Category: Daily Monitor

The Opposition political parties have closed ranks to demand the immediate release of Mr Erias Lukwago, one of the lead lawyers in Dr Kizza Besigye’s treason trial.

Mr Lukwago, also the immediate former Lord Mayor of Kampala Capital City, was abducted by men in military uniform from his home in Wakaliga, Kampala, on Monday morning. Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), later confirmed the abduction in a post on his X-handle, saying Mr Lukwago was in military detention.

The latest abduction fits a familiar pattern of Opposition figures who have faced a similar fate and has been roundly condemned by the majority of Opposition political parties this publication spoke to.

At the time of his abduction, Mr Lukwago was preparing to serve Gen Muhoozi with a court order issued by High Court judge Justice Emmanuel Baguma, directing him to file his defence in a case in which Dr Besigye sued him for human rights violations after his abduction from Nairobi, Kenya, and subsequent death threats allegedly issued by the CDF.

Over the years, Gen Muhoozi, also President Museveni’s son, has seemed to take delight in taking on those who cross swords with him or his father.

While the UPDF Act bars serving army officers from dabbling in partisan politics, Gen Muhoozi has thrown caution to the wind, forming a political pressure group directly aligned with the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party and openly declaring his ambition to succeed his father as President of Uganda. For the Opposition, it is a long, agonising road they must walk, with no light at the end of the tunnel.

Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, the principal of the National Unity Platform (NUP) party, called Mr Lukwago’s abduction absurd and said this pattern mirrors what his bodyguard Wdward Ssebuufu, alias Eddie Mutwe, endured.

‘On Muhoozi’s orders, military men have raided and abducted Lukwago from his home in Wakaliga before whisking him away in a drone to an unknown destination. The abduction has been confirmed and closely followed by posts on Twitter [X] from Muhoozi, boasting that he has taken him to the ‘basement’ to torture him just like he did to comrade Eddie Mutwe in April 2025! I call upon all of us to reject and resist this brazen impunity,’ he said.

Equally, NUP Secretary General David Lewis Rubongoya called out the CDF to set Mr Lukwago free and urged all Ugandans to condemn the abduction.

‘The abduction of [People’s Front for Freedom] PFF leader, Hon Erias Lukwago is absurd. The lawlessness must be condemned by all people of good conscience,’ he posted.

Mr Patrick Amuriat Oboi, the president of the Opposition Forum for Democratic Change, the party Mr Lukwago once belonged to before breaking ranks to form the PFF alongside Dr Besigye and others, yesterday said the abduction shows that the country has finally hit rock bottom in terms of the rule of law.

‘Well, I think that for a long time now, we have not enjoyed the rule of law and I think this is just reaching its climax,’ Mr Amuriat yesterday told this publication by phone.

He added: ‘What precipitated yesterday was certainly a statement to the nation that the rules don’t apply. And I think this is taking us back in the days when pandagari [board the track] was the order of the day, when disappearances were the order of the day. And I really want to believe that our institutions, the Attorney General, the advisory government and legal matters or Parliament need to rise up to the occasion.’

Mr Amuriat said what Gen Muhoozi is doing is instilling fear in Ugandans who disagree with him by wielding force and guns.

‘I think the bottom line is great fear and the statement being made is ‘dare me and you are going to be in hot soup’. So, what I see happening is loud silence happening among the political elite and resignation on the part of the population, which now feels subdued and that is not good for a country like ours and for a leader who has got his focus and eyes on the presidency of this country,’ he said.

Ms Alice Alaso, the Secretary General of Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) party, said what happened to Mr Lukwago is akin to what used to happen in Europe before colonialism set in.

‘They came with the reign of terror. It is no longer something of the 1970s. It is something of the European history because abducting Erias Lukwago and I don’t want us to deal with Lukwago’s abduction as an isolated event,’ she said.

She added: ‘It is something that should be treated in light of the human rights and the increasing intolerance the regime has towards any form of criticism. Whether institutional, the way the Lukwagos are doing, through courts of law, or even individuals expressing different views. And so the regime has become totally scared.’

Ms Alaso wondered whether President Museveni is still at the helm or has relinquished most of his powers to his son.

‘And then, what the CDF has done, has he taken over because, yes, it is a shame to say that there has been a hijack of all institutional powers. And the CDF is now the law, so that should worry all of us. It should concern and worry all of us in this position. Whether you are in the army, or you are in the business sector, or you are in the media, anywhere, nobody is safe. The CDF is wielding a lot of power.

‘So, it looks like President Museveni has already handed over power because, since when does a military chief, who should be defending territorial sovereignty, the borders of the country, begin to have the power to just arrest the citizens and keep them basically without trial? So, it looks like President Museveni already handed over power and we are not in safe hands of Muhoozi. We are heading to very dark days for the country,’ she said.

Is the rule of law dead?

The abduction of Mr Lukwago is reminiscent of the 1970s, when armed military men would storm the homes of those deemed opposed to the government, abduct them, and torture some to death, while those who survived carried the scars of torture to the grave.

Gen Muhoozi has, for much of recent years, waded into controversy, including diplomatic issues that fall under the ambit of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. One thing that stands out is that, over the years, he has walked the talk, especially in dealing with Opposition figures.

Since the abduction of Dr Besigye in November 2024, Gen Muhoozi has repeatedly warned that he would kill the man who treated his father during the five-year bush war that brought President Museveni to power.

It is these threats that earned him a court summon that Mr Lukwago was supposed to deliver before his abduction.

Mr Fred Ebil, the Secretary General of Uganda Peoples’ Congress (UPC) party, said the events taking place are a stark reminder of the 1970s, when dissenting voices were silenced by the barrel of the gun, and prayed that the country doesn’t slip back into the dark old days.

‘I don’t think we should go back to the same politics and security situation of the 1970s where people could be abducted in broad daylight and never to be seen again. So, I urge the government and especially the security personnel, most especially their leaders, to restrain from that kind of political situation that will drag us back to our past. We’ve come a long way and we are not ready to go back there,’ he said.

The Justice Forum (Jeema) party also condemned what it called the unlawful abduction of the former Kampala City Lord Mayor on the very day he was scheduled to serve a court summon on the CDF.

A statement issued by the party said: ‘This incident reflects a disturbing and growing trend in which certain individuals act with impunity, disregarding the laws of this country while presenting themselves as untouchable on account of historical contributions to nation-building.’

It added:’No one is above the law. Those who claim privilege today are not the first to contribute to this nation. The true fathers of our independence, who endured prison, exile, and sacrifice for Uganda’s freedom, never demanded an inch of its land or a share of its resources for personal gain.’

The party said it rejects the distortion imposed upon Ugandans that some people are more equal than others and can act with impunity. ‘Uganda is not a private estate. It belongs to all 45 million Ugandans, who are equal before the law and must equally observe it.

Jeema, therefore,demands the immediate and unconditional release of former Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago within the next 24 hours; calls upon all State agencies to uphold the Constitution and protect citizens from arbitrary detention;urges millions of Ugandans to rise and defend the sanctity and dignity of our country by holding to account all persons who intend to violate the rule of law.

The sanctity of our nation rests on one principle: equal citizenship under the law. We shall not surrender it,’ the statement concluded. We were unable to get responses from the Democratic Party, whose president Norbert Mao is the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, and the ruling NRM party.

David Kamulindwa fired a superb round of five-under 66 to assume a one-shot lead at halfway stage of the MTN Pro-Tee Series at Entebbe Club on Wednesday.

Kamulindwa surged to the top of leaderboard in quest for the biggest share of the Shs15m kitty but his group partner Abbey Bagalana shared a part of the limelight at the par-71 course.

Bagalana, who also made the cut at +5 of the 72-hole championship, carded a beautiful hole-in-one at the par-3 Hole No.12 green, witnessed by Kamulindwa and Tom Jingo.

‘You don’t expect a hole-in-one but as long as you are playing and you do practice, things like that happen,’ said Bagalana, who finished with a round of two-over 73 including three birdies.

Bagalana hit Titleist 2 Black ball into the cup using a Ping S-55 Wedge club. ‘It was the right club and I was in the zone.

My game wasn’t too bad but being that I wasn’t competing, the competitive mood is not there but it is going to come back,’ Bagalana added.

Meanwhile, it is Kamulindwa setting the pace after he struck seven birdies at par-5 Holes No.1, No.11 and No.15, the par-4s No.4, No.9, No.13 and No.14.

His only blemish were two bogeys on the par-3 Holes No.6 and No.16. Following his round of one-over 72 comprising a triple-bogey at the par-4 Hole No.9 on Tuesday, Kamulindwa is at an aggregate four-under.

And he is followed by Vincent Byamukama who maintained second place with a round of 70.

Rodell Gaita is third at one-under overall after shooting 72 while Andrew Ssekibejja and Abraham Ainamani are joint-fourth at level-par overall.

DAY TWO LEADERBOARD

1 David Kamulindwa 72 66 138 -4

2 Vincent Byamukama 69 70 139 -3

3 Rodell Gaita 69 72 141 -1

T4 Andrew Ssekibejja 74 68 142 0

T4 Abraham Ainamani 72 70 142 0

6 Marvin Kibirige 68 75 143 +1

T7 Grace Kasango 74 70 144 +2

T7 Bulhan Matovu 74 70 144 +2

9 Tom Jingo 73 72 145 +3

T10 Irene Nakalembe 73 73 146 +4

T10 Abbey Bagalana 73 73 146 +4

T10 Silver Opio 72 74 146 +4

After over a year marked by procedural hold-ups, constitutional disputes, and postponements, the High Court is prepared to continue hearing the Shs3.8b fraud case involving the former permanent secretary of the Ministry of Trade, Ms Geraldine Ssali, along with five co-defendants.

According to a hearing notice issued by the High Court, the case will come up before Justice Jane Okuo Kajuga today for mention.

The five co-accused are Igara East MP Michael Mawanda Maranga, Elgon County MP Ignatius Wamakuyu Mudimi, former Busiki County MP Paul Akamba, lawyer Julius Taitankoko Kirya and principal cooperative officer Leonard Kavundira.

Major breakthrough

The development comes days after the Constitutional Court removed a major legal obstacle that had stalled progress of the prosecution.

In a landmark ruling delivered earlier this month, a panel of five Constitutional Court judges declared Section 11(2) of the Human Rights Enforcement Act unconstitutional, holding that courts cannot terminate criminal proceedings and acquit accused persons solely because their non-derogable rights were violated during arrest, detention or investigation.

The justices are Oscar Kihika, Margaret Tibulya, Moses Kawumi Kazibwe, Asa Mugenyi and Musa Ssekaana.

“The Constitution is unequivocal that an acquittal may only ensue upon the conclusion of a trial in which the court has received, scrutinised and evaluated the evidence,” the judges ruled.

The constitutional challenge had arisen from criminal proceedings involving Mr Akamba, who argued that he had been tortured by security operatives and that the alleged violation of his rights entitled him to an acquittal under the contested law.

The court, however, found that the provision undermined the rights of victims and improperly interfered with the criminal justice process.

“The right to a fair hearing is not confined solely to accused persons. Article 28(1) expressly guarantees a fair hearing to ‘a person’ and not merely to ‘an accused’,” the judges held.

The ruling effectively cleared the way for the Anti-Corruption Division of the High Court to proceed with the long-awaited trial. It is alleged that the accused persons participated in a scheme that led to the irregular release and diversion of billions of shillings earmarked for compensation of war-loss claimants.

According to the prosecution, Ms Ssali allegedly abused her office during the 2021/2022 financial year by introducing Buyaka Growers Cooperative Society Limited onto a list of entities eligible for government compensation despite the cooperative not appearing in the approved supplementary budget.

The state further alleges that she authorised payments amounting to Shs3.8b to Kirya and Company Advocates in disregard of established Treasury procedures and financial management regulations. Proceedings have repeatedly stalled since the suspects were committed to the High Court for trial.

Apart from constitutional litigation, the matter also suffered several adjournments arising from procedural applications and scheduling challenges.

The latest setback occurred earlier this month when the hearing failed to take off after state prosecutors were unavailable because they were attending a national prosecution symposium, prompting Justice Kajuga to adjourn the proceedings.

With the Constitutional Court challenge now resolved and all parties formally notified of today’s hearing, attention is expected to shift to the prosecution’s evidence against the six accused persons.

Court records show that the Director of Public Prosecutions intends to pursue charges relating to corruption, causing financial loss, conspiracy to defraud, money laundering and abuse of office.

If the hearing proceeds as scheduled, prosecutors are expected to begin presenting witnesses and documentary evidence aimed at demonstrating how public funds meant for compensation of war victims and cooperatives were allegedly diverted through irregular processes.

Sugar industry stakeholders have expressed concern over government’s proposal to double excise duty on sugar from Shs100 to Shs200 per kilogram, warning the move could depress sugarcane prices and further strain farmers already grappling with rising production costs.

The Shs200 rate is a concession after farmers and industry leaders successfully lobbied against an earlier proposal to raise the duty to Shs300 per kilogram. But growers say even the revised rate will hurt.

‘We pushed for the tax to remain at Shs100 per kilogram because any increase directly affects farmers. Millers deduct taxes before calculating farmers’ share, meaning the burden is eventually passed on to growers,’ said Julius Katerevu, chairperson of the Uganda National Association of Sugarcane Growers, UNASGO.

Katerevu, who also chairs the Greater Mukono Sugarcane Growers Cooperative Society Ltd, urged government to accompany any tax measures with interventions that protect farmers’ incomes and address the controversial 5 per cent sugarcane trash deduction imposed by some factories.

‘Farmers are already operating at a loss and sugarcane supplies are declining. Government should ensure that the cost of production is protected and that growers receive a fair return on their investment,’ he added.

Isa Budhugo, a member of the Uganda Sugar Stakeholders Council, said the proposed hike risks shifting the burden onto farmers because cane prices are tied to sugar prices.

‘Increasing the excise duty on sugar from Shs100 to Shs200 per kilogram will ultimately hurt sugarcane farmers. Since cane prices are determined by sugar prices, the higher tax could either force millers to raise sugar prices or lower the prices paid to farmers,’ Budhugo said.

He noted the proposal comes as farmers grapple with rising costs of fertilisers, agrochemicals and fuel, which have already squeezed profit margins.

The average farm-gate price of sugarcane currently stands at about Shs125,000 per tonne, down from around Shs175,000 a decade ago. Industry players fear the duty increase could exert further downward pressure on cane prices.

Robert Atugonza, chairperson of Masindi Sugarcane Growers Association Limited in Bunyoro, said the formula used to determine cane prices is based on the net sugar price after taxes.

‘The more taxes imposed on sugar, the less money remains to be shared between millers and farmers. The proposed increase of Shs100 per kilogram means farmers stand to lose about Shs9,000 on every tonne of cane supplied,’ Atugonza said.

Atugonza, a council member on the Uganda Sugar Industry Stakeholders Council representing farmers in Bunyoro and Tooro, said farmers are not opposed to taxation but want support measures.

‘We are not opposed to taxation, but the government should avoid overburdening farmers who are already spending heavily on fertilisers, transport and labour. Increasing taxes without corresponding support measures will only weaken the sector,’ he said.

David Christopher Mombwe, chairperson of the Busoga Sugarcane Growers Association, said farmers are effectively bearing the cost of both VAT and excise duty through the pricing formula.

‘Government should first establish who is actually paying these taxes before increasing them. As farmers, we sell raw cane and do not engage in sugar processing, yet the taxes ultimately affect the prices we receive,’ Mombwe said.

Godfrey Biriwali, chairperson of the Greater Busoga Sugarcane Farmers’ Union, warned farmers could abandon cane growing if concerns over pricing and the 5 per cent trash deduction are not addressed.

‘You cannot reap where you did not sow. Government and millers should first implement the agreed cane pricing formula and remove the 5 per cent trash deduction before introducing new taxes,’ Biriwali said.

‘Without action on these issues, we shall embark on a massive sensitisation campaign urging farmers to grow other crops instead of sugarcane. Farmers cannot continue producing at a loss while more deductions and taxes are imposed on them,’ he added.

Uganda’s sugar industry supports thousands of farmers and workers, particularly in Busoga where cane remains a major economic activity.

Industry players are urging Parliament and the Ministry of Finance to reconsider the proposal before it is implemented, warning that failure to address farmers’ concerns could accelerate a shift to alternative crops and further reduce production.

The proposed excise duty increase is among tax measures intended to boost domestic revenue and help finance the Shs84.3 trillion national budget for 2026/27.

Government has allocated Shs2.26 trillion to agro-industrialisation in the same budget, the highest allocation ever to the sector. But stakeholders argue higher taxation on sugar could undermine those efforts by reducing incentives for production and lowering incomes at farm level.

The government has embarked on drafting the Anti-Corruption Confiscation and Recovery Rules that will regulate procedures for confiscating property belonging to persons convicted of corruption.

The Anti-Corruption Act provides for prevention of corruption in both public and private sectors and mandates confiscation of property of persons convicted of corruption. Section 73 of the Act also empowers the Chief Justice to make rules regulating confiscation and recovery orders, but implementation has stalled due to existing gaps.

Speaking during a high-level validation exercise on the draft rules on June 16 in Kampala, Under Secretary, Directorate of Ethics and Integrity, Joel Wanjala, said government wants to tighten that area.

‘There has been a gap, one, in the assessment of the value of these assets that are confiscated. Two, in the management and accountability for the income that is arising from the confiscated assets. Who monitors the income that comes from it? How are they managed, When it comes to disposal of these confiscated assets, how do we do it? So that is a concern,’ Wanjala said.

The Inter-Agency Forum Legal Task Force developed the draft Anti-Corruption (Confiscation and Recovery Orders) Rules, 2026, after the Chief Justice, in a letter dated May 17, 2024, gave permission. The task force was chaired by the Directorate of Ethics and Integrity and included other anti-corruption agencies, the Attorney General’s Chambers, and Uganda Law Reform Commission. The draft will be submitted to the Judiciary Law Reform Committee.

Inspector General of Government Aisha Naluzze Batala said the prolonged absence of confiscation procedure rules had created a critical legal gap.

‘The prolonged absence of confiscation procedure rules has left a critical legal gap in the implementation of the Act. So, without the court-approved procedures, the Chief Justice is mandated to prescribe, but no coherent framework has existed to govern the confiscation proceedings, the management and the disposal of confiscated property by receivers and administrators, or the distribution of the proceeds arising therefrom,’ Batala said.

She added that the deficiency had left courts, prosecutors, and appointed administrators without a procedure guide necessary to implement confiscation orders effectively and consistently.

Once finalized, the rules will strengthen the fight against corruption by providing a clear framework for recovering assets acquired through corrupt practices.

The Inter-Agency Forum, IAF, is a government-led coordination platform established to unite all 20 Anti-Corruption Agencies in the country. Chaired by the Minister of Ethics and Integrity, it harmonizes accountability programs and investigations to improve national service delivery and combat financial fraud.

The forum unites key stakeholders including the Inspectorate of Government, SH-ACU, CID, ODPP, DEI, FIA, PPDA, and OAG to share intelligence, conduct joint inspections, and streamline anti-corruption strategies.

The Kampala Capital City Authority is building more roads but also more heat and dirty air. Every new road project is celebrated as progress, rightly so, officials cut ribbons, Ugandans on X make noise about it, contractors move on. But what is rarely asked, loudly enough, is what those roads are costing the city environmentally, and whether anyone is being held accountable for that cost.

Because the truth is, kampala’s roads are not being built in a vacuum. They are being built in a city already struggling with poor air quality, rising heat, disappearing tree cover, degraded wetlands and chronic flooding. Yet far too often, the environmental safeguards meant to manage these risks seem to end where project approval begins. That is where the policy failure lies.

Before major roads are constructed, developers and agencies are required to undertake an Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA).

In principle, this process should identify environmental risks and define mitigation measures, tree replacement, wetland protection, drainage management, dust control and long-term monitoring, among others.

On paper, the safeguard exists, in practice it’s a different reality. Trees are cut during road expansion and rarely restored in meaningful ways. Wetlands are backfilled, narrowed or encroached upon. Surfaces of asphalt, concrete and pavement grow wider, harder and hotter.

The road opens. The environment pays. The city absorbs the consequences. And then we act surprised when Kampala becomes hotter, floods faster and struggles to breathe. This should not surprise anyone.

Road surfaces trap and radiate heat, contributing to the urban heat island effect, the process through which built-up parts of the city become significantly hotter than greener surroundings. In Kampala, this matters because added heat does not exist alone. It worsens already difficult urban conditions shaped by traffic emissions, dust, waste burning and weak environmental control.

A hotter city is not only a more uncomfortable city, it is also one where the burden on air quality, health and everyday urban life grows heavier. Tree loss makes this worse. Trees are not cosmetic additions to a road reserve.

They are part of the city’s environmental infrastructure. They cool streets, reduce dust, improve air quality and make urban space more livable. When they are removed without serious restoration, we lose one of the cheapest and most effective defences we have against heat and pollution.

Wetlands serve a similar role. They are not empty land waiting for development. They are the systems that absorb runoff, store water, reduce flood peaks and support the city’s hydrology.

Filling them in or weakening them for the sake of road works and surrounding development is not planning. It is slow sabotage. This is why Kampala must stop treating roads, air quality and flooding as separate issues. They are all symptoms of the same governance problem, a city that too often builds first and mitigates later if at all.

Uganda does not necessarily lack environmental policy. What it lacks is serious enforcement after project approval. The real test of an ESIA is not whether it was written well. It is whether its recommendations are implemented, tracked and enforced over time.

If a project cuts trees, where is the restoration plan and who is checking compliance? If a wetland is affected, where is the protection and recovery mechanism? If a road corridor creates new heat and dust exposure, where is the monitoring and public reporting?

Without answers to those questions, ESIA becomes administrative theatre.

Supervising authorities must be judged not only by how many projects are approved or completed, but by whether environmental obligations are enforced once construction is underway and after it ends. A finished road is not automatically a successful road if it leaves behind degraded ecological systems and greater public health risk.

Recently, I read an article entitled “Why nations need stories to endure”, published by Africatalyst on Substack. It argued that shared myths are necessary for uniting diverse populations. Yet these foundational narratives are often strategic lies designed to cover up deep divisions.

Post-apartheid South Africa’s “Rainbow Nation” was one such invention, meant to foster unity despite glaring inequalities. These stories help states survive crises, but for genuine progress, they must eventually adapt to the realities of the world.

Uganda offers striking examples. Take the claim that the Nile’s source is Jinja. Geographically, it isn’t. Many tributaries feed Lake Nalubaale (Victoria). The Nile’s true source lies further upstream, in Burundi’s Ruvyironza River or Rwanda’s Nyabarongo, both of which feed into the Kagera River, the largest contributor to Lake Nalubaale. Jinja is simply the outflow, the point where the accumulated water breaks north towards the Mediterranean.

Yet the myth persists because it is a lucrative tourism asset, giving Uganda guardianship over one of the world’s legendary landmarks.

Another enduring tale is that “Waragi” comes from “War Gin”, supposedly coined by British soldiers during the World Wars. In fact, scholar and author Mahmood Mamdani traces the word to Sudanese and Nubian mercenary soldiers brought to Uganda by the British to enforce colonial rule in the 1880s and 1890s, who used “Arak” (araqi), the Arabic term for distilled spirits. Over the decades, Araqi evolved into “Waragi”.

The World Wars story survives because “War Gin” sounds rugged and patriotic, fitting modern marketing as “The Spirit of Uganda”.

Then there is the claim that Milton Obote once said: “The only good Muganda is a dead one”. No record exists; no Hansard transcript, audio, or media report. The phrase was attributed to him by Abu Mayanja during the sectarian heat of the 1966 Buganda Crisis.

It endured because it gave Buganda a shorthand for trauma and victimisation, simplifying a complex political crisis into a story of ethnic hatred.

Another myth is that Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army was a random cult of lunatics. In reality, the LRA emerged from deep grievances in the Acholi sub-region after the southern-led NRA took power in 1986.

Branding Kony as a madman allowed the state to deflect blame from its own heavy-handed military actions and internment policies, avoiding the harder task of addressing structural injustices.

You often hear that Uganda was a British “protectorate” rather than a colony because its societies were “more advanced”. In truth, the distinction was legal and financial. Colonies were annexed outright; protectorates were ruled indirectly through local leaders, which was cheaper.

Uganda was not unique. Zanzibar, Nyasaland (Malawi), and Bechuanaland (Botswana) had the same status. The myth only feeds a sense of regional exceptionalism.

Uganda also prides itself on being the “Pearl of Africa”, the first in East Africa to build a university and hospital. Makerere University and Mengo Hospital were trailblazers, but they weren’t rewards for inherent superiority.

The British concentrated infrastructure here because Uganda was their administrative hub and because missionary competition between European Protestants and Catholics for our souls was intense. Nairobi, meanwhile, was rapidly expanding rail and urban roads for settlers.

This “Firstism” sustains nostalgic pride, compensating for later decline, and lets Ugandans overlook current gaps by basking in colonial-era head starts.

Perhaps the most lurid myth surrounding Idi Amin is that he kept severed heads of enemies in his fridge. Amin was a family man with dozens of children. State House was a bustling home, not a Dracula fortress. He was not going to let a child run into a frozen head in the fridge.

The myth survived because it turned Amin into a supernatural monster so essential to media framing, reducing state terror to horror-movie imagery and letting the broader system off the hook.

Another persistent story is that Amin’s 1972 expulsion of Asians caused Uganda’s economic collapse. Yes, the expulsion shattered retail and wholesale sectors, but the collapse had deeper roots. Uganda’s economy was already shaken, unequal, and reliant on volatile cash crops (tea, cotton, coffee). Obote’s “Move to the Left” had triggered capital flight. Amin’s cronies looted businesses, infrastructure rotted, money was printed recklessly, military spending soared, and trade embargoes bit hard.

The collapse was due to serious mismanagement, not simply the absence of a single ethnic group. Yet the story persists because it simplifies a complex institutional failure into a neat race-based narrative. For Amin’s supporters, it was framed as an economic war for black empowerment; for critics, it was an easy way to blame a single decree.

Uganda’s myths hang around because they serve purposes beyond truth. They provide pride, identity, and political weapons. When a story affirms a group’s fears or triumphs, people stop asking for evidence. They turn trauma into digestible stories, and they make history easier to live with. But they also distort reality, masking structural weaknesses and absolving institutions of responsibility.

Nations need stories to endure, but Uganda shows how myths can become bulletproof-surviving not because they are true, but because they are useful.

Former Kampala Mayor and People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) president Erias Lukwago, has been charged with misprision of treason.

Misprison of treason, means an accused person knew of plans for unlawful change of government but didn’t report to lawful authority.

Appearing before the Makindye Chief Magistrate’s Court on Wednesday afternoon, Mr Lukwago denied the charges.

The veteran opposition politician and lawyer was arrested on Monday in an operation that drew condemnation from opposition leaders, lawyers and rights activists, with questions lingering over the circumstances of his detention.

He has been remanded to Luzira Prison until next Monday, June 22, 2026.

Concerns are growing over the future of service delivery in Mpigi District following the formation of a new political leadership team that has exposed deep partisan divisions within the district council.

The concerns come days after the district chairperson, Mr Peter Kawuki, unveiled his long-awaited District Executive Committee, ending weeks of speculation that followed his decision to delay appointments after taking office.

Mr Kawuki, a member of the Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) party, had postponed naming his executive team shortly after councillors elected ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) members to the positions of speaker and deputy speaker, citing the need for wider consultations and consensus-building.

The delay had sparked debate among political observers, some of whom warned that prolonged uncertainty could affect the functioning of district committees and slow implementation of government programmes. However, the eventual appointments have done little to calm political tensions.

Under the new arrangement, Mr Frank Vicky Kawooya, an NRM councillor representing older persons, was appointed district vice chairperson. The three executive secretary positions were allocated to NUP councillors.

That include Mr Ronald Kaggwa Kibirige, the Kammengo Sub-county councillor and former speaker candidate, for finance, planning and administration.

Ms Cossy Nakabazzi, the female councillor for Buwama Town Council, was named secretary for works, production and technical services, while Mr Musa Bukenya, a councillor representing Mpigi Town Council, was appointed secretary for social and community-based services.

The appointments have effectively created a power-sharing arrangement at the top of the district leadership, with NRM controlling the speakership and deputy speakership while NUP dominates the executive arm.

Yet the appointment of Mr Kawooya as vice chairperson generated heated debate on several Mpigi-based WhatsApp groups, where some NUP supporters questioned why a district chairperson elected on the Opposition ticket would elevate a senior NRM cadre to one of the most influential positions in the district.

They argued that the move could weaken NUP’s political influence within the district administration and raised concerns about potential conflicts in implementing the party’s political agenda.

Others, however, viewed the appointment as a pragmatic attempt to bridge political divisions in a council where NRM enjoys an overwhelming numerical advantage.

Defending the decision, Mpigi District Woman Member of Parliament Teddy Nambooze said Mr Kawuki’s move should be understood in the context of governance rather than partisan competition.

“Kawuki wanted to smoothen his operations by bringing together leaders from different political parties to work together for the development of Mpigi. Leadership is about serving the people, not fighting political battles every day,” she said.

Political analysts warn that the balancing in appointing executive members by Mr Kawuka could either promote inclusiveness or trigger prolonged political rivalry that may ultimately affect service delivery.

Mr Hamza Kalyango, a political analyst, said the composition of the executive reflected the political realities facing the district chairperson.

“Mr Kawuki is leading a district where his party is a minority in council. Any major policy proposal or programme implementation will require cooperation from councillors belonging to another political camp. That creates both opportunities and risks,” he said.

According to the district council composition, NRM holds 19 of the 26 council seats, while NUP has only seven councillors.

The imbalance has already manifested itself in the formation of standing committees, where NUP reportedly secured only one committee chairmanship despite controlling the district chairperson’s office.

Political observers argue that such numbers could make it difficult for the executive to push through its agenda if relations between the two parties deteriorate.

Sheikh Taimia Kamyuka, another political analyst, said the challenge before the new leadership would be balancing political interests with public expectations.

“The electorate will judge leaders based on roads, health services, education and revenue collection, not political victories. If political disagreements dominate council business, service delivery will inevitably suffer,” he said.

Some NRM leaders have already questioned whether the executive appointments adequately reflect the numerical strength of their party in council.

Others, however, argue that the chairperson was within his mandate to appoint individuals he believes can effectively implement his agenda.

In an interview recently, Mr Kawuki defended his leadership approach, saying his administration would prioritise competence, accountability and service delivery over partisan considerations.

The chairperson has pledged to tackle corruption, improve supervision of public servants and strengthen accountability in the management of local revenue.

He has also announced plans for monthly outreach visits to sub-counties through a mobile office programme intended to bring district leaders closer to communities.

Despite those commitments, some residents remain cautious, saying political cooperation among leaders will be critical if campaign promises are to be fulfilled.

Mr Hannington Lumala, a resident of Mpigi Town Council, said leaders should focus on addressing poor roads and youth unemployment instead of engaging in political battles.

“We elected them to solve our problems. What matters now is service delivery, not which party controls which office,” he said.

Ms Teddy Nakyazze, a resident of Kayabwe Town Council, called for improvements in health and education services, citing persistent shortages of medicines and staff in government facilities.

The new district leadership assumed office at a time when residents are demanding better roads, improved healthcare services, enhanced education standards and greater accountability in public expenditure.

The Government of Uganda has introduced new measures to enforce budget accountability in the record Shs84.3 trillion national budget for FY 2026/27.

While presenting the budget on June 11, 2026, the Minister of Finance, Henry Musasizi, announced that, effective July 2026, all accounting officers must sign a budget discipline and accountability charter as part of their performance contracts.

The minister explained that the charter imposes sanctions for breaches of accountability rules in planning, budgeting, and the use of public resources.

He said the charter will strengthen public financial management, improve budget execution, reduce wasteful spending, and enhance allocative efficiency. This is exactly what we have been calling for. This notable convergence between the government’s new actions and our recommendations dating over a decade is, if implemented, a major step toward stronger fiscal discipline.

Both government and civil society have emphasised the need to use public resources more efficiently amid rising debt pressure and ambitions to transform Uganda into a $500 billion economy.

This renewed focus on fiscal prudence reflects years of advocacy by members in this space. As an organisation we have consistently called for an end to ‘budget games,’ stronger sanctions against underperforming officers, reduced reliance on borrowing, and increased emphasis on value for money and pro-poor spending.

Through position papers and public engagements, Civil Society Budget Advocacy Group (CSBAG) and its members have highlighted how budget shuffling, misallocation, and frequent supplementary budgets facilitate corruption, cause leakages, and erode public trust.

Armed with data from several studies, our resolve never wavered. We consistently called for decisive government action to end these practices.

For example, while addressing the 9th High-Level Economic Growth Forum in July 2025, we criticised persistent budget inefficiencies, including inflated costs, ghost items, and the misuse of supplementary budgets. I believe we cannot continue playing budget games.

The government must prioritise clearing domestic arrears and enhance transparency to ensure that every shilling delivers value for citizens.

In addition, in 2025, when responding to the decision to return the FY 2025/26 budget, we warned that Parliament’s reallocation of funds for personal or political interests is fundamentally wrong and amounts to ‘budgeting for corruption and self-preservation.’ This is because I strongly believe that budgets must serve citizens, not enable inefficiency, fund shifting, or personal enrichment.

However, questions remain about whether the government will fully implement these broader reforms. As execution of the FY 2026/27 budget begins in July 2026, stakeholders will closely monitor whether the new charter, alongside stronger action on debt and project planning, improves execution rates, reduces waste, and delivers better outcomes for citizens.

The government maintains that, together with priorities in commercialisation, industrialisation, and other growth enablers, these reforms will accelerate Uganda’s socio-economic transformation.

While I welcome the new charter, CSBAG urges the government to address debt management more decisively, as debt servicing consumes nearly 39 percent of the national budget and hinders essential service delivery. We also call for tighter control of non-productive spending to reallocate resources to priority sectors, emphasising that budget figures must translate into tangible improvements for Ugandans through better implementation and measurable impact.

Stakeholders, including Parliament, civil society, and the private sector, are expected to intensify oversight to ensure that these commitments translate into results.