Category: Daily Monitor

As Uganda stands on the threshold of commercial oil production, the country is beginning to witness the first fruits of decades of exploration, investment, and policy development in the petroleum sector.

However, amid the excitement surrounding Uganda’s emerging oil and gas industry, a common misconception persists: that investing in the sector automatically entitles an investor to tax exemptions.

This belief is not only inaccurate but can also lead to costly compliance challenges.

Uganda’s tax system is founded on the principle that all persons and entities conducting business within the country are subject to taxation unless a specific exemption is provided for under the law.

While the government has established a framework of incentives to attract investment and support strategic projects, these incentives are carefully regulated and are not granted automatically.

The primary laws governing taxation in Uganda include the Income Tax Act, the Value Added Tax Act, the Excise Duty Act, the Stamp Duty Act, and the Tax Procedures Code Act.

In addition, petroleum operations are regulated through sector-specific legislation such as the Petroleum (Exploration, Development and Production) Act and the agreements entered into between the government and licensed operators.

These legal instruments outline the circumstances under which tax incentives or exemptions may be granted.

Tax exemptions in the oil and gas sector are generally linked to specific activities, contracts, or government-approved projects.

However, eligibility for these incentives requires compliance with statutory conditions, proper documentation, and approval by the relevant authorities, including the Uganda Revenue Authority.

Investors should therefore appreciate that participation in the oil and gas value chain whether as contractors, subcontractors, service providers, or supplier does not automatically exempt them from obligations such as income tax, Value Added Tax (VAT), Pay As You Earn (PAYE), withholding tax, or other applicable levies.

Businesses must maintain proper records, register for relevant taxes, file returns on time, and meet all compliance requirements prescribed by law.

Sound tax planning therefore requires a clear understanding of the applicable laws rather than assumptions based on industry perception.

Therefore, as Uganda advances towards commercial oil production and begins to realise revenues it must prioritise tax compliance and transparency within the sector.

Investors should undertake comprehensive tax due diligence before committing capital to oil and gas projects to fully understand their obligations and the specific incentives available under Uganda’s tax laws.

At the policy level, government institutions should continue strengthening taxpayer education and awareness programmes across the petroleum value chain to address misconceptions regarding tax exemptions and incentives.

Ultimately, fostering a culture of compliance, accountability, and transparency will not only protect investors from potential disputes and penalties but will also support Uganda’s domestic revenue mobilisation efforts, ensuring that the country’s emerging oil and gas industry delivers sustainable economic benefits for present and future generations.

To many people, philanthropists are ageing wealthy people. But 30-year-old Mercy Hinneh has built a unique model of philanthropy. The Liberian-born American founder of the God Blueprint Foundation does not have vast personal wealth to give, but she knows how to move the hearts of those who do.

“I prayed about it, I talked to God about it. I worked for several years and saved up some money. That is how I started on my own ministry with my own money that I saved,” she says.

What sets her apart is while she started with her own modest savings, today, she has convinced complete strangers to entrust her with their hard-earned money to support orphans, patients, and vulnerable communities across the globe.

“People started seeing the work that I do in orphanages, schools, and hospitals. That is how they trusted me,” she says.

In the United States, her foundation is registered as a non-profit and non-government organisation. That official registration opens doors to funding from churches, organisations such as the Goodwill Foundation, and government websites that list funding opportunities for non-profits.

A ministry that crosses boundaries

Her work goes far beyond writing cheques. She visits prisons, hospitals, hospice centres, places many people avoid. In hospices, she comforts terminally ill patients, reading scripture, holding hands, listening to their regrets, and offering hope in their final days.

“Some want me to read for them. Others just want someone to talk to. I do not take them as strangers, otherwise I would not connect with them as much as I would like to. I just look at them as my brothers or sisters,” she says.

Her ability to connect with people from all walks of life is what makes her ministry effective. She does not judge. She listens. She offers comfort.

A small donation with a big impact

During her visit to Uganda, she visited the Uganda Cancer Institute and learnt that the care home housing needy patients required food items and adult pampers. She put together $500 (about Shs1.8m), money raised through her network, and purchased: 200kgs of posho, 150kgs of beans, 150kgs of rice and 50kgs of sugar.

“This is the beginning of our support to the care home,” she says.

Her plan is to continue fundraising from the United States, sending not just money but also beds, clothing, food, computers, and shoes. She understands that sustainable support requires more than one-off donations.

The secret to her success

Hinneh employs just a media team that handles connections. Her mother manages funds and documents, and herself as the driving force behind it all. She admits she has no formal training for this work; only visions she has had since childhood and a deep spiritual awareness. Her mission has its ups and downs. Some people she ministers to change their ways, but others fall back into old habits. It is constant demanding work. When asked if she considers herself a philanthropist, she shakes her head.

“I am not one. I am somebody who is collecting money on behalf of the public to do donations.”

Her goal is refreshingly simple; travel the world, connect with people, and give others opportunities; jobs, education, and second chances.

“One of my goals is to connect with people around the world and provide for those in need,” she says.

As she continues her Africa tour, having visited Tanzania, Zambia, Rwanda, Kenya, and Uganda, with Ethiopia next, she leaves behind a powerful lesson; you do not need millions to make a difference. You just need a vision, a voice, and the trust of those who believe in what you do. Hinneh proves that true philanthropy is not about how much you have in your bank account. It is about how much you can move others to give.

South Sudan’s announcement that long-delayed elections will be held on December 22, 2026 has sparked cautious optimism among refugees living in Uganda, though many remain doubtful that conditions are conducive for a credible vote.

For thousands of South Sudanese refugees scattered across the West Nile sub-region and other parts of Uganda, the election date has revived hopes of peace and eventual return home. Yet concerns over insecurity, political tensions and uncertainty about refugee participation continue to cloud expectations.

Speaking in Juba on June 22, National Elections Commission chairperson Prof. Abednego Akok Kachuol confirmed that elections would take place on December 22, 2026, in line with the National Elections Commission Act.

‘There are many challenges facing the commission. We strongly request the government to speed up amending the existing legal gaps and provide all basic needs within a short period to enable us proceed with our duties and responsibilities,’ Prof. Akok said.

The December vote would be South Sudan’s first national election since the 2010 polls held before independence from Sudan in 2011.

However, many refugees in Uganda say they have yet to receive clear information on whether they will be allowed to participate.

‘Do you think there is an election? There is no environment for elections in South Sudan,’ said Gabriel Batali, chairperson of the South Sudan Refugees Association in Arua City.

‘This is the third time that they are declaring. It is a usual declaration. It is an avenue to eat money.’

Batali questioned how authorities could organise a credible election amid insecurity, limited freedom of movement and the absence of voter registration and campaign preparations.

‘How can you organise an election where there is still insecurity, where movement is hard for people, voter registration and no environment for open campaigns? Election is not a one-day thing but a process,’ he said.

The uncertainty is particularly significant for refugees who participated in the 2010 referendum and elections while living abroad, after South Sudanese authorities gazetted polling centres in neighbouring countries.

Opposition figures have also raised concerns about the country’s readiness.

Charles Mogga Guya, secretary for foreign affairs of the South Sudan National Movement for Change (SSNMC), said elections were necessary for a peaceful transition but warned that major obstacles remained.

‘We all need peace and tranquillity to prevail,’ he said. ‘But challenges remain, including the lack of an updated population census, constitutional issues and insecurity posed by various armed groups.’

He added that refugees and other South Sudanese living abroad should not be excluded from the electoral process.

Many refugees still carry vivid memories of the conflict that forced them to flee.

When fighting intensified in 2017, thousands crossed into Uganda through the West Nile region, many arriving with little more than the clothes they were wearing. Families trekked for days through bushland, escaping violence and uncertainty.

For some, those memories fuel doubts about the prospects for peaceful elections.

‘I do not think there is going to be peaceful elections because most areas are still not peaceful,’ said Mary Akuol, a South Sudanese refugee who has lived in Uganda for 15 years.

‘Our relatives who remained in South Sudan are still hearing gunshots each time. There are still numerous groups with different intentions that are actively operating.’

She said preparations for elections should have begun much earlier, including voter registration, civic education and arrangements for citizens living abroad.

The planned vote is widely viewed as a critical test for South Sudan’s fragile peace process.

Elections have been repeatedly postponed as leaders struggled to implement key provisions of peace agreements, including security reforms and constitution-making.

Political tensions remain high, with opposition leader Dr. Riek Machar and several associates currently facing charges including treason and crimes against humanity linked to violence in Nasir, where authorities say about 250 soldiers were killed.

Despite the uncertainty, many refugees say they are watching developments closely because the outcome could influence decisions about returning home, reuniting with family members and rebuilding livelihoods.

For South Sudanese living in exile, the December election represents more than a political event. It is a measure of whether the world’s youngest nation can finally move beyond years of conflict and instability.

Whether the vote delivers that promise remains uncertain, but for many refugees, its outcome could shape the next chapter of their lives.

Electoral Constituencies

According to a National Elections Commission document obtained by Daily Monitor, Central Equatoria has the highest number of electoral constituencies at 14, followed by Jonglei with 17 constituencies, including Greater Pibor. Eastern Equatoria has 11 constituencies, while Upper Nile has 12. Warrap also has 12 constituencies, including Abyei. Unity State has seven constituencies, including Ruweng, while Western Equatoria and Lakes have eight constituencies each. Northern Bahr el Ghazal has nine constituencies, and Western Bahr el Ghazal has the fewest with four.

For refugees, the election is more than a political event; it is deeply personal. The outcome could influence decisions about returning home, investing in communities, reconnecting with relatives, and rebuilding livelihoods after years of displacement.

Whether the December 22 election becomes a landmark step toward a more stable future remains uncertain. However, its outcome could shape the next chapter of refugees’ lives and the destiny of the nation they still call home.

In March 2020, the government signed a deal that promised to put Mbarara on the global aviation map.

Blueprints pointed to classrooms, hangars, and young Ugandans training as pilots and engineers at Nyakisharara aerodrome, about 10 kilometres from the city centre.

The pitch was powerful: build a local pipeline of aviation talent, cut foreign training costs, and turn a sleepy airstrip into a skills hub. Five years later, the airstrip was still sleepy.

The classrooms were never filled. The only paperwork moving is an assessment report that reads like an obituary for a project that never truly took off.

As the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) surpassed its intended deadline, the question that hung over Nyakisharara was not when training would start, but whether the deal itself could be salvaged.

Enters B7IAA Company

Base 7 International Aviation Academy (B7IAA) first appeared on the government’s radar in July 2019.

The company had been incorporated in Uganda and listed itself as an affiliate of 360 Aviation, a South African accredited aviation training institution.

From their script, they wanted to establish, incorporate, and develop an aviation 360 facility at Nyakisharara aerodrome in Mbarara District.

The facility would cover air operations, a flight training academy, a maintenance facility, and other disciplines in the aviation industry.

Experts say for a country that sends many of its aviation trainees abroad at high cost, the idea had appeal.

A local academy could reduce forex outflows, create jobs, and give the Uganda Civil Aviation Authority (UCAA) a partner in building technical capacity.

UCAA, the sector regulator, and the Ministry of Works and Transport, its political supervisor, approved the initiative to move forward.

On March 17, 2020, they signed a five-year MoU with B7IAA to provide a framework for cooperation and collaboration in the exploration of the possibility, viability, and feasibility of establishing an Aviation Academy in Nyakishara, Mbarara City.

The immediate past Works and Transport Minister, Gen Edward Katumba Wamala, and the then UCAA Director General, Mr David Mpango Kakuba, put their signatures on behalf of the government.

On the other hand, Chief Executive Officer Tamryn Van Staden and Mr Ham Kamuntu, a director, signed for Base 7 International Aviation Academy Ltd.

Obligations

Under the MoU, the government undertook to provide land for the development of the aviation academy, approve the use of land for constructing project facilities, grant B7IAA right to use Nyakisharara aerodrome and, here applicable, lobby tax incentives for the firm.

On the other hand, B7IAA committed to establish an aviation and flight training academy, obtain regulatory approvals to execute the project, deliver reliable supply of knowledge to the government and Ugandans, and provide proof of partnership with South African affiliate, 360 Aviation Academy.

The company also pledged to provide financial and technical resources to kick the project to life, issue shares to the government as investment whenever required, and seek Works and Transport ministry approvals for project facilities.

On paper, it was a balanced framework. The government would unlock land and regulatory access. B7IAA would bring money, expertise, and a South African partner to build and run the aviation and flight training school.

Investigations

For three years, the project drew little public attention. That changed in July 2023 when Rose Partners submitted an expression of interest to develop Mbarara Aerodrome.

The proposal put the Ministry of Works and Transport, as well as UCAA in a bind. They could not entertain a new developer without first knowing whether B7IAA had met its commitments under the existing MoU.

After consultations with the Attorney General, the ministry decided to audit B7IAA’s performance. A technical team was assembled with officials from the Ministry of Works and Transport and UCAA, the sector supervisor and regulator, respectively.

The team included the ministry’s Nelson Rwenaga, Edmand Kalende and Robert Kisakye and Mr Sam Wonekha and Fred Tuliraba from the regulator’s side.

They travelled to Nyakishara in western Uganda on January 25, 2024, with a specific checklist: Ascertain whether an aviation and flight training academy had been established on the ground, whether B7IAA had the regulatory approvals to operate it, and whether the promised agreements with 360 Aviation existed.

The team interviewed a total of eight witnesses, split nearly evenly between B7IAA and UCAA staff, notable among them being the former’s lead instructor Viola Kalembe and aviation security staffers Benon Mutungi and Ronald Ayebazibwe.

Stinging findings

In their report, the government investigators noted that the aviation and flight training academy in Nyakisharara had not been realised.

‘The academy premises at Mbarara Aerodrome looked abandoned with no evidence of any activity taking place,’ they wrote.

B7IAA had not, according to the report, put in place any instructional equipment, aircraft, or any part of the aircraft usable for training purposes. There was no established library, physical or virtual, despite such a facility being a major requirement of an aviation academy.

The regulatory story was just as thin. UCAA had licensed B7IAA to offer the Flight Operations Officers’ course. B7IAA officials told the team that they had trained and graduated 10 students, a position that one of its directors, Mr David Magaga Kamanya, reiterated in an interview with out sister NTV-Uganda television station.

‘The school started,’ he said of the aviation and flight academy, ‘and we trained some students [who even] graduated. In that regard, there was success.’

This was the first time, and at the start of publication of our ongoing series, Chasing Big Dreams in the Air, that Mr Kamanya spoke to the Nation Media Group-Uganda more than a month after we reached out to him over the story.

The accounts by the sector regulator and supervisor, however, contradict the versions that any students trained at Nyakisharara, with the government team of investigators reporting that none was presented for UCAA examination and certification as required by the regulations.

The licence granted to B7IAA to operate an Approved Training Organisation was itself no longer valid by the time of the fact-finding mission, having expired on December 13, 2023.

B7IAA officials said CAA had given a grace period until February 15, 2024 to meet renewal conditions. When the team visited in late January, those conditions had not been met.

No financier

The MoU’s credibility rested partly on B7IAA’s link to 360 Aviation in South Africa. That link was supposed to bring curriculum, instructors, and credibility.

The team found that these agreements or partnerships had never been presented to either the Ministry of Works or the regulator.

B7IAA officials told the team the partnership with 360 Aviation failed to materialize, with director Kamanya blaming the situation of Covid-19 pandemic disruptions.

Instead, the company moved to introduce a new partner, Hunan Construction Engineering Group Co. from China.

The entry of the new company brought its own complications as it sought to develop Nyakisharara aerodrome into a mega international airport, contrary to original plans to establish and run an aviation and flight training academy.

The changes in partners and demands prompted the government’s technical team to red-flag the proposal, directing that B7IAA’s search for partners should be internal to them and limited to the establishment of an Aviation Academy.

Bureaucrats advised that any prospective investors in airport development should deal directly with the government and outside the MoU with Base 7 for the establishment of the Aviation Training Organisation.

‘The major challenge faced by B7IAA [was] the lack of funds to fully establish an Aviation Academy at Mbarara Aerodrome. From the discussions held, Base7IAA has on several occasions tried to get partnerships with other investors, but they have not been successful,’ the report read.

Official verdict

In response to inquiries by this newspaper about how they plan to build a mega airport at Nyakisharara when they were unable to establish a training academy there, Mr Ham Kamuntu, one of directors of B7IAA who signed the March 2020 MoU with the government, said: ‘This is not the right time to speak to the media. When the right time comes I will speak.’

The proposal to build Nyakisharara International Airport, with B7IAA among the potential developers, has gained the attention of President Museveni, who in February directed Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja to rally government actors on the cause.

State House would not say whether the President was aware that one of the would-be investors in the construction of the planned airport had failed to establish a training academy at Nyakisharara under a five-year MoU.

Senior Presidential spokesperson Sandor Walusimbi said he was not fully seized of the facts, and would not comment. In the interview with NTV-Uganda, B7IAA’s other director Kamanya consigned the issue of the aviation and flight training academy to the past, saying their focus now is on building a world-class international airport to serve as midpoint transit, refueling and logistical hub between Latin America and Asia, particularly Brazil and China.

‘Yes, we are adding things together, we are in collaboration with our partners and the government. So, we shall soon make, I think, a mark, very soon. But of course, we start with [in] stages; [first a] comprehensive feasibility study, and then we do ground opening,’ he said.

In the case of the MoU, the failed implementation exposes three policy gaps. First is due diligence. The MoU was signed with a company that, four years later, could not produce its foundational technical partner and lacked capital to start.

The same company with new partners is back with another promise of a state of the art International Airport, this time they met President Museveni, who directed that the project be expedited. While they are working with global-level partners, their track record under the 2020 MoU raises questions.

An official who served on the 2020 MoU evaluation team, but preferred anonymity due to sensitivity of the matter, said ‘the concept is no longer developing an aviation school, but an even bigger concept of an international airport.’

‘The Ministry [of Works and Transport’s] role will be regulatory rather than participatory at this stage. They (B7IAA) are supposed to procure land themselves and as the ministry we shall come in on regulatory issues,’ the official said.

The government, according to top technocrats, is yet to make an ‘assessment and evaluation’ of the proposed airport construction project, pending a return and specific offerings by B7IAA and their partners

The Monitor/ NTV are living in terror, threatened with punishment, torture, and banning in fits of fiery fury from powerful forces at the top like they have never seen before.

The threats against The Monitor show a new and worrying form of decentralisation and, worse, dissipation of the state’s coercive power, against not just The Monitor, but the independent press, civil society, and the Opposition.

However, it could also be part of a wider malaise fracturing the state itself.

This article is an introduction to how the present attacks against The Monitor would have been totally ‘un-Museveni-like’ just a few years ago, but also about the President Yoweri Museveni I miss.

When I was managing editor of The Monitor, I saw a Museveni who was an iron-fisted strongman when he needed to be.

However, when he was good, he was good. He was intellectually arrogant and felt he could take on anyone, so he rarely descended into pettiness.

He relished a philosophical debate. Because he knew Wafula Oguttu, who was the MD, having been in the same study group (today it would be a WhatsApp group) with him in exile in Tanzania, most of his calls to The Monitor were to Waf.

Many of these calls were to complain about stories he didn’t like, but sometimes he subtly offered leads.

One morning, Museveni called Wafula early, even before he set off for work. When he was told the President wanted to talk to him, Wafula became anxious, thinking something awful had been published in the paper.

But no, Museveni was complaining about an innocuous short science story tucked away inside the paper, which he said had got wrong the melting point of a certain mineral! That was it.

Or was it? I, for one, thought Museveni had a tactical and strategic use for The Monitor.

With the no-party/Movement system labelled a one-party state, he used The Monitor as his democracy alibi.

His attacks on The Monitor were sometimes necessary to remind donor critics that a ‘dictatorship wouldn’t allow a paper like The Monitor to operate’.

Some of the attacks (and arrests and endless prosecutions) were to keep us off balance. But, primarily, it was manipulative for more strategic purposes.

Thus, if the ‘enemy paper’ published a positive story on the economy, for example, it had to be true.

In fact, Museveni would add, if we weren’t the enemy, we would have done an even more glowing report.

We were critical of Uganda’s role in the DR Congo war, and Andrew Mwenda and I were arrested and tried over the ‘Congo gold story’ in 1997.

The story alleged Uganda had been paid in gold by the Laurent Kabila government for supporting the ouster of the corrupt dictator Mobutu Sese Seko.

But despite the state’s anger, we continued to cover the DRC war.

And guess how our journalists continued to shuttle between Entebbe and the DRC and back. On UPDF transport planes! Can you imagine that happening today?

Which brings me to the main point about the thing Museveni did that many didn’t realise.

Nothing we ever got into trouble for arose from criticism of him as a person or president.

He was personally thick-skinned. We figured out most of his red lines. One, don’t attack his family unfairly, especially those who weren’t in public office.

For those who were public figures (like Gen Salim Saleh), they were fair game. The second touchy thing for him was national security.

The third, and this became an issue only much later, was the economy.

Here, it was the kind of reporting that he subjectively deemed was likely to discourage funders/investors. Everything else was there for the taking.

Then things changed. In the next article, I will examine the tragedy of what happened.

In my view at least, Museveni performed his last vintage Kaguta intellectual act in December 2013.

South African anti-apartheid hero and statesman Nelson Mandela passed away on December 5, 2013, at the age of 95.

On December 6, 2013, Museveni released a condolence statement titled “Mandela’s Life of Sacrifice,” where he traced the roots of African colonisation and apartheid back to a massive geopolitical shift in the 15th century.

Museveni argued that the “sad and heroic story of Mzee Mandela” actually began in 1453 AD when the Ottoman Turks captured Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul), blocking the traditional overland trade routes between Europe and Asia (the silk and spice routes used by Marco Polo).

Because a direct maritime shortcut through Egypt did not exist as the Suez Canal hadn’t yet been built (and the land route was blocked by the Ottoman Empire), the Europeans had no choice but to circumnavigate the entire African continent.

It was this geographic necessity that placed South Africa in the crosshairs of European maritime strategy, leading the Dutch to firmly establish a Cape colony by 1652, followed by the British, planting the seeds of apartheid.

Without the Ottomans, Mandela would never have happened.

Even as a critic, there was still a joy in reading Museveni when he was in that groove.

That is the Museveni I miss. He has never really been a happy president since. We will return to that, but the cocky Museveni of that time wouldn’t be a man who would choose terror as the response to a story he didn’t like.

The Inter-Religious Council of Uganda has announced a change in leadership, electing Rt. Rev. Dr. Joseph Antony Zziwa, the Bishop of Kiyinda-Mityana Diocese and Chairman of the Uganda Episcopal Conference, as its new Chairperson for the 2026-2029 term.

‘The Inter-Religious Council of Uganda, Council of Presidents at its meeting of June 23, 2026 has unanimously elected Rt. Rev. Dr. Joseph Antony Zziwa… as its new Chairperson for the period 2026-2029,’ the statement read in part.

Bishop Zziwa takes over from the Most Rev. Dr. Stephen Samuel Kaziimba Mugalu, the Archbishop of the Church of Uganda, who has been serving as Chair of the Council of Presidents following the completion of his tenure.

IRCU described the transition as part of its routine leadership rotation among faith leaders representing Uganda’s major religious blocs, including the Catholic, Anglican, Muslim, Orthodox, Seventh-day Adventist, and Born-Again faiths.

In its statement, the Council expressed appreciation to Archbishop Kaziimba for what it termed as ‘dedicated leadership’ during his term, noting his role in strengthening interfaith cooperation and advancing the council’s peace and unity agenda.

‘We extend our heartfelt gratitude to Archbishop Kaziimba for his dedicated leadership during his term,’ the statement adds.

The Council also congratulated Bishop Zziwa on his new appointment, expressing confidence in his ability to steer the interfaith body in advancing its vision of a peaceful, united, and prosperous Uganda.

‘We also warmly congratulate Bishop Zziwa and wish him every success as he takes on this important role, leading IRCU in fulfilling its vision of a Godly, peaceful, united, and prosperous Uganda,’ the statement added.

IRCU, a national interfaith umbrella body bringing together major religious institutions in Uganda, plays a key role in promoting peacebuilding, dialogue, and social cohesion across the country, particularly during politically sensitive periods such as elections.

The transition comes at a time when sections of the public and civil society actors have accused senior religious leaders in the country of maintaining silence amid concerns over State-sanctioned restrictions on civil liberties, including cutting back free speech, assembly and media, among others.

The chorus of voices on social media platforms have dismissed Dr Kaziimba as cowardly posturing on governance and human rights issues.

However during a Sunday sermon at St. John’s Church at Makerere University on April 19, 2026, Archbishop Kaziimba pushed back against calls to take a confrontational stance reminiscent of past figures.

Responding to critics who had urged him to emulate the courage of martyred Archbishop Janan Luwum in condemning human rights violations, Kaziimba said: ‘Some people have approached me saying, ‘Why don’t you do like Janan Luwum. The man did a great job.’ The man who was killed! Then [when I’m dead] they will say ‘Kaziimba is also a good man, he was killed.’ Don’t I have a family! Why don’t you be sensitive?’ Dr Kaziimba asked.

Several Parish Development Programme Sacco leaders have been arrested and others have fled to Kenya after allegedly embezzling PDM funds in connivance with technical staff in Bukwo District, Sebei sub-region.

The Monitor learnt that Bukwo has received over Shs30 billion since the PDM programme started in 2022, but a big chunk of the money has been misused by Sacco leaders.

Preliminary investigations by police and the office of the Resident District Commissioner reveal that Sacco leaders generate lists of beneficiaries from their parishes, but during payments they edit the details and pay to different mobile numbers known to themselves, not the intended beneficiaries.

Among the worst affected parishes are Mutushet, where Shs50m was embezzled, Kapkumolon with Shs78m, and Kapnaunjiro with Shs35m. All the parishes are in Mutushet Sub-county. Some of the leaders have been arrested and are detained at Bukwo Central Police Station, while others have fled across the border.

The RDC, Mr George Owanyi, told the Monitor on Tuesday that nine suspects, including Sacco chairpersons, treasurers and secretaries, will be arraigned in court unless they refund the embezzled funds.

‘These are the few selfish people who have embezzled the PDM funds. As per the presidential directives, their files are ready and they are going to appear to court and be charged for embezzlement,’ Mr Owanyi said, adding that they are hunting for others still on the run.

He explained that out of 109 parishes in the district, most have already misused the money in the same format.

‘Even those who are on the run are not safe even if they have crossed to Kenya. We are going to pick all of them, because you know where they are,’ he said.

Preliminary investigations also show that Sacco leaders, mostly chairpersons, would be allocated about 10 slots in a single disbursement.

‘If he or she has been given ten slots, he would now get National Identity cards for his children, wives and his friends from other districts to get that money,’ one police officer handling the cases but who preferred anonymity said.

The RDC said the arrested suspects will be interrogated to reveal the identities of the technical staff they worked with to embezzle the funds.

Mr Alex Kiptegei, the sub-county chief of Mutushet Sub-county, said the PDM programme is being complicated by Sacco leaders who do not follow guidelines.

He said Sacco leaders also transfer bulk funds from Sacco accounts contrary to PDM procedures.

‘They transfer lump sum amounts to their own lines. Surprisingly, the question of how they do it is not known to me yet,’ Mr Kiptegei said.

Mr Florence Chebet, a resident of Loch village in Kululu parish, said residents had nowhere to report the fraud.

‘All these monies are shared between the Sacco leaders and their wives, husbands, children and their friends. It is something which has really angered us,’ Ms Chebet said.

During elections for Sacco leaders in Kalulu parish, one secretary confessed before the RDC and other leaders that they had hacked into the system and were able to order disbursement of funds three times.

The district production officer, Mr Franklin Piyo, said rampant ineligible payments have marred the programme.

‘In some parishes payments are made to dead people and some parishes recoveries were made by the Sacco leaders at a short notice against the recommended timeframe. This is the reason we want to clean the programme so it can work as stimulated,’ he said, adding the objective of the programme is to fight household poverty and increase incomes.

Security operatives on Wednesday raided the residence of former Minister for Ethics and Integrity, Miria Matembe, conducting a multi-hour search before confiscating several unidentified electronic gadgets.

Ms Matembe, a prominent veteran politician and fierce critic of the government, confirmed the incident in a telephone interview, stating she was away when the raid occurred.

“They arrived at my home at around 10:00 AM in my absence. The caretakers informed me that the operatives forced their way inside, ransacked the house, and left with several items,” Ms Matembe said. “I am still trying to establish what they were targeting, or if their intention was to abduct me.”

The motive behind the operation remains unclear, and police spokespersons were unavailable for immediate comment at the time of publication.

It also remains unknown whether the former minister had received a prior tip-off before leaving her home.

Matembe’s targeting comes amid heightened tensions regarding human rights in Uganda. A co-founder of the Center for Domestic Violence Prevention and a trailblazer for women’s rights, Matembe has recently been highly vocal against a wave of enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, and alleged state-sponsored abductions targeting opposition figures and activists.

Once a close ally of President Yoweri Museveni and a key architect of the 1995 Constitution, Matembe fell out with the ruling establishment in 2003 over opposition to the removal of presidential term limits.

Since then, she has remained a relentless voice for constitutionalism and civic space.

Over 200 players from primary and secondary schools across the country are expected to vie for honours at the inaugural Future Stars-SAU National Schools Scrabble Championship at Gayaza Junior School on Saturday, with the prime goal of qualifying for the World Youth Scrabble Championship in Nairobi, Kenya, in August.

The national championship will be the first step in Uganda’s journey to Nairobi, with the country’s best young scrabble talents targeting slots at world championship, where they will gauge their wit against leading youths from across the globe.

The championship is organised by the Future Stars Sports Programme in partnership with the Scrabble Association of Uganda (SAU). Future Stars is a talent development initiative committed to discovering, nurturing, and developing young Ugandans in different sporting disciplines. The programme seeks to create opportunities for talented youngsters to develop their skills and pursue excellence through organised competitions.

Organisers see the championship as a platform that could boost the growth of scrabble at school level while creating a pathway for young players to compete on the international stage as they get tested in vocabulary, strategic thinking, and problem-solving.

During the tournament’s launch at Gayaza Junior on Monday, SAU technical vice president, Godwin Murungi, said the event comes at an opportune time for the sport’s development in the country.

In addition to the hosts, Kiira College Butiki, Bishop’s Secondary School, Standard High School, Seroma Christian High School, Good Times Junior School, and St. Catherine Junior School, among others, had confirmed participation by press time.

“Our objective is to provide an environment where students can perform at their best. We have put in place the necessary facilities, equipment, and logistical support to ensure a smooth championship,” said Gayaza Junior’s head of sports and games, Daniel Kasawuli, ahead of this potentially memorable event.

The hosts will also ensure strict adherence to Ebola prevention guidelines as required by the Ministry of Health.

BRIEFLY

What: Future Stars-SAU National Schools Scrabble Championship

Where: Gayaza Junior School

When: Saturday, June 27

Why: slots at World Championship

The recent killing of national rugby player Sydney Gongodyo through mob action is a tragic reminder of the growing threat of the vice in Uganda.

While communities are often frustrated by crime and delays in the justice system, taking the law into one’s own hands can never be justified.

Mob action undermines the rule of law and often results in the death of innocent people, who may be wrongly accused.

It is absurd that the police in West Nile frequently record cases of mob action in our communities despite available community policing.

Uganda continues to record alarming levels of mob action. Police statistics show that more than 1,000 people were killed through mob action in both 2023 and 2024, while nearly 950 mob-related deaths were recorded in 2025.

Nationally, over 3,700 people have lost their lives to mob violence since 2021, making it one of the country’s most persistent forms of unlawful homicide.

The West Nile Sub-region has not been spared. Recent police reports indicate that dozens of mob action deaths were recorded in the region in 2025, highlighting the urgent need for communities to reject vigilante actions and support lawful justice processes.

Mob action is often fuelled by anger, misinformation, fear, and mistrust of legal institutions. However, violence does not deliver justice.

Instead, it destroys evidence, violates human rights, and denies suspects their constitutional right to a fair hearing.

I, therefore, appeal to the people of Zombo, Nebbi, Pakwach, Arua, and the wider West Nile region to report suspects to the police and relevant authorities rather than resorting to violence.

Community leaders, religious and cultural institutions, and security agencies must work together to promote awareness, strengthen community policing, and rebuild public confidence in the justice system.

A peaceful and law-abiding society can only thrive when justice is delivered through legal and transparent processes.

People should desist from acts of revenge and killings on suspicion. Let us condemn mob action, protect human dignity, and uphold the rule of law.

Every person deserves a fair hearing, and justice must never be administered through violence.