Category: Daily Monitor

A disturbing video clip has resurfaced online and gone viral. In it, Congolese independence hero and first Prime Minister Patrice Émery Lumumba is shown in his final moments in January 1961, stumbling through an open field, his tormentors chasing, slapping, and beating him with rifle butts as though he were a common street thief.

Lumumba’s last days remain among the darkest chapters of Africa’s independence era. Ousted in a September 1960 coup led by Colonel Joseph Mobutu (later Mobutu Sese Seko), Lumumba was arrested near Port Francqui (today Ilebo) in Kasai Province on December 1, 1960, and flown under guard to Leopoldville (now Kinshasa).

After weeks of humiliation, he was transferred to Katanga on January 17, 1961, where treacherous Moïse Tshombe’s secessionist regime and Belgian officers awaited him. That evening, Lumumba and two allies-Maurice Mpolo and Joseph Okito-were driven to a clearing outside Élisabethville (now Lubumbashi). They were beaten, mocked, and tied “kandoya” style (their arms twisted behind their backs). Strapped to trees, they were shot dead by a Katangan firing squad supervised by Belgian officers.

Their bodies were hacked to pieces and dissolved in sulphuric acid. A Belgian officer kept teeth and bone fragments as macabre souvenirs-returned to Congo only in 2022. It was an attempted erasure, a determination to deny him even a grave. Instead, it immortalised him. The image of Lumumba bound, defiant, and executed in that Katangan night has remained etched into Africa’s collective memory. The clip-now circulating widely on X (Twitter)-has reignited debate about Lumumba’s legacy. The iconography of this legacy is immense. In Uganda, there is Lumumba Hall at Makerere University, as well as Lumumba Avenue in Kololo. Children are still being named after him.

Across Africa, from Cairo and Algiers, through Central Africa and everywhere in the southern African swathe, his name runs through streets and institutions. Then there are countless books, T-shirts, murals, and stickers. In just a few months of leadership, Lumumba captured the hopes of a continent breaking its colonial chains. His fiery Independence Day speech on June 30, 1960, denouncing Belgian exploitation and affirming dignity for all Congolese, set him apart from more cautious contemporaries.

He stood for Pan-African unity, refusing to let foreign capitals or reactionary local elites dictate the future of Congo. Unlike many leaders of his generation, he resisted tribal temptations. He refused to be a regional boss or an ethnic warlord, insisting instead on a unified Congolese nation. But if all we do is weep over Lumumba’s torment and exalt his martyrdom, we risk missing the real lessons. His brief and turbulent reign as Congo’s first prime minister, from June 24 to September 5, 1960, was marked by brilliance, yes, but also grave miscalculations.

His most damaging error was his refusal to build broad coalitions. From the moment Congo became independent, he treated rivals, including President Joseph Kasavubu, Katanga’s Tshombe, and South Kasai’s Albert Kalonji, as enemies to be crushed rather than bargained with. Within weeks, Katanga seceded on July 11, 1960, followed by South Kasai on August 9, and the country began to splinter. His insistence on a rigidly centralised unitary state was equally self-defeating. A country bigger than Argentina and South Africa combined, with over 200 ethnic groups, was never going to be ruled by decree from Leopoldville. His push for central control fanned rebellion instead of suppressing it.

The army was another disaster. On July 5, 1960, he authorised the “Africanisation” of the Force Publique, sacking European officers overnight; fine, but without preparing Congolese replacements. The army mutinied within days, looting towns and terrorising civilians. Belgium sent in paratroopers on July 9 to “protect its citizens”, tightening its grip on Congo. Economically, Lumumba denounced monopolies and foreign strangleholds but offered no serious plan for mines, banks, or transport. Investors fled-technical staff packed up. Shortages worsened.

His June 30 independence speech, while a much-loved African thunderbolt of truth, humiliated Kasavubu and alienated moderates. Lumumba mistook mass adulation for political consensus. To sanctify Lumumba without reckoning with his errors is to risk repeating them. These are warnings to every African leader who thinks charisma can replace institutions or that slogans can substitute for actionable policy. His biggest tactical blunder was alienating both local and external centres of power at once.

He quickly lost support from Western powers, the United Nations, and powerful Congolese factions, leaving him exposed. Leaders today who burn bridges simultaneously-without building durable local coalitions or independent economic bases-risk the same isolation. And for the Ugandan Opposition, a lesson too. Now, with the race for next January’s elections on, and the arrests, abductions, and torture of Opposition members mounting, they too need a tactical reflection. Bobi Wine and his National Unity Platform have captured mass enthusiasm. Still, they must learn from both the brilliance and the mistakes of Africa’s heroes, or risk being trapped forever in cycles of martyrdom without victory.

Foreign banks are pulling out of Africa after decades of operations, saddled by declining profits and rising operational costs. This reflects the continent’s changing investment landscape and the diminishing appeal of the financial services sector.

Ongoing exits are largely linked to increasing competition from telecoms and financial technology (fintech) firms. Mobile and digital financial services offerings have weakened the dominance of global banks, worsened by weakening currencies, political instability in several countries, and rising cases of terrorism.

A new study by global rating agency, Moody’s, spotlights recent exits, noting that a tough operating environment has seen top global lenders, which have operated on the continent for years, scale down operations or exit completely. Some have sold their African businesses to local banking operators.

‘Africa was long regarded as one of the next frontiers for global banking expansion. But the perception of many Western (foreign) banks has shifted over the last decade owing to disappointing profitability and rising operational challenges,’ Moody’s says.

The report notes that Western banking groups, some of which have been in Africa for more than a century, are increasingly leaving the continent, and as they reassess their strategies in Africa, a growing number are choosing to scale back or exit entirely from certain markets.

Since 2019, at least seven major foreign lenders have announced plans to either scale back or leave Africa completely. They include some large British and French banking groups, such as Barclays, Standard Chartered, BNP Paribas, Credit Agricole, Groupe BPCE, HSBC, and Société Générale.

The report notes that Africa’s retail banking in particular has fallen short of expectations for some foreign banks, with increasing competition from mobile and digital competitors challenging traditional banks’ market shares and profitability.

For African countries lacking comprehensive banking networks, Moody’s notes, mobile banking has become an easy alternative for money transfers and an important vehicle for increasing banking penetration.

But fintech startups and mobile money operators such as ‘Safaricom’s M-Pesa, Orange Money, and MTN Mobile Money have also expanded rapidly, offering a wide range of financial services to underserved individuals and new markets like the microcredit segment.’

Competition between traditional banks, fintech startups, and mobile money operators is intense, and traditional banks are working hard to defend market shares while preserving profitability, the report notes.

But rising interest rates at the tail end of the Covid- 19 have also dulled the attractiveness of African markets for some foreign banks, causing them to single out African operations as being higher risk but less profitable than other regions.

In addition, weakening in the value of some local currencies against the dollar or European units has cut the contribution of African operations to foreign banks’ revenues and profitability.

Recent economic shocks, such as Covid-10 in 2020 and the commodity crunch that followed, hit emerging African middle classes, adding further pressure.

‘Several countries are still bearing the scars of the pandemic in the form of higher debt and increased poverty,’ Moody’s says.

Moreover, political instability in several African countries has fuelled uncertainty and, in some cases, led to economic sanctions, constraining banks’ ability to conduct their business and repatriate profits.

There have been a series of coups in sub-Saharan countries in recent years, including Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Gabon.

The emergence of terrorist organisations in a few countries has also put African operations in the spotlight.

Tightened regulations on Anti-Money Laundering and Counter-Terrorism Financing have added greater complexity to banking operations, increasing the regulatory burden and magnifying reputational risk.

As of June 2025, 12 out of the 24 countries on the Financial Action Task Force’s grey list of jurisdictions under scrutiny for money laundering and terrorist financing were in Africa.

According to Moody’s US sanctions currently imposed on nine African countries add another layer of risk, and as a result, foreign banks, some of which have been in Africa for more than a century, are increasingly leaving the continent.

Britain’s Standard Chartered, which has operated in Africa for around 150 years, is progressively reducing its footprint.

The lender in 2022 announced plans to leave five African countries, Angola, Cameroon, Gambia, Sierra Leone, and Zimbabwe, and exit the Consumer, Private, and Business Banking segments in Tanzania and Cote d’Ivoire, given the complexity and high cost-to-income ratio of operating in these markets.

Its shareholding in these subsidiaries were finally sold to Access Bank in July 2023.

The bank has also announced plans to divest from its wealth and retail banking businesses in Uganda, Botswana, and Zambia.

Standard Chartered made a $217 million loss on the sale of its business in Zimbabwe, Angola, and Sierra Leone, largely due to forex translation.

Barclays, whose operations on the continent span more than 100 years, marked its complete exit from the region in December 2017 by reducing its shareholding in South Africa’s Barclays Africa Group from 62.3 percent to a non-controlling stake of 14.9 percent.

The lender sold off business units it did not consider core operations and shifted attention to consumer, corporate, and investment banking in Europe and US.

UK’s financial conglomerate Atlas Mara, which had acquired banks in seven African countries, has already exited the continent, terming its African investments ‘risky’ and the sub-Saharan African macroeconomic environment as ‘challenging’, exacerbated by Covid-19.

Consequently, from September 2020 to date, Atlas Mara has completely divested from Mozambique, Rwanda, Tanzania, Botswana, and Zambia.

In June 2023, French bank Société Générale announced the sale of its stakes in several African subsidiaries.

It sold its holdings in Mozambique (65 percent) and Burkina Faso (52.6 percent) to Vista Group, and its stake in Chad (67.8 percent) to Coris Bank.

Last month (August 2025), it also sold its 95.5 percent stake in Mauritania to Enko Capital.

In Cameroon and the Republic of Congo, the bank’s participations were ultimately acquired by the respective local governments, which exercised their right of first refusal.

Société Générale also announced that it had signed an agreement to sell its 57.2 percent stake in its Equatorial Guinea subsidiary to Vista Group.

However, since the announcement, there has been no official confirmation that the transaction has been completed.

As of June 2025, disposal processes are also underway in Guinea Conakry and Benin.

The bank cited a lack of critical mass and limited synergies with the rest of the group as key reasons for its exit, aiming for a more efficient allocation of capital.

Uganda and Kenya have agreed to develop a joint tourism marketing plan that showcases their complementary attractions to regional and international travelers.

The decision was made during a meeting between the Uganda Tourism Board (UTB) and Kenya Tourism Board (KTB) held on the sidelines of the ongoing Magical Kenya Travel Expo in Nairobi.

The three-day expo has attracted over 6,500 delegates from more than 40 countries, including 400 exhibitors and about 5,000 travel professionals. UTB Chairperson, Ms Pearl Hoareau Kakooza, emphasised the importance of collaboration rather than competition, given that Ugandans are the second-largest source of visitors to Kenya, while Kenyans top Uganda’s arrivals list.

“The only way to grow these numbers is through active collaboration, joint marketing, and private-public partnerships,” she said. “Uganda’s gorillas and River Nile, alongside Kenya’s Masai Mara and coastal beaches, can be marketed as complementary products.”

As part of the cooperation, the boards are considering joint roadshows, regional events, and familiarisation trips for tour operators. Kenya has already hosted Ugandan operators at its expos, while KTB has sent travel agents to sample Ugandan tourism products.

KTB Acting Chief Executive Officer, Mr. Allan Njoroge, said Kenya is determined to double the number of Ugandans visiting annually from the current 225,000, making Uganda its top source market ahead of the United States. “Tourists want multi-country experiences, not just one destination. So we must sell each other,” he said.

Uganda has standardised park entry rates for East Africans to match those paid by Ugandan citizens, a move designed to encourage regional travel. The partnership is also expected to feed into preparations for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), which will be co-hosted by Uganda, Kenya, and Tanzania.

Both boards believe AFCON presents a major opportunity to boost sports tourism by bundling football with wildlife and cultural experiences. Mr Njoroge emphasised that the two countries are not competing but complementing each other’s strengths.

Fishermen on Lake Victoria have called for the reinstatement of Beach Management Units (BMUs) at landing sites, claiming that their absence has facilitated illegal fishing practices and weakened community control over the lake.

BMUs, introduced in the early 2000s, were community-based groups tasked with co-managing the fisheries sub-sector in fishing villages by registering boats, enforcing fishing regulations, and monitoring illegal gear at landing sites in collaboration with the fisheries departments in districts. But in 2017, President Museveni disbanded them and handed the responsibility of fisheries enforcement to the military-led Fish Protection Unit (FPU), citing corruption in BMUs.

Now, local fishermen say the vacuum has caused more harm than good.

‘BMU members could know every fisherman operating on the lake and those possessing illegal fishing gear at every fishing village. The soldiers we have today do not operate at the village level, so by the time they arrive at any landing site for an operation, illegal fishers will have hidden their nets or already done the damage,’ Mr Sunday Gerald Kayita, a fisherman in Mazinga said during an interview yesterday. Mr Godfrey Ssenyonga Kambugu, another fisherman and head of the Association of Lake Fishermen and Lake Users of Uganda (AFALU), said the enforcement of regulations on the lake without involving local structures is ‘next to impossible.’

‘Since BMUs were scrapped, there have been no landing site management committees. FPU tried to fill the gap by appointing committees, but those have only created more problems and divisions among us,’ he said. He added that some of the interim committees have been accused of corruption and favouritism, leading to widespread mistrust. ‘The fisheries ministry should redesign BMUs, involve genuine fishermen, and fill the leadership vacuum,’ he added. However, the FPU spokesperson, Lt Lauben Ndifula, defended the army’s role on Uganda’s water bodies.

‘In the past, local leaders at various landing sites worked tirelessly to protect the lake. But today, many fishermen don’t care. They fish right on the shoreline, use pesticides, or build beaches that destroy breeding grounds,’ he said. Lt Ndifula said Lake Victoria is under immense pressure. On Uganda’s side alone, the lake spans more than 13,000 square kilometres, with 6,000 landing sites, each hosting 300 to 500 people. He said more than 1.7 million people now depend on Lake Victoria, compared to a much smaller population decades ago.

He added that increasing population growth, coupled with illegal gear, has strained fish stocks in the lake.

‘Some landing sites that were planned for only 60 boats now have more than 100. Others were planned for 70 boats, but currently have 300 boats. Regulations allow only 50 fishing nets per boat, but some carry over 150 nets,’ he said. Lt Ndifula admitted that BMUs did valuable work during their time, but insisted they were not free from corruption. ‘Some members of BMUs used to work with illegal operators. Those calling for them now are genuine fishermen who love the lake, but we also know others want them back to resume illegal practices,’ he said.

He revealed that FPU is currently having discussions with the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry, and Fisheries to review co-management regulations and explore how BMUs could be reinstated in a stronger, more transparent form.

The Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) has resumed strict enforcement patrols to curb littering and maintain cleanliness across the city as it gears up for the highly anticipated City Festival.

The move is part of a broader campaign to ensure the city remains clean, welcoming, and safe for both residents and visitors.

KCCA Executive Director Hajati Sharifah Buzeki emphasized the importance of proactive measures ahead of the festival.

“We are committed to keeping Kampala clean. Our teams will patrol major streets, markets, and public spaces to ensure compliance with sanitation regulations. Littering will not be tolerated,” she said.

The enforcement efforts will be complemented by public awareness campaigns aimed at educating residents on the proper disposal of waste and the importance of maintaining a clean environment.

“Cooperation from the community is key to achieving a litter-free city,” Buzeki added.

Minister for Kampala Hajati Minsa Kabanda welcomed the initiative, noting that a clean city is not just a matter of pride but also of public health.

“Kampala hosts thousands of people every year during the City Festival. It is crucial that we present our city in the best possible way. A clean city promotes tourism, business, and the overall well-being of our citizens,” Kabanda said.

The City Festival, which attracts visitors from across Uganda and beyond, will feature cultural displays, music performances, health services, and food exhibitions. Ms. Buzeki urged all residents and business owners along festival routes to comply with sanitation regulations and avoid activities that generate litter in public spaces.

“KCCA’s enforcement teams are equipped to issue fines and take corrective measures against individuals or businesses that disregard the rules,” she said. “This is not about punishment alone; it is about creating a culture of responsibility and pride in our city.”

With a zero-tolerance approach to littering, KCCA aims to make Kampala a model city during high-profile events. Authorities are optimistic that with cooperation from residents, Kampala will host a safe, enjoyable, and clean City Festival for all.

Concerns about poor health services, dilapidated housing, traffic jams, and weak drainage systems dominated as Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) presidential candidate Maj Gen (rtd) Gregory Mugisha Muntu began his Kampala campaign trail yesterday. After resting on the opening day of campaigns, Gen Muntu, contesting for the presidency for the second time, started in Kawempe Division and later concluded in Kampala Central. In Kawempe, he conducted door-to-door meetings where residents raised key issues.

‘We have a national referral hospital in Kawempe [Kirudu], but care is lacking. Most services are paid for, contrary to what the government says. There is no timely attention to mothers delivering at night. We need a president who will make basic health services free and affordable,’ said Ms Hajarah Nabukenya, a resident of Kawempe Ku Ttano. Mr Joab Atwine, a trader in Kisenyi, cited poor drainage systems that worsen during the rainy season. ‘The city was poorly planned and the president must revisit the drainage system.

When it rains, we are at risk of losing lives. I treated one of my children for typhoid three times last season,’ he said. Mr Imran Kasule, who is living with a disability, asked for inclusivity in government programmes. ‘We are rarely incorporated, despised, and discriminated against. We want free housing and non-interest loans to grow economically,’ he said. Ms Jane Nasanga, a trader, called for tax reforms.

‘Taxes in kilos for textiles and garments are threatening business. Our goods take a long time before clearance at URA. The tax regime must be revised,’ she said.

Mr Joel Wasswa of Kawempe pointed to corruption as the city’s biggest challenge.

‘Much as we cry about poor health, roads, and drainage, the root cause is corruption. Without eliminating corruption, nothing will improve,’ he said. In his address, Gen Muntu pledged to establish a robust transport system to address congestion. ‘The population keeps growing. In 20 years, Kampala could have 16 million people. Without a proper transport system, one will spend five hours in jam,’ he said.

He proposed widening roads, creating bus and ambulance lanes, and introducing rails for small commuter trains linking Kampala to major towns.

He also promised affordable housing through government construction projects. ‘As we build houses, we shall ensure citizens can afford them. If a person has a business, we must create favourable conditions so that they can purchase houses, with payments spread over a grace period,’ he said.

Kampala’s outskirts remain dominated by informal settlements with poor access to sanitation, waste management, and security. The 2024 Population and Housing Census showed that 55 percent of households rent single-room units commonly known as mizigo. According to the National Population and Housing Census (NPHC), Kampala has a daytime population of 2.5 million, with 1.79 million residents, nearly 300,000 of whom lack a household.

Youth unemployment is high, with 808,983 aged 15-24 not in employment, education, or training (NEET). Of Uganda’s 25.1 million working-age population (14-64 years), only 9.4 million are employed, 1.7 million of whom are in Kampala. The city faces severe air pollution, largely from heavy-duty vehicles.

Residents’ concerns

Hillary Akayizuka, boda boda cyclist: ‘Police officers flog us like dogs, and yet this is the only employment option we have. Many of us studied and failed to find jobs. The next president should be able to scrap all unnecessary fines and enforcements.’

Johnson Twijukye, army veteran: ‘I have served before in the army, but the circumstances under which one goes to get a retirement pension are crooked. There is a lot of theft that must be addressed because quite a number of mentally ill people on the streets are there due to disappointed hopes in such sectors.’

Imran Kasule, PWD: ‘We are rarely incorporated in government programmes, are despised and discriminated against. We therefore want inclusivity from whoever comes next.’

The trial of suspects in the murder case of Kampala businessman Henry Katanga resumed yesterday, with the lead investigator suggesting a third party may have been present at the scene. The crime scene was Katanga’s master bedroom, where he was found dead on November 2, 2023. ‘My lord, the smears of blood on the wall, the ladder which was in the room. Like, I could not believe that someone could kill themselves and then again touch the wall with their hands. I could also not believe that a retired colonel could fire and have another live ammunition come out during suicide,’ Detective Superintendent of Police (DSP) Bibiana Akongo told Justice Rosette Comfort Kania.

‘You could see a sign of someone trying to mop after that observation, and the room seemed to have had a third party,’ she added.

Her remarks came after Assistant DPP Samali Wakooli asked what made her suspect more than one person was present. She, however, did not identify the alleged third party.

DSP Akongo, the 23rd prosecution witness, testified that while on duty in Kinawataka, she received a call from the Bugolobi OC about a suspected suicide by shooting.

‘We reached the scene of the crime and found the door closed. Otai (Charles, one of the suspects) was standing at the door. The legs were tied together using a gauze. On that same bed, at the edge, there was a pistol, a projectile, and one cartridge,’ she said. When asked what had happened, Otai allegedly told her Katanga had shot himself. He further said the deceased was a retired UPDF colonel and that Katanga’s wife, Molly Katanga, had collapsed on hearing the news and was taken to hospital.

The investigator said Otai later gave police three different versions of events. She added that a depression in the ceiling and a deformed projectile were discovered. ‘The one that hit the ceiling got deformed, but the one that shot the person (Katanga) was never recovered. When you shoot someone, he or she is not a hard rock to make a projectile deform,’ she explained. Her conclusion was that Katanga’s death was homicide, not suicide.

The African Development Bank Group new president, Dr Sidi Ould Tah, who took office on September 1, has unveiled a reform blueprint he calls the ‘Four Cardinal Points,’ which seeks to shape the Bank’s work across the continent-including in Uganda.

At its core, the plan focuses on mobilising Africa’s financial resources by scaling blended finance and deploying innovative instruments such as green and social bonds, with the aim of stretching scarce capital and drawing in private investors.

For Uganda, where firms grapple with high borrowing costs and low long-term financing, deeper AfDB mobilisation could unlock funding for productive investment.

Dr Ould Tah will also reform and consolidate financial systems by prioritizing stronger financial governance, deeper capital markets, and better risk management, and harness demographic transformation by focusing on skilling, digital empowerment, and support for women and youth entrepreneurs.

Uganda’s vibrant tech scene, from mobile-money innovators to a growing startup ecosystem, could benefit from AfDB-backed digital infrastructure, skilling programmes, and venture finance that connect young creators to markets.

He will also build climate-resilient infrastructure and drive value addition by emphasizing focus on renewables, efficient transport corridors, and climate financing.

AfDB support has already helped expand energy access, upgrade trade corridors, and strengthen agriculture value chains, laying foundations for business expansion and export competitiveness.

Ould Tah is credited with transforming BADEA into a high-performing lender, and he is determined to create a more agile, ambitious, and accountable AfDB, where every dollar raised should work harder for Africa’s future.

For Uganda, success will be measured in cheaper capital, stronger institutions, youth opportunities, and infrastructure that can withstand the next shock.

Police in western Uganda have launched a manhunt for a 25-year-old man accused of killing his father and grandmother inside their home on Monday night.

The incident occurred in Bulenge Zone, Kakuba Ward, Katooke Town Council, Kyenjojo District, according to Rwenzori West Police spokesperson SP Vincent Twesige.

Police identified the suspect as Allan Bainomugisha, who fled after the alleged killings. The victims were his grandmother, Molly Teo Tumusiime, 71, and his father, Dragon Bruce, 50.

A police report released Tuesday said Bainomugisha entered his grandmother’s house, where she lived with Bruce, and hid in the ceiling earlier in the evening while the two were at a nearby trading centre.

A granddaughter, only identified as Praise, told police she saw him but did not report it. She later heard Bruce praying at about 10:30 p.m., the last time she heard his voice.

‘After some hours, Praise heard Bruce crying out for help. Shortly after, Teo asked what had happened to him, but she received no reply. She then called her grandson, Muhumuza, to bring her a torch. As she moved to open the sitting room door, the suspect grabbed her,’ the report said.

It added: ‘The suspect then attacked her with a machete, cutting her several times. Muhumuza, who is 12, ran outside to alert his uncle, Ruhamire Joel, who lives nearby.’

Ruhamire told police that when he responded, he found the suspect still in the house. The man threatened to kill him too before fleeing. Ruhamire then reported the incident to Katooke Police Station.

Police officers who visited the scene recovered witness statements, collected blood samples, and conducted postmortems.

‘Tumusiime’s body was found in the doorway between her bedroom and the sitting room, lying in a pool of blood with deep cuts on her neck, right arm, ribs, and back. Dragon Bruce’s body was found lying on his back in his bedroom next to the sitting room. He had multiple injuries, including cuts on his chest, left ear, ribs, and a severe wound on his right thumb,’ police indicated.

Speaking to Monitor, Ruhamire said the killings may have been linked to a land dispute.

‘Shortly after Tumusiime gave land to her son, Bainomugisha came to his father saying he wanted to build a house there. When his father refused, Bainomugisha went ahead and brought construction materials despite the rejection. We suspect this disagreement could have been the cause of the murders,’ Ruhamire said.

He added that the children had earlier seen the suspect hide in the ceiling but did not question him since he often ate and stayed with them.

Police said investigations were ongoing and the hunt for Bainomugisha was underway.

Murders and road crashes claim about 25 lives in Uganda everyday, according to a 2024 annual police crime repoort.

Campaign slogans are never accidental. They tell us not just what a politician promises, but also what they fear losing.

President Museveni’s 2026 campaign message ‘Protecting the gains’ is a revealing one. It forces us to ask, how do you actually protect progress? By holding onto power indefinitely, or by building systems strong enough to outlive any one leader? When Museveni first took power in 1986, he spoke words that electrified a weary country: ‘The problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power.’ That pledge of renewal set him apart from the dictators of his time. Nearly four decades later, those words hang over his legacy like both a prophecy and a contradiction. Uganda has certainly registered gains since then; roads, schools, health facilities, and a degree of stability compared to the bloody turbulence of earlier regimes. But stability is not the same as permanence. True progress is only secure when it is institutionalised.

By scrapping term limits and age limits, Uganda has stumbled into the very trap Museveni once warned against turning leadership into personal tenure. If ‘protecting the gains’ is to mean anything today, it must begin with the one thing Uganda has never had: a peaceful, democratic transition of power.

It is legitimacy, not incumbency, that secures a country’s future. Another reality Museveni cannot escape is demographics. Uganda is one of the youngest nations in the world, with over 75 percent of its people under 30. For years, the ruling NRM has leaned on the youth as mobilisers and foot soldiers. But young Ugandans are no longer content to simply serve in someone else’s project. They want agency in shaping their own future. Ignoring their frustration risks

Turning Uganda’s greatest asset into its most volatile challenge.

That is why the 2026 race feels less like another election and more like a reckoning. It offers starkly different paths. Museveni embodies continuity, but continuity of a system that has calcified around patronage and control. His strength has been in reorganising power so thoroughly that even disempowered elites often rally behind him. Yet this continuity has left ordinary Ugandans, despite fertile soils and abundant resources, stuck in poverty that feels both unnecessary and permanent.

On the other end stands Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, the musician-turned-politician who has become the voice of Uganda’s restless youth. His movement has restored a sense of possibility, proving that Museveni is not invincible. But questions linger. Can raw charisma and street mobilisation translate into the discipline of governance? Uprooting a regime is one task; rebuilding institutions is another. Nathan Nandala Mafabi represents another strand of Opposition politics. In Parliament, he has been a fierce watchdog, relentlessly exposing

Corruption. Yet his style, often confrontational, risks deepening divisions at a time when Uganda needs broad coalitions and an inclusive national vision. Fighting corruption is necessary, but alone, it is not enough. Then there is Gen (rtd) Mugisha Muntu. He offers something rarer in Ugandan politics patience, principle, and discipline. His philosophy is clear ‘The human being is the core of development.’ For Muntu, Politics starts not with roads or ribbon-cuttings, but with rebuilding institutions, investing in education and healthcare, and reviving agriculture. These are not flashy promises, but they speak to the foundations of a sustainable State. Uganda’s options, then, mirror its history. Museveni offers continuity of the system he built. Kyagulanyi offers rupture, powered by youthful energy but still untested. Mafabi offers accountability through confrontation, but without yet a unifying vision. Muntu offers the slow, principled work of reconstruction.

Whichever path Ugandans choose, the stakes could not be higher. The median age in this country is just 15. If the post-Museveni era collapses into chaos or slips into populist cycles, it is young Ugandans who will pay the price. But if we seize this moment to rebuild institutions and refocus on citizens rather than personalities, Uganda could finally unlock the vast potential that has always been within reach. In that sense, ‘protecting the gains’ is not about freezing time or defending one man’s tenure.

It is about ensuring when leadership changes as it must, the country keeps moving forward. The truest legacy President Museveni could leave, after nearly 40 years in power, would be to oversee Uganda’s first peaceful handover of power. That would be the boldest infrastructure project of all: an orderly democracy.