Namuwaya recounted before his death. “When they reached there, I was beaten, kicked by several people on orders of Alien, saying; Why did I leave the group?”

A doctor at Ayaan Life Care Medical Center, who requested anonymity, said Namuwaya was brought in the night and abandoned outside with severe internal bleeding beyond their capacity.

“We tried to save him throughout the night before referring him to Mulago Hospital, but he was pronounced dead on arrival,” the doctor said.

Police are hunting for other suspects, including Commander Mdogo, Ibra Kabadiya, and Mijagulo, in connection with the fatal assault.

“The group severely beat Namuwaya and later dumped him at a clinic,” Onyango said. “We are pursuing all those involved.”

Mr David Byamugisha, a neighbor to the deceased, said Namuwaya had worked for Alien Skin for two years before leaving.

“Before he died, he appeared in a video which was trending online where Alien Skin’s men covered his eyes as he (Alien Skin) ordered for his beating,” Byamugisha said. “He was later thrown out in a bad condition.”

Police records link Alien Skin and his group to a string of violent incidents.

In a previous incident, the crew stormed Nsambya Hospital after a colleague was injured in a car accident, demanding medical forms from doctors.

When their demands were denied, they assaulted a doctor and two security guards, leaving three people seriously injured. Alien Skin was later arrested and remanded to Luzira Prison for several weeks before securing bail.