Category: Daily Monitor

Some moments sweep you off your feet when you least expect them. For me, that moment is now, amidst the world of sports. The World Cup is unmissable; everyone is talking about it. However, basketball has always been the sport I had zero interest in, until this month. I have been following it relentlessly, not because I suddenly love basketball, but because of the incredible story unfolding around the New York Knicks.

The team had suffered through 53 years of near-misses and heartbreak. To understand what that means, you have to grasp the particular cruelty of time. Fifty-three years is long enough for a child born in the last championship season to become a grandparent. Yet, the fans stayed. Not all of them, of course. There were defectors; fair-weather fans, the pragmatic ones who decided their emotional energy was better spent elsewhere. But enough fans remained. Enough kept showing up at the stadiums, wearing the jerseys, and believing in the face of every conceivable evidence that their belief was irrational.

When that final whistle blew, and the trophy was finally, impossibly, theirs, the celebration was the release of 53 years of pent-up breath. I watched the footage with the peculiar distance of someone who does not root for that team and has no stake in that city, yet still felt unmistakable recognition. Because we all know what it is to wait.

We all know what it is to hope against hope. We all know what it is to be told that our loyalty is misplaced, that our belief is foolish and that the numbers do not add up. We also know the small, private victory of staying, regardless.

Barack Obama called it the audacity of hope, and he was right; it is audacious. It is almost perverse. It is the refusal to accept the world as it is given to you. It is the insistence that the story you are telling yourself might actually come true.

But hope should not be coflated for optimism. Optimism is the belief that things will get better. Hope is the belief that things can get better. It is a more modest proposition and, therefore, a more durable one. Optimism is a feeling; hope is a discipline.

Audacity is the only explanation for Curaçao’s place at the World Cup. A nation of just about 150,000 people, which is about four million people fewer than Kampala, stood on the world’s grandest stage and faced football superpowers without flinching.

They reminded us of something we too often forget; belief is not about numbers; it is about nerve. And that, I think, is the most inspiring thing of all because it tells us that hope is not naïve. It is a strategy, a conscious decision to reject the limitations others have drawn around you.

Then there was the Democratic Republic of Congo. Did you see them? The leopard print accessory was unmissable, and unapologetically African. The moment their feet touched the tarmac, they announced themselves to the world; we are proudly, flamboyantly Congolese, and we will not shrink to fit your expectations.

Global sporting culture often demands conformity and asks athletes to tone down their identity, to become palatable brands rather than proud representatives. Congo refused to conform and instead wore their heritage like a coat of arms, a declaration not just of where they come from but of who they are. In that refusal, they reminded us that true presence is about being seen.

I started thinking about what it means to carry that much pressure onto the field. To represent not just a team, but an entire continent. To be seen, even for just one season, as the symbol of a people who have too often been overlooked. If they felt the same weight, they never showed it, they moved with quiet confidence instead. Well done, Congo. You made us proud and reminded us that when you fully embrace who you are, that becomes your greatest strength.

That is the real gift of sports; not the fleeting victories nor the trophies, which collect dust. But the proof that hope is active and stubborn. It is the choice to keep showing up long after it has ceased to be rational. And in those moments, we will remember why we keep telling ourselves stories, because occasionally, against all odds, they turn out to be true.

Appearing weak and depressed, former Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago revealed unsettling accounts of his ordeal during the 48 hours he was held in an unknown military detention.

Lukwago, who is also the defence lawyer in Dr Kizza Besigye’s treason case, was abducted by men in military uniform last Monday and charged with misprision of treason 48 hours later. In an exclusive interview with the Monitor last evening, Mr Fahad Lukwago narrated the distressing ordeal his father, Lukwago, faced in a Toyota Hiace passenger van, popularly referred to as Drone, while being transported to an undisclosed location.

Blindfolded and frazzled, Lukwago arrived to find his head shaved and his suit stripped away, leaving him in only shorts and a shirt. He was later given some posho and beans to eat, though it is unclear how many meals he actually received. Fahad, who got the story from his mother, Ms Nalongo Zawedde Lukwago Lubwama, recounted that his father was locked in a cramped room resembling those used for psychiatric patients, furnished only with a single plastic chair.

“At night, my father had to fold his jacket to use as a pillow because he struggles to lie flat due to a spinal surgery he underwent in India,’ Fahad recounted, adding that ‘whenever he [Lukwago] tried to rest, he was met with intense pain, forcing him to remain seated in the plastic chair to relieve the strain on his back….For two consecutive days, he couldn’t lie down.”

After realising his shirt was dirty, Lukwago sought permission to wash it. It was then that he was reportedly offered an NRM T-shirt. Although he hesitated to wear it, Fahad told Daily Monitor that he ultimately had no choice but to accept the yellow T-shirt.

Lukwago, is also the leader of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), a new political party aiming to end President Museveni’s four-decade rule, is a prominent figure in the Opposition landscape. e has consistently voiced his criticism against the NRM government and its policies over the years. n the detention facility, Fahad revealed that the space was tightly constrained, making it difficult for him to stretch out. He explained that his father later began to experience breathing problems due to stomach ulcers that often led to what he called ‘acid reflux’.

Acid reflux happens when stomach acid consistently travels back up into the esophagus, the tube that connects the mouth and stomach. This backflow, according to gastroenterologists, irritates the esophagus lining, leading to a burning feeling some people often refer to as heartburn. Recounting the psychological torture his father endured, Fahad revealed that whenever Lukwago was prompted to talk about what he went through in the detention facility, he would take deep breaths and respond in a quiet, hesitant manner.

Yesterday, Lukwago faced charges of misprision of treason at the Chief Magistrate’s Court in Makindye, Kampala. His legal team and others condemned the charges as politically driven, emphasising the unjust treatment of an innocent man simply doing his job as an advocate and court officer. The former Lord Mayor was seized from his home in Wakaliga, a Kampala City suburb, on June 15, and whisked to an undisclosed detention facility. The CDF would later confirm his abduction on his X-handle.

How he was abducted

According to Fahad, his father was abducted by armed soldiers, some dressed in UPDF uniforms and others in plain clothes.

“The operatives arrived in two “drones” – a term widely associated with the abduction and transportation of suspects by security agencies. As we reconstructed the difficult events of that day’, Fahad, whose father is currently on remand, told the Monitor that one soldier scaled the perimeter wall after cutting through the barbed wire that served as protection against intruders.

‘The section that was cut is only a few metres from the main gate. After entering the compound, the soldier opened the gate and allowed other soldiers in, along with one of the drones, to drive in and collect Dad’, Fahad recalled.

“I was terrified when I saw one soldier jump over the fence. I ran away and hid because I feared for my life,” Fahad narrated. The sliding door to the former Lord Mayor’s house was open, while the burglar-proof door had been shut but not padlocked, making it easy for the soldiers to enter the residence.

Upon entering, the operatives knocked on several rooms on the ground floor of the mayor’s storeyed mansion. He added: “They tried to force their way into my room, but they could not gain access because I had locked myself inside. They then moved upstairs, where my father’s bedroom is located.”

When asked how the soldiers appeared to know that Lukwago’s bedroom was upstairs, Fahad responded: “I think someone signalled to them that it was upstairs. I had just come down from upstairs to alert my mother and father that soldiers had invaded our home.”

When the operatives reached Lukwago’s bedroom, which is situated between two other rooms, they knocked, and Lukwago’s wife opened the door, believing it was her son, Fahad.

“They entered the room and tried to look for anything they could use as evidence against him, but they did not find anything,” Fahad’s voice quivered, as he struggled to hold back tears. The rest of the family members were ordered to remain outside the house, and their phones were confiscated. “We were warned not to go back into the house,” Fahad recalled.

As Lukwago was being taken away, his wife reportedly pleaded with the operatives to allow her to give him medication for ulcers and for a slipped spinal disc, for which he had previously undergone surgery in India. Her request was allegedly ignored.

The Monitor could not independently verify this statement, as there were no authorised security personnel or government officials willing to comment on the matter. Lukwago’s wife, who was initially denied access to him at Kira Division Police Station yesterday, was later allowed to see him.

According to Fahad, she returned and narrated his ordeal to the family.

Football in Uganda and every part of the world is part of everyday life. It lives in trading centres, roadside video halls (bibanda), university hostels, living rooms, bars, and WhatsApp groups. A Manchester United loss can ruin moods for an entire day. Arsenal fans suddenly become loud when the team is winning and not giving them heart palpitations. Every weekend, friendships are tested over English Premier League (EPL) banter, predictions, and penalty decisions. As the zeal for the 2026 Fifa World Cup continues to grow, one thing is clear. Ugandans love football, and the appetite for live sport has never been bigger. Families gather around television sets, friends meet at kafundas and the entire nation rallies behind teams and players who inspire millions.

At the same time, piracy is becoming one of the biggest threats to the future of sports broadcasting. Across the country, illegal streaming links, hacked decoders, telegram channels, and unauthorised football screenings have become increasingly common. For many people, it feels harmless. Someone sends a link in a group chat before kickoff, some use their mobile phones, while others gather around a screen, and the match goes on, but a few stop to think about what that ‘free’ football actually costs. The rise of illegal streaming platforms and unauthorised broadcast links has created the illusion of free access to premium sport. In reality, it comes with a serious cost, one that is often hidden from the viewer. Every illegal stream chips away at the economic infrastructure that makes sports broadcasting possible. Rights acquisition; production, commentary, studio analysis, transmission infrastructure, customer service, and local sports coverage all require significant investment. When piracy flourishes, that investment becomes harder to sustain.

Broadcast rights for major football competitions such as the Fifa World Cup, EPL and Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) tournaments cost billions of dollars globally. Broadcasters acquire these rights to ensure audiences enjoy reliable coverage, expert analysis, local programming and investments in production quality. Piracy undermines this model by stripping value from the very content that audiences love. In Uganda, where the creative and media sectors are still growing, this matters even more. ­ The conversation around piracy often focuses only on access and affordability, but there is also a deeper issue around value. We cannot continue demanding world-class entertainment while undermining the industries that make it possible. Delivering that experience across Africa requires continuous investment in technology, talent, infrastructure and distribution networks.

The same Ugandans who celebrate local music, local film, and Ugandan creators should also recognise the importance of protecting content rights. Piracy also comes with personal risks that many users ignore. Illegal streaming platforms are often filled with scams, malware, fake betting advertisements, and suspicious links that expose users to fraud and cybercrime. In trying to save money, many people unknowingly compromise their devices and personal information.

The future of sports broadcasting right now depends on how seriously audiences, regulators, broadcasters, and technology platforms respond to this issue. Fighting piracy is about protecting the future of entertainment, sport, and creative investment in Africa. Football deserves investment. Fans deserve quality. Broadcasters deserve protection for the content they legally acquire and distribute.

Chief Justice Flavian Zeija, Principal Judge Jane Frances Abodo and the Attorney General have been dragged to the High Court in Kampala over an administrative directive that bars the attachment and execution of government funds and property in satisfaction of court decrees.

The petition, filed by Omongole and Co. Advocates, challenges an administrative order issued by the Principal Judge on April 1, arguing that it is unconstitutional, unlawful, and undermines the rights of successful litigants to enjoy the fruits of their judgments.

According to court documents, the law firm contends that the directive violates Article 2 of the Constitution, which establishes the supremacy of the Constitution and renders void any law or act that is inconsistent with it.

“The said directive is contrary to Article 2 of the Constitution, which establishes constitutional supremacy and invalidates acts inconsistent with the Constitution,” the petition states.

The petitioners further argue that the directive unlawfully extends protections available to the central government under the Government Proceedings Act to local governments, statutory bodies, commissions, and other government agencies that are not covered by the law.

“That the directive improperly extends protections applicable to the central Government under the Government Proceedings Act to local governments and other independently established government corporations or commissions contrary to law,” the court documents read.

The law firm also faults the Principal Judge for allegedly relying on judicial precedents that do not support the directive.

Ms Mary Akaro Edotu, a staff member in the law firm, in her affidavit to support the law firm’s case, contends that the Principal Judge’s directive contravenes Section 6 (2) of the Local Governments Act, which expressly permits execution against local government’s attachable property after six months from judgment, except fixed assets and statutory transfers.

She adds that the said directive has adversely affected decree holders, litigants, and advocates by obstructing lawful enforcement of court judgments and that Omongole and Co. Advocates is one of them.

The petition cites the decision in Nampongo Robert and Another v Attorney General Constitutional Petition No. 43 of 2012, arguing that the case concerned only the central government and not local governments. It also references Ostraco Ltd vs Attorney General, Civil Appeal No. 32 of 2002, where courts warned against granting the government preferential treatment over other litigants.

The petitioners further contend that the directive unfairly restricts decree holders from enforcing court awards and effectively denies them the right to be heard and obtain meaningful remedies after successful litigation.

They are seeking several declarations and orders from the court, including the quashing of the directive and an injunction stopping judicial officers from implementing it.

Among the remedies sought is “an order of injunction restraining judicial officers under all courts of law in Uganda from implementing the said directive.”

The petitioners also seek a declaration that the directive is ultra vires, unconstitutional and inconsistent with the Judicature Act, the Local Governments Act and established principles of the rule of law.

In addition, they want the court to declare that local governments, being corporate entities under Section 6 of the Local Governments Act, are subject to lawful execution in accordance with the law.

The contested directive, issued by the Principal Judge on April 1, directed courts not to entertain applications for attachment, garnishee orders or other execution proceedings against government accounts unless the execution is specifically provided for under the approved government budget for the relevant financial year.

The directive was issued amid concerns over increasing execution proceedings against government entities, which judicial administrators argued could disrupt public service delivery and implementation of approved budgets.

The case is expected to reignite debate over the balance between protecting public funds and ensuring that successful litigants can enforce court judgments against government institutions.

By press time, the respondents in the case hadn’t filed their respective responses before the matter could be heard.

Ugandan defender Jovia Nakirya has challenged her teammates to defend the Cecafa U-17 Women’s Championship after they completed the group stages with maximum points.

Uganda beat Djibouti 13-0 on Sunday then Zanzibar 3-0 on Tuesday, owing to goals from Shadia Nabirye, Immaculate Acen, and Justine Ayerango, to qualify for the semifinals with a match to spare.

In that match on Thursday, Uganda beat South Sudan – who ended as group runners-up with six points – 4-0 with braces from Nabirye and Ayerango to finish with nine points and as group winners.

“I am happy that we have won all group games and as defenders, we are glad that we have done so without conceding any goals,” Nakirya said.

The defender like most thought Uganda will play Tanzania in the semis and promised they were ready to deal with their aggression.

Coach Sheryl Botes, who felt her team passed with flying colours the height and physical challenges South Sudan posed also thought Uganda were set to meet Tanzania and even “tried two formations against South Sudan that we intend to use against Tanzania.”

She also challenged her team attempt to convert from setpieces.

Cecafa at it

However, Tanzania were controversially named Group A winners and will now face South Sudan instead. Tanzania beat Somalia 4-0 on Saturday, Sudan 10-0 on Monday and drew 1-1 with Kenya on Wednesday.

Kenya beat Somalia 6-0 on Monday. However, their opening game with Sudan is the cause of controversy.

Kenya were leading 16-0 in the 54th minute when the match was called to a halt after five Sudanese players including their goalkeeper hit the floor claiming injuries.

Interestingly, the latter had also exhausted all their substitutions at this point. The referee had no option but to call off the game as per Law 3 of football which requires a team to have at least seven players on pitch or forfeit the game.

The Cecafa rules guarantee a 3-0 win to the other team in case one forfeits the game. However, this decision was not taken swiftly as Cecafa’s own match-report on Monday has Kenya as Group A leaders (with 22 goals scored as the 16-0 lead was taken into account). Tanzania, who had at this point scored 14 goals in two games, were considered second.

Cecafa’s interim executive director Jean Sseninde confirmed Kenya’s 16-goal efforts were truncated to a 3-0 win as the match is considered abandoned.

That means Uganda will now meet a familiar foe in coach Mildred Cheche’s Kenya and hope to serve some revenge. Kenya ejected Uganda on away goals rule after a 1-1 aggregate draw when they met in the penultimate round of the 2026 Fifa U-17 Women’s World Cup Qualifiers last month.

Kenya must also have hoped to face South Sudan but fortunately for all semifinalists, they have two rest days to prepare before they return to action at KMC Stadium on Sunday.

CECAFA U-17 WOMEN’S CHAMPIONSHIP

SUNDAY: SEMIFINALS, KMC STADIUM

Uganda vs. Kenya, 1pm

Tanzania vs. South Sudan, 4pm

Former Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago was yesterday charged with misprision of treason, becoming one of the few lawyers who have been charged with a similar offence to the clients he has been representing. He was charged two days after he was abducted by armed men from his Wakaliga home in Rubaga Division, Kampala.

Misprision of treason is the criminal offence of knowing that someone has committed or is planning treason, and deliberately failing to report it to the authorities. Unlike treason, which involves actively betraying your country, misprision is about concealing the information or staying silent when you have a duty to speak.

Yesterday, the prosecutors claimed that between 2021 and November 2024, Lukwago knew that Dr Kizza Besigye, Joel Wakayima, Frank Kihehere Atukunda and Mr Obeid Lutale intended to commit treason, but failed to report the information to authorities.

A review of witness statements that have so far been disclosed in court in the Besigye treason case shows that Mr Lukwago’s name appears once in the testimony of Andrew Wilson, also known as Orlando, an American national who claims to operate a company involved in investigations and tactical firearms training.

In his statement to investigators, Wilson recounts a series of alleged interactions with Wakayima, Opposition politician Salaam Musumba and later Dr Besigye. The witness claims that after being introduced to Ms Musumba through Wakayima, they discussed plans that included training individuals in journalism and covert communications to gather intelligence on government officials and supporters. It is during this account that Mr Lukwago’s name surfaces.

According to Wilson, Ms Musumba proposed holding a meeting in Brussels and indicated that she intended to invite several people, including Mr Lukwago, former Kira Municipality MP Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, Lubega Mukaku and political analyst Charles Rwomushana. ‘Salaam then requested Joel Wakayima to put me in contact with Dr Besigye, which Joel did. Indeed, on a date I cannot recall, we had an online meeting with Dr Besigye, which led to a physical meeting a few weeks later in Geneva, Switzerland,’ Mr Wilson avers in his police statement.

He adds, ‘In my first physical meeting with Dr Besigye, he asked me to help him to set up militant networks in Uganda to cause destabilisation of the country. Here, I met Dr Kizza Besigye with Joel Wakayima and Frank Kihehere Atukunda. I booked and paid for Dr Kizza Besigye’s flight from Entebbe to Geneva as he had requested.’ However, Wilson’s police statement does not indicate that the proposed meeting took place, nor does it allege that Mr Lukwago attended any meeting with him.

Neither does the witness claim that Mr Lukwago participated in discussions concerning militant activity, intelligence gathering, or efforts to destabilise the government. The allegations regarding militant networks arise later in Wilson’s police statement and relate to a separate meeting he says took place in Geneva, Switzerland, involving Dr Besigye, Wakayima and Atukunda.

Notably, Mr Lukwago is not mentioned as having attended the Geneva meeting.

What is misprision of treason?

Misprision of treason is a criminal offence that arises when a person knows that another individual has committed, is committing, or intends to commit treason but deliberately fails to report that information to the authorities.

Unlike treason, which involves direct participation in acts aimed at overthrowing or waging war against the government, misprision of treason does not require active involvement in the alleged plot.

Instead, the offence focuses on concealment or silence.

Under Ugandan law, a person can be charged with misprision of treason if they are aware of plans to commit treason and fail to disclose that information to a minister, a magistrate, the administrative officer, or a police officer in charge of a station.

The prosecution is mandated to prove that the accused person had actual knowledge that treason was being planned or had been committed, and also that the accused deliberately failed to report that information to the relevant authorities.

The offence is distinct from being an accomplice or co-conspirator. A person charged with misprision of treason is not accused of participating in the alleged treasonous activities but of withholding information about them.

The charge is relatively rare in Uganda and has only occasionally been invoked in politically sensitive prosecutions involving allegations of threats to national security.

Of life imprisonment

Section 25 of the Penal Code Act that addresses the concealment of treason, provides that: “Any person who knowing that any person intends to commit treason does not give information thereof with all reasonable dispatch to the Minister, an administrative officer, a magistrate or an officer in charge of a police station, or use all reasonable endeavours to prevent the commission of the offence of treason commits the offence of misprision of treason and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for life.”

Misprision of treason attracts up to imprisonment for life, while treason attracts up to death by hanging.

Misprision of treason can be handled by a Chief Magistrate’s Court, while treason is strictly handled by the High Court.

A prison warder and prime suspect in the gruesome murder of 4-people by shooting at Kiboga Central Prison on February 23, 2026, has been committed to the High Court for trial together with 3-other co-accused.

Prison warder Moses Anguyo, who has been on remand together with 3 other co-accused, including Peter Anziku (alias), Dickson Okuonzu, Peter Anziku and Amviko Hellen, since April 1, 2026, had earlier been remanded by Kiboga Grade One Magistrate Jonard Tusasirwe.

They appeared before Kiboga Grade One Magistrate Emmanuel Alioni Drajole on June 17, 2026 via Zoom.

The cases have been under investigation since February 23, 2026, when the gruesome murder of four people occurred.

Kiboga Senior State Attorney Mr Stephen Ariong told court that investigations were complete, noting that they were ready for trial.

Particulars of offence indicate that Prison Warder No.13544, Moses Anguyo, while at Kiboga Hospital Road on February 23, 2026, with malice aforethought, unlawfully caused the death of Prison Officer1 Bright Akishuri, contrary to Section 171 and 172 of the Penal Code.

He is also accused of unlawfully causing the death of Sarah Ayebare, Alson Niwagaba and ASP Hope Catherine on 23 February 2026, contrary to Section 171 of the Penal Code.

Anguyo also faces 2 charges of aggravated robbery and another charge of threatening violence.

It is alleged that on February 23, 2026, the suspect, while at the Saza Shops in Kiboga Town Council, Kiboga District, robbed Grace Kutusiime of one black jean trouser and at or immediately before or after the said robbery used a deadly weapon, to wit (SMG) rifle No. UG POL 565824781-32635 on the said Grace Asiimwe.

It is alleged that Anguyo, also with intent to intimidate or annoy SP Ivan Niwagaba, threatened to shoot or kill him while at Kiboga Government Prison on February 23, 2026, contrary to section 77(a) of the Penal Code cap 128.

The charges against Moses Anguyo’s co-accused are that Peter Anziku, Peter Anziku (alias) Dickson Okonzi and Hellen Amviko, between the 23rd day of February 2026 and March 27, 2026, while at different locations within Uganda, being relatives of Prison warder No. 13544 Moses Anguyo accused of murder, jointly coordinated and assisted him (Anguyo) to escape from being charged of the offence of murder to the prejudice of ASP Catherine Hope, Bright Akishuri, Sarah Ayebare and Salson Niwagaba.

While a section of the stakeholders had earlier pushed for a public trial, the Judiciary will possibly make a formal communication about the type of trial after the High Court fixes hearing dates.

Background

In the early morning hours of February 23, 2026, Prison warder Moses Anguyo shot dead two of his supervisors and two civilians at the Kiboga government prison before escaping and abandoning the killer gun.

Eyewitnesses say while ASP Hope Catherine died on the spot after the shooting incident at the prison facility, Principal Warder Bright Akishuri and Sarah Ayebare died a few minutes after evacuation at Kiboga Hospital.

A one-year-old child identified as Salmon Niwagaba sustained serious bullet wounds and later succumbed to injuries at Kiboga Hospital, hours later.

After his escape, Moses Anguyo was later arrested at Aru Town in the Democratic Republic of Congo before being extradited home to Uganda to face trial.

He was arrested on March 27, 2026, under a coordinated joint operation involving security agencies from Uganda and the DRC.

The violent abduction of prominent Opposition lawyer and former Kampala Capital City Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago marks a dangerous, highly volatile low point in Uganda’s political history. Operating in broad day light, armed military operatives scaled the walls of Lukwago’s Wakaliga residence, dragging him away in a notorious ‘drone’ vehicle.

Hours later, the Chief of Defence Forces, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, took to social media to openly gloat. He shared images of a blindfolded Lukwago and boasted about holding him “in the basement” to inflict “hurt and pain.”

True leadership is born of moral authority, respect for due process, and a legitimate mandate from the people. Reliance on lawless detentions, Internet taunts, and the physical torture of civilians exposes a profound emptiness. As the country watches this terrifying escalation, the deafening silence from leaders across our societal spectrum, religious, cultural, and political, is deeply concerning. To those who choose to look the other way out of comfort or fear, let this serve as an urgent warning, your silence will not protect you.

Authoritarian systems are insatiable, they eventually consume the very people who enabled them through compliance. The atrocities, lawless abductions, and systematic civilian disappearances that you remain muted about today will inevitably knock on your doors tomorrow. When the wheel of political fortune turns, your titles, accumulated wealth, and proximity to power will not shield your own family members from the cold walls of a basement torture chamber.

The future of Uganda cannot be left as a casualty of fear. We have arrived at a defining point where being a quiet bystander is no longer a neutral stance, it is an act of complicity. When the Judiciary is treated with open contempt and civilian structures are overridden by arbitrary military decrees, the republic itself is under siege.

The crisis facing Uganda today is not merely a political dispute; it is a fundamental test of our collective humanity and national conscience. When a State weaponises its military machinery to drag citizens into dark basements, it does not just crush the individual, it crushes the moral fabric of the entire republic too. Time and again, records show that tyranny relies entirely on the exhaustion of the good and the isolation of the brave.

By choosing to stay silent or indifferent, we inadvertently hand over the keys of our collective future. Let us carry ourselves with the absolute conviction that no matter how deep or dark the cells may be, there isn’t enough space in the so-called basement for all Ugandans and above all, do not be a bystander.

For about three years now, Joseph Cwinyaai has been in pursuit of the horizons in amateur golf in the country.

If anything, he could have felt different at the beginning of the week when secured an all-expenses-paid trip to Kenyan capital Nairobi after winning the first leg of the NCBA Golf Series at Uganda Golf Club (UGC).

The national team star qualified for the grand finale to be played at the Karen Country Club in November after returning an unmatched score of 70 gross to beat a field of 220 competitors at UGC in Kitante.

The tournament brought together 220 golfers, including some of Uganda leading amateur golfers, who competed for top honours and an opportunity to represent Uganda at the prestigious NCBA Golf Series Grand Finale to be held at the renowned Karen Country Club in Nairobi, Kenya, later this year.

Joseph Cwinyaai carded an overall 2-under 70 to win the first Uganda leg of the 2026 NCBA Golf Series, held at the Uganda Golf Club (UGC), Kitante.

The national team player consequently became the first of two winners from Uganda to enjoy an all-expenses-paid trip to Nairobi to compete in the grand finale, to be played at the Muthaiga Golf Club in November.

‘The round was easy and good though the conditions are tough since it’s a dry season,’ Cwinyaai described his performance.

The handicap -2.3 player delivered consistency to expectedly conquer the stage at the par-72 course. ‘I will say yes since it was a gross event however much it was a one day event,’ Cwinyaai affirmed his expectations to win.

He struck four birdies at the par-5 Holes No.1, No.5, No.8 and No.15 and it could have been splendid had it not been the bogeys at the par-4 Hole No.14 and the par-3 Hole No.17.

Cwinyaai beat UGC-bred John Musiimenta by a stroke while Gilbert Asiimwe and Aggrey Mutaka both shot 75 gross but the former took third place on count-back.

The UGC leg of the NCBA Series is a part of the regional circuit spanning 25 golf courses across Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania and Rwanda.

‘The NCBA Golf Series was born out of a desire to do more for the sport of golf,’ NCBA Bank Uganda Chief Executive Officer Mark Muyobo remarked.

‘At NCBA, we bank on belief and empower ambitions. Our commitment to the NCBA Golf Series reflects our belief in the power of sport to transform lives, unlock potential and inspire excellence. Through this platform, we are investing not only in the future of golf but also in the future of East Africa’s sporting talent,’ added Muyobo.

Entebbe Club will host the second leg of the NCBA Series on October 3, with the overall winner joining Cwinyaai to Nairobi.

NCBA GOLF SERIES

UGC LEG RESULTS

Overall Winner: Joseph Cwinyai 70 Gross

Overall Winner (L): Marther Babirye 77 Gross

Runner-Up (M): John Musiimenta 71 Gross

Runner-Up (L): Judith Komugisha 80 Gross

3rd Place: Gilbert Asiimwe 75 Gross

4th Place: Aggrey Mutaka 75 Gross

Junior Winner: Sean Kusaasira Nsereko 80 Gross

Guest Winner: Raymond Ekwamu 66 Nett

GROUP WINNERS

DIVISION 2 HC 13-24

Winner (M): Ashwin Patel 62 Nett

Winner (L): Zhang Fangyi 68 Nett

DIVISION 3 HC 25-45

Winner (M): Peter Oola 70 Nett

The recent arrest and reported abduction-style detention of former Lord Mayor of Kampala Erias Lukwago has stirred painful memories for many Ugandans. For some, it is not merely a political event involving a prominent Opposition figure. It is a reminder of a dark chapter in our nation’s history-a history marked by disappearances, fear, and the silencing of dissenting voices.

Erias Lukwago has, for many years, been one of Uganda’s most visible defenders of constitutionalism, the rule of law, and civil liberties. Whether one agrees with his politics or not, his place in Uganda’s public life is undeniable. The circumstances surrounding his abduction have reignited concerns among citizens who remember similar scenes from earlier decades when individuals were taken away by security operatives, often never to be seen again.

The name that immediately comes to mind is that of Uganda’s first African Chief Justice and former prime minister Benedicto Kiwanuka. In 1972, during the brutal reign of Idi Amin, Kiwanuka was abducted from his chambers at the High Court in Kampala. He was taken away by armed men and never returned. To this day, his remains have never been officially recovered, and he has no known burial site. His disappearance remains one of the most haunting symbols of State repression in Uganda’s history.

For those of us who were born during Idi Amin’s rule, these memories are not distant historical events. They are part of our childhood. We grew up hearing stories whispered in homes, stories of fathers, brothers, uncles, and neighbours who left one morning and never came back. We lived through the turbulent years that followed, including the wars and political instability of the late 1970s and early 1980s. We became men and women under President Museveni’s government, believing that those dark days belonged to the past. Yet recent events have reopened old wounds.

I remember one man. His name was Ssebude, a veterinary officer and a friend of my uncle. He lived in Sekiwunga Village near Kitende, off Entebbe Road. One morning, as he prepared to leave for work, military men reportedly arrived and took him away. Like many others during that era, he was never seen again. What remains vivid in my memory is his daughter. She would often tell us, with the innocence and sadness of a child, that soldiers had taken her father away. Years later, I came across an account written by a survivor of the Makindye military detention centre. In that account, the author described a prisoner named Ssebude who was taken from fellow inmates one night after being informed that he was going to be killed. According to the account, he said his final goodbyes before being led away. He never returned. These are the memories that many older Ugandans carry with them.

Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of some modern arrests is not only the way people are taken into custody, but the public display that sometimes follows. In the age of social media, images of detained individuals can quickly circulate online, accompanied by ridicule and political mockery. This adds humiliation to an already painful experience and deepens divisions within society.

Uganda has travelled a long road since the days of Amin and the conflicts that followed. Significant achievements have been made in restoring stability and rebuilding institutions. Yet history teaches us that peace is sustained not only by security but by tolerance, accountability, and respect for differing political views. After four decades in power, the current leadership faces an important responsibility. Political opposition should not be viewed as an enemy of the State. It is a legitimate part of democratic life. The answer to disagreement cannot be intimidation, fear, or actions that remind citizens of periods they hoped never to relive.

For those of us who were children during Uganda’s darkest years, recent events have brought back sleepless nights and unsettling memories. We remember the fear that gripped our communities. We remember the uncertainty of not knowing who would disappear next. Most importantly, we remember the cost that political intolerance imposed on ordinary families. Uganda deserves better. Our children deserve better. The lessons of our history should guide us away from fear and toward greater respect for human rights, due process, and political pluralism. If we fail to learn from that history, we risk allowing old ghosts to return and haunt another generation.