Category: Daily Monitor

The naming of a new Cabinet in Uganda carries political meaning far beyond government administration. Beneath the appointments, dismissals, and transfers lies a deeper national conversation about power, loyalty, and succession.

After President Museveni responded to an argumentative essay that saw Mr Andrew Mwenda, a journalist, declare the Ugandan strongman ‘senile and incapable of judging right’, the naming of Uganda’s latest Cabinet has managed to reawaken the succession question in the country.

‘You will, however, discover that at 82, I am still able to defend Uganda and myself with the Bible, the AK-47 and the pen,’ Mr Museveni wrote in his May 23 response to the essay, adding, ‘As a freedom fighter, I am always stubbornly standing for patriotism, Pan-Africanism, social-economic transformation and democracy.’

On Thursday, in only the second sitting of the first meeting of the first session, the 12th Parliament serenaded Mr Matia Kasaija, wishing him a happy birthday.

The erstwhile long-serving Finance minister had just turned 82. Rumours that he is battling a condition characterised by progressive loss of intellectual functioning have not gone unchallenged. Yet, like a bad smell, they linger.

But if, indeed, Mr Kasaija was dropped for age-related reasons, the handing of full dockets to Mr Museveni’s fellow octogenarian Ephraim Kamuntu (Internal Affairs) and 79-year-old Tom Butime (Tourism) was the clearest articulation by the Ugandan strongman that age is but a number.

Balancing act

The handing of the baton to the younger generation of 50-somethings believed to be in the good graces of Mr Museveni’s son, also the Chief of Defence Forces of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, was, perhaps, overstated.

‘Muhoozi appears powerful on social media because he is the President’s son, but in reality, some decisions are beyond him. His father remains the final authority in decision-making,’ Mr Timothy Kalyegira, a political analyst, told Weekend Monitor.

He added: ‘Muhoozi remains Museveni’s son and the CDF, but the idea of him being Museveni’s automatic successor is not guaranteed. We still have Museveni for another five years. His term ends in 2031, but it is not automatic that Muhoozi will succeed him. It is not 100 percent certain.’

Yet, as he has deftly done across 40 years, Mr Museveni pulled off a balancing act that ensured that the wind was not entirely taken out of the sails of the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU)-the pressure group aligned to the NRM party that his son leads.

‘Individuals seen as close to that circle have taken up important positions such as Kiryowa Kiwanuka in Defence, Ambassador Adonia Ayebare in Foreign Affairs, and Balaam Barugahara in Local Government. These ministries are not minor-they touch on security, Uganda’s external relations, and grassroots political mobilisation,’ Timothy Chemonges, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), noted.

‘Those close to the PLU camp may feel stronger because their allies now occupy key government positions. At the same time, some older NRM figures may sense their influence diminishing. This dynamic could create quiet competition within the party between the old NRM establishment, Museveni’s current power centre, and the emerging Muhoozi-linked group,’ he added.

No change?

In a country where President Museveni has remained at the centre of political authority for decades, the latest Cabinet arrangement is already fuelling fresh debate over a number of questions. Who, for one, holds influence today? Who is being strategically positioned? What do the decisions reveal about the future direction of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party? There are no simple answers. In the complex jigsaw puzzle, though, sits Jessica Alupo, who was on Thursday confirmed as the Vice President for another term.

The position ranks second on the national order of precedence, a standing that should not be overlooked if the worries Mr Mwenda articulated in his argumentative essay are to be taken seriously. After being confirmed in the position on Thursday, Ms Alupo, also the Katakwi District Woman Representative (DWR) in the House, vowed to ‘serve with utmost desire, patriotism, and loyalty.’

She added: ‘When we work as a team, we accomplish our assignments very fast, very well, and very easily.’

It, however, remains to be seen what the team Ms Alupo envisages will look like. The in-tray of the House Appointments Committee that was approved on Thursday will be filled to the rafters when it gets to work on Monday.

Qualms about appointees whose dual citizenship flies in the face of constitutional provisions have to be meticulously considered. The swapping of Cabinet positions by Dr Jane Ruth Aceng Ocero and Justine Kasule Lumumba has also indicated an absence of rigour that previously couldn’t be labelled against Mr Museveni.

Descendants Resistance Army

At any rate, Mr Job Kiija, an associate director at Innovations for Democratic Engagement and Action (IDEA), argued that the political message sent by the new Cabinet is one of managed continuity and synchronised institutional loyalty, carefully designed to mitigate the risk of an unguided succession crisis.

He told Weekend Monitor that the new troop deployments, uncoordinated as some appear, should not be viewed in isolation but as part of a broader systemic realignment across all pillars of State power.

Mr Kiija pointed to the recent installation of party-vetted leadership in Parliament, heavily backed by the PLU, which now functions alongside an aligned Judiciary and a professionalised military to insulate the State from external shocks.

The researcher noted that the systematic replacement of historical bush-war stalwarts like Gen Moses Ali with the literal and ideological offspring of the ruling elite-such as Justine Nameere (daughter of Vincent Sempijja), Desire Muhooza (daughter of Salim Saleh), Musa Ali (son of Moses Ali), Dr Charles Ayume (son of Francis Ayume), and Shartsi Kutesa Musherure (daughter of Sam Kutesa)-illustrates the operationalisation of the ‘Descendants Resistance Army’ philosophy.

Mr Kiija noted that the aforesaid strategy does not signal an immediate handover of power from father to son.

‘Instead, it constructs a robust institutional safety net ensuring that, in the event of an unexpected crisis, the overlapping structures of Cabinet, Legislature, and Military would seamlessly default to the President’s son, preventing internal fragmentation or opposition exploitation.’

He also described the appointments as part of a sophisticated hybrid strategy engineered to achieve absolute political consolidation for President Museveni. This, he argues, is most evident in the deliberate omission of polarising figures from both the PLU and historical NRM factions, such as David Kabanda, Matayo Kyaligonza, and Abdul Nadduli.

‘By sidelining unpredictable actors, Museveni filters out potential sources of internal friction, instead prioritising highly compliant mobilisers,’ he opined.

Contradictions

Mr Kiija argued that this prioritisation of political conformity over institutional competence is underscored by dropping seasoned security figures like Gen David Muhoozi in favour of grassroots populist actoras.

These newer appointees, while fiercely loyal to the Executive, possess fluid allegiances that can easily shift to Gen Muhoozi when the transition requires it.

The IDEA Associate Director reckons that the new Cabinet fundamentally alters internal power dynamics ahead of the 2031 polls. This, he further posited, it achieves by dismantling traditional checks and balances and formalising the alliance between the NRM and PLU.

The Judiciary and Parliament, he said, have been subordinated, operating as extensions of executive and military will rather than independent arms of government.

‘By absorbing key PLU figures like Balaam Barugahara into strategic ministerial positions, Museveni has neutralised the risk of the PLU emerging as a hostile breakaway faction, consolidating both wings under a unified command structure,’ Mr Kiija observed.

He added: ‘The inclusion of nominees holding dual citizenship directly violates Uganda’s constitutional and immigration frameworks, setting up an immediate legal battleground. Moreover, the retention of individuals implicated in major corruption scandals-such as the Karamoja iron sheets saga and the Parliamentary Exhibition-contradicts Museveni’s public pledge of a corruption-free tenure.”

On his part, Mr Marlon Agaba, the executive director of the Anti-Corruption Coalition of Uganda (ACCU), said the new Cabinet represents a good selection of ministers. He described it as a mixture of experienced figures who have served in government before and new entrants who also bring valuable expertise. ‘All in all, it’s a good selection. It’s full of experienced people, and it will deliver on the manifestos and promises of [the] government,’ Mr Agaba noted.

Reading the nuances

Mr Agaba, nevertheless, emphasised that there is little to suggest a transition in leadership. He pointed out that several long-serving figures remain in the Cabinet, including generals such as Gen Henry Tumukunde, Gen Katumba Wamala, Jim Muhwezi, and Kahinda Otafiire. ‘I don’t see anything pointing towards succession. It’s more about control and retaining experienced ministers who have been in power for some time,’ he explained. Mr Agaba noted that the new Cabinet reflects the President’s focus on service delivery, particularly in areas such as wealth creation and the fight against corruption. ‘He doesn’t want to see anyone sleeping. The emphasis is on working hard and tackling corruption.’

Mr Robert Wanjala, a political analyst, said despite the speculation, one thing remains certain: Cabinet appointments in Uganda are rarely interpreted as ordinary government decisions. Every appointment, promotion, demotion, or omission carries political meaning. They reveal who remains influential, who is gaining ground, and who may be losing favour within the ruling establishment

‘The latest Cabinet … therefore, offers more than a glimpse into government administration. It provides insight into the state of power within the NRM and the broader political calculations shaping Uganda’s future. Whether the changes signal continuity, controlled transition, or simply strategic political management, the succession question remains unresolved and deeply embedded in the country’s political discourse,’ Mr Wanjala said.

As Uganda continues to navigate questions about leadership, governance, and generational transition, Cabinet appointments will likely remain key moments through which citizens, analysts, and political actors attempt to read the future of power in the country.

Last weekend, I cited President Museveni’s departed propagandist, Tamale Mirundi. Mirundi propagated the idea that President Museveni had deliberately postponed the task of fighting corruption until 2016, so that his long rule may not run out of tasks!

Perhaps because we, Ugandans, are gullible, many good-hearted people thought that such timetabling was a sensible approach for a ruler who had been concentrating on things like fighting Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and programmes for making poor people rich.

However, on reflection, the absurdity of the approach needs elaboration. Even a parable.

A great warrior was given a huge vanilla vineyard as a reward for his bravery. The warrior appointed supervisors and gave them a five-year contract to run his vineyard.

The warrior told the supervisors that he was going to be occupied by other commitments. He would not have time to scrutinise their expenditure or sales records. Their honesty and other management habits would not be questioned during the five years.

Whenever the warrior visited the vineyard, he heard stories from the people in the village that the supervisors at the vineyard were dishonest. They hired lazy workers. They were not paying their suppliers on time. Sometimes they took bribes before they paid. And some of the vanilla was sold without the transactions appearing anywhere in the records. The warrior agreed, and he observed that the vineyard was indeed being run down by the plunder.

Anyhow, the warrior decided to give the managers another five-year contract, since they had become his friends and were still obedient to him.

They often sang to praise him as a great warrior and pledged their unfailing loyalty to him. Some were his close relatives. He was afraid that if he appointed more competent managers, they might use their superior skills to distance him from the operation of the vineyard. They could even edge him out altogether, taking full possession of the vineyard. It was important that the plantation remained his vineyard.

As for the plunderers who had become long-serving friends, the warrior told them about the rumours in the village. But he would not act in haste. After he was done with his other assignments and the supervisors had served enough contracts not to complain, he would announce a special anti-theft, anti-laziness, and anti-nepotism period at the vineyard.

During that period, and maybe from then onwards, the managers and workers at the vineyard would be forbidden from engaging in theft and other anti-vineyard activities.

That would be the time to sort out all the problems that had plagued and made his vineyard a laughing stock in the province.

One day, when the warrior visited after a long absence, he found most of the workers sleeping under a big tree at noon. Some were in a hangover, having drunk too much the previous night.

The vineyard had more weeds than vanilla vines. Completely upset, the warrior inquired about the supervisors. He was told that most had grown rich and had set up their own plantations and other businesses.

They had left early to go and attend to matters at these enterprises. NRM has shaped corruption into a convertible tool.

As the leadership of Parliament discovered from the sum of its corruption scandals, it can be a trap for ensnaring those with fantasies of power.

But as the new Speaker and his deputy already know, corruption can also be used to reap huge benefits under NRM rule, as long as one keeps mindful of the mines planted at the boundary between impunity and naked folly.

The affection between Kitara coach Wasswa Bbosa and his SC Villa opposite number Zeljko Kovacevic seemed mutual at the Kati Kati Restaurant presser in Kampala.

In turns, each tactician praised the other’s ability and experience to spring a surprise in what is expected to be a tensely contested Stanbic Uganda Cup final at the Fufa Technical Center in Njeru on Saturday.

It is not characteristic of Bbosa – formerly coach of SC Villa, Express, Victors, Tooro United and Gaddafi – to heap praise on his next opponent.

Yet here he was yesterday glorifying the Serbian’s tactical revolution at Villa and admitting that the final is simply too close to call.

‘We are ready and focused to win the final,’ Bbosa told the media in Luganda.

‘That said, SC Villa is a historic team with excellent players and a very good coach. We always plan according to what the opponent brings.

We want to go to the continent and, in the final showdown, the team that uses their chances better will win.’

Kovacevic equally appeared appreciative of the challenge Kitara have posed this season.

Villa edged the first-round league meeting 1-0 at Kadiba before The Royals responded emphatically with a 2-0 victory in the reverse fixture at Butema.

‘We plan to face a good team with an experienced coach,’ Kovacevic said.

‘I expect a very difficult game but we believe we shall win. It will make me proud to win the final in my first season.

‘The change in final venue (from Kadiba to Njeru) didn’t affect us because both teams play on grass and will have to adapt to the artificial turf.’

No underdogs

Both coaches share the belief that whoever utilizes the available chances will prevail on the day, although neither was willing to reveal his preferred tactical approach.

The two camps also appeared to have a largely clean bill of health save for one or two doubtful fringe players.

Villa, nine-time winners who last lifted the trophy in 2015, are sweating over the fitness of left-back Kato Ssemayange.

However, Kovacevic has cultivated a culture where collective responsibility overshadows dependence on individuals.

Bbosa, who guided Express to the 2021 league and Cecafa Kagame Cup titles, is convinced his side will die trying to secure Kitara’s second Uganda Cup crown following their historic triumph under Brian Ssenyondo in 2024.

Whereas Villa breezed past URA 3-0 on aggregate in the semifinals, Kitara had to dig deep to eliminate holders Vipers over two grueling legs.

Bbosa believes that battle-hardened route could provide the impetus required in what promises to be a fiercely fought final duel with the Jogoos in Njeru.

Stanbic Uganda Cup

Final, Saturday

Kitara vs. SC Villa, 3pm

Parliament’s decision on Thursday to approve an increase in the number of Cabinet and State ministers could not have come at a worse time.

Shortly after being approved for another term as Prime Minister, Ms Robinah Nabbanja tabled a motion seeking Parliament’s approval to increase the number of Cabinet ministers from the constitutional limit of 21 to 30 and State ministers from 21 to 51.

The House, dominated by the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), overwhelmingly backed the proposal, effectively legalising President Museveni’s newly announced 83-member Cabinet.

The government defended the expansion on grounds that Uganda’s population has grown from 20 million in 1995 to 45.9 million today and that the increase in districts from 39 to 146 has created new governance demands requiring additional ministerial oversight.

Ms Nabbanja also argued that flagship government programmes such as the Parish Development Model (PDM), Emyooga, and climate resilience initiatives require specialised ministerial supervision to ensure effective implementation and equitable service delivery.

While those arguments may appear reasonable on the surface, they fail to address the harsh economic realities confronting ordinary Ugandans today.

The country is still recovering from the economic shocks triggered by the Covid-19 pandemic. Many households continue to struggle with unemployment, especially among the youth, rising costs of living, and persistent poverty levels.

Businesses are collapsing, public debt remains high, and social services such as healthcare and education continue to face underfunding.

At such a time, expanding the size of Cabinet sends the wrong message to taxpayers already burdened by economic hardship.

Article 113(2) of the Constitution deliberately limits the President to appointing 21 Cabinet ministers and 21 State ministers.

The framers of the Constitution clearly understood the dangers of bloated governments and excessive political appointments.

They sought to create a lean and efficient Executive structure capable of serving citizens without placing unnecessary pressure on public resources. Although Article 114(3) permits Parliament to approve variations, that provision was never intended to become the norm.

Unfortunately, successive Parliaments have routinely approved increases without seriously questioning whether such expansions are necessary or beneficial to the public.

The argument that more districts automatically require more ministers is also weak. Effective governance is not necessarily measured by the number of ministers appointed, but by the efficiency, accountability, and performance of government institutions.

Indeed, the same government recently championed the rationalisation of agencies as a cost-cutting measure aimed at reducing wasteful expenditure.

It is, therefore, contradictory for the government to defend rationalisation on one hand while expanding the size of the Cabinet on the other.

Uganda will experience drier and warmer-than-normal conditions across much of the country between June and August, with authorities warning farmers, livestock keepers and households to prepare for water shortages and crop stress, the Ministry of Water and Environment said.

The Directorate of Meteorological Services said most parts of the country are expected to receive below-average rainfall during the June-July-August (JJA) season, raising concerns over agricultural production, livestock health and water availability.

Permanent Secretary Dr Alfred Okot said the forecast points to a prolonged dry spell across large parts of Uganda.

‘A bigger part of the country will get below, or is projected to get below-average rainfall,’ Dr Okot said.

‘This is going to cause stress, especially to crops, animals and human beings. We therefore need to take precautions, and those involved in livestock should ensure they conserve water,’ he added.

The ministry advised farmers to plant drought-tolerant crops and reduce dependence on rain-fed agriculture by investing in irrigation and water storage systems.

‘We need to embrace irrigation and ensure we have water storage within or near production areas as an appropriate solution,’ Dr Okot said.

He attributed the changing weather patterns partly to climate change and urged Ugandans to adopt environmentally sustainable practices to mitigate its effects.

According to the seasonal outlook, rainfall patterns will be influenced by warmer-than-normal sea surface temperatures in the equatorial Pacific Ocean, associated with an El Niño tendency, which is expected to suppress rainfall across much of the country.

Meteorologists also noted that local factors such as mountains, large water bodies and vegetation cover would continue to influence rainfall distribution in specific regions.

In western Uganda, including the districts of Kabale, Kisoro, Rukungiri, Isingiro, Mbarara and Ibanda, dry conditions are expected to persist throughout the forecast period.

The Rwenzori region, covering Kasese, Bundibugyo, Ntoroko, Kabarole and Bunyangabu, as well as parts of Bunyoro including Hoima, Kikuube and Buliisa, will experience isolated light rains in early June before dry conditions dominate for the remainder of the season. Masindi and Kiryandongo are expected to receive occasional light rainfall.

In central Uganda, including Kampala, Wakiso, Mpigi, Mityana and Kalangala, isolated showers are forecast until mid-June before giving way to predominantly dry conditions through August. Similar conditions are expected in the cattle corridor districts of Sembabule, Lyantonde, Mubende, Kiboga and Nakasongola.

Eastern Uganda is forecast to fare slightly better. Areas around Lake Victoria and eastern Kyoga, including Jinja, Mayuge, Kamuli, Tororo, Pallisa, Budaka and Butaleja, are expected to receive intermittent rainfall beyond mid-June. The Mount Elgon region, including Mbale, Bududa, Sironko and Kapchorwa, is also likely to continue receiving periodic rains.

In northern Uganda, districts in West Nile and Karamoja are expected to transition from current dry conditions to isolated rains by mid-June, followed by intermittent showers through August. Northern districts such as Gulu, Kitgum, Amuru and Lamwo are expected to continue receiving on-and-off rainfall throughout the season.

Overall, the forecast indicates that northern and eastern Uganda will experience near-normal to below-normal rainfall, while central and western regions are expected to remain significantly drier than usual.

Meteorological officials urged local governments, farmers and water authorities to use the forecast for planning and preparedness to minimise the impact of the anticipated dry spell.

When President Yoweri Museveni unveiled his new Cabinet this week, political analysts and politicians alike immediately began dissecting the list. Public attention quickly shifted not only to the surprise promotions and high-profile casualties dropped from the front bench, but also to a significant group that remained entirely untouched: the leadership of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) Secretariat.

In a political season where many within the ruling party had expected sweeping changes at the Kyadondo Road-based secretariat, the party chairman instead chose absolute continuity. For many seasoned observers of Uganda’s political landscape, the decision was both deliberate and highly tactical.

While several senior party figures at the secretariat had long been tipped for juicy ministerial appointments following the NRM’s commanding performance in the 2026 General Election, insiders say the President was highly reluctant to dismantle a mobilisation machine that is now widely credited for engineering one of the biggest electoral rebounds in the Movement’s recent history.

The Scale of the 2026 Rebound

To understand Museveni’s hesitation to alter the status quo, one must look at the sheer numbers from the 2026 polls. Museveni secured an impressive 71.6 percent of the presidential vote. This represents a sharp, dramatic rise from the 58 percent he obtained in the highly fractured and violently contested 2021 general election, where the rise of Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, and his National Unity Platform (NUP) severely dented the ruling party’s traditional strongholds.

The 2026 rebound has since triggered intense internal reflection within the NRM, with party strategists pointing to an aggressive, structural overhaul of grassroots mobilisation led by the secretariat under the stewardship of the Secretary-General, Mr. Richard Todwong.

Inside the ’63 x 72,000′ Architecture

At the absolute centre of the NRM’s 2026 turnaround strategy was what party officials describe as the ’63 x 72,000′ campaign architecture. This expansive, village-based mobilisation model effectively transformed the NRM’s traditional, often lethargic structures into a highly aggressive election machinery that stretched into nearly every household across Uganda.

‘Under the arrangement, the party recruited and activated 63 leaders in each of Uganda’s estimated 72,000 villages, creating an interlocking network of more than 4.5 million grassroots cadres,’ Rosemary Sseninde Nsubuga, the Director of Mobilisation at the Secretariat, explained in an interview.

According to Sseninde, these cadres were not random volunteers; they were systematically drawn from existing formal structures, including: Village mainstream NRM committees; Youth councils and women councils; Elders and Persons with Disabilities (PWDs) and Local Council I (LC1) leadership structures.

‘Each team was tasked with door-to-door mobilisation, direct dissemination of the NRM manifesto, voter education, and strict vote protection at the polling stations. It effectively turned every single village in this country into an NRM campaign command post,’ Sseninde added.

Shifting away from volatile taskforces

Political analysts contrast this systematic approach with previous election cycles-specifically 2016 and 2021-where mobilisation was heavily centralised around ad-hoc, temporary presidential taskforces and self-styled, highly transactional ‘volunteer’ groups. The 2026 strategy explicitly returned campaign control and financial logistics to formal party structures, moving away from loose yellow-coded pressure groups that often caused friction with the party’s official organs.

For years, internal critics had complained that the NRM secretariat had become politically weak, underfunded, and structurally disconnected from actual ground-level mobilization work. This disconnect left campaign operations to uncoordinated groups with competing financial interests.

That flawed arrangement, some insiders argued, heavily contributed to Museveni’s steadily declining presidential margins over the past two decades, even as the party continued to dominate parliamentary and local government elections.

Former government spokesperson and now Member of Parliament representing the Elderly, Ofwono Opondo, notes that the historical context of the 2021 losses necessitated a radical rethink. In 2021, the President suffered unprecedented, humiliating setbacks in the Buganda and Busoga sub-regions-historically considered NRM lifelines-while major urban centres like Kampala, Mukono, and Jinja increasingly slipped entirely into opposition hands.

Opondo argues that the 2026 campaign marked a vital strategic reset. He credits the current Central Executive Committee (CEC), together with the secretariat under Mr. Todwong, for ‘returning political mobilisation to where it belongs: the official party structures.’

‘For the first time in recent memory, the Secretary-General took direct, permanent, and institutional control of the President’s national campaign operations,’ Opondo stated.

“Protecting the Gains”

Instead of relying solely on the President’s personal campaign tours, senior secretariat leaders held independent, concurrent rallies and regional mobilisation meetings on behalf of Museveni. This reinforced the President’s central campaign theme: ‘Protecting the Gains.’

The head of the secretariat, Richard Todwong, maintains that the slogan became one of the campaign’s strongest psychological tools because it simplified the NRM’s otherwise broad and complex 40-year governance record into a direct, tangible appeal to ordinary voters.

‘The message linked concrete government programmes such as the Parish Development Model (PDM), Emyooga, Universal Primary Education (UPE), Universal Secondary Education (USE), major tarmac roads, health center IIIs and IVs, and rural electricity expansion directly to the NRM’s continued stay in power,’ Todwong explained.

Within the ruling party, there is also a growing acknowledgement that this aggressive structural presence was deliberately designed to counter what officials described as years of unchecked opposition propaganda and growing internal complacency among NRM leaders.

‘Party leaders had over the years focused heavily on their personal political survival while completely neglecting ideological mobilisation and the defense of the NRM record. This left the public narrative highly vulnerable to opposition influence,’ Opondo observed regarding previous electoral mishaps. ‘Under the new 2026 structure, however, local cadres were tasked not just with distributing posters, but with actively confronting misinformation at the household level.’

Furthermore, the strategy handed village structures direct ownership over campaign logistics, polling oversight, tallying, and result transmission. This drastically reduced reliance on external mobilisation groups that had previously dominated election periods and sparked internal corruption scandals over campaign funds. NRM officials privately say this shift restored a sense of dignity and confidence among ordinary party members who had felt excluded from the party’s decision-making and campaign financing structures for years.

The ride-on effect and security demeanour

Equally significant was the high visibility of senior party leaders during the campaign. Mr. Todwong alongside his Secretariat team maintained a constant, punishing presence on the campaign trail. Concurrently, NRM parliamentary candidates were explicitly required to prominently display Museveni’s portrait on their campaign posters-a move insiders say helped firmly reconnect local parliamentary races to the President’s national brand.

This approach marked a stark departure from the 2021 cycle, where several NRM candidates, particularly in urban and peri-urban constituencies in Buganda, subtly distanced themselves from Museveni’s imagery out of fear that association with the veteran leader would provoke a backlash from an angry, youth-dominated electorate.

Party officials also credit the remarkably disciplined conduct of security agencies during the 2026 campaign period. Unlike previous cycles marked by heavy-handed crackdowns that fueled international condemnation, a relatively calm electoral environment helped neutralise opposition claims of state-sponsored intimidation.

Remaining structural vulnerabilities

Yet, despite the celebratory mood within the hallways of Kyadondo Road, some party insiders caution that the 71.6 percent landslide victory should not mask deeper, systemic structural challenges facing the ruling party.

Internal party assessments acknowledge that while Museveni’s percentage share rose sharply, overall voter turnout figures and actual raw vote numbers still reveal structural vulnerabilities. The NRM still faces a steep mountain to climb among urban youth, the educated underemployed, and economically strained metropolitan populations who remain largely unreconciled to the NRM story.

Scribing a 71 per cent win on a lower voter turnout means the party is highly efficient at getting its core loyalists to the polls, but is still struggling to expand its footprint into hostile, changing urban demographics.

Furthermore, political analysts warn that sustaining a vast grassroots machinery of over 4.5 million cadres outside an active election cycle will prove financially and logistically impossible unless these structures are formalised into state governance and service delivery monitoring.

To counter this, party officials reveal that the 4.5 million village cadres are now expected to transition from purely political campaign mobilisation into active socio-economic monitors. Their new assignment is to track the implementation of the wealth creation funds like PDM and Emyooga to ensure corruption at the local government level does not undo their electoral gains.

Whether these massive village structures can survive beyond the immediate post-election excitement remains to be seen. Ultimately, it will determine whether Museveni’s 2026 electoral rebound is merely a temporary reprieve or the foundation of a permanent political recalibration for the ruling Movement.

For now, however, the message coming from State House appears unmistakable. At a moment when many expected the President to reward the architects of the NRM campaign with glamorous Cabinet dockets, Museveni instead chose to preserve the core secretariat team exactly where they are. In the President’s strategic calculation, the political machine that delivered 71.6 percent is simply too valuable to dismantle ahead of the governance cycle.

The Uganda Premier League on Friday, May 29, 2026 held its official end-of-season awards ceremony at Kati Kati in Kampala to recognise players, coaches and teams that excelled during the 2025/26 campaign.

The awards celebrated excellence across various categories including performance, discipline, sportsmanship and contribution to the growth of Ugandan football.

Individual award winners

Most Valuable Player

Abdul Karim Watambala (Vipers SC) was named the Most Valuable Player after an outstanding season in which he demonstrated consistency, creativity and decisive contributions in midfield.

Young Player of the Season

Enrique Lubwama (UPDF FC) received the Young Player of the Season accolade in recognition of his impressive performances and development throughout the campaign.

Golden Boot

Ivan Ahimbisibwe (KCCA FC) claimed the Golden Boot award after finishing as the league’s leading scorer.

Golden Glove

Hannington Sebwalunyo (NEC FC) won the Golden Glove following a season of exceptional performances between the posts.

Coach of the Season

Vipers SC head coach Ivan Jacky Minnaert was named Coach of the Season. The Belgian tactician was recognised for his leadership and tactical influence in guiding Vipers SC through a successful league campaign.

Goal of the Season

Rogers Ochaki Torach (Vipers SC) won the Goal of the Season award for a remarkable strike that stood out among the season’s finest moments.

Fair Play Team of the Season

UPDF FC received the Fair Play Team of the Season award after recording the league’s best disciplinary record with 32 yellow cards and one red card.

Platinum Award

The Platinum Award was presented to Constance Catherine Adipo Wejuli in recognition of her outstanding contribution to Ugandan football.

A sports scientist, educator, football administrator and pioneering FIFA referee, Ms Wejuli is widely recognised as the first female FIFA referee in East and Central Africa and has served extensively within FUFA, CAF and FIFA football development structures.

Uganda Premier League Best XI of the Season

Goalkeeper

Hannington Sebwalunyo (NEC FC)

Defenders

Jonathan Odongo (Entebbe UPPC FC)

Herbert Achayi (KCCA FC)

Hillary Panuel Mukundane (Vipers SC)

Kevin Dasylva Bady (Vipers SC)

Midfielders

Issa Bugembe (UPPC FC)

Joseph Seremba (NEC FC)

Abdul Karim Watambala (Vipers SC)

Forwards

Usama Kiza Arafat (Vipers SC)

Ivan Ahimbisibwe (KCCA FC)

Hassan Mubiru (SC Villa)

–

Speaking at the ceremony, Uganda Premier League Chief Executive Officer Bainamani Bernard Bampaire commended the progress registered during the 2025/26 season.

“This season has showcased the depth of talent in our league, the rising standards of coaching and the continued evolution of Ugandan football,” he said.

The awards ceremony marked the conclusion of the 2025/26 season and highlighted the continued growth and competitiveness of the Uganda Premier League.

Her work has been shown in Germany, France, Switzerland, and the United States. She is a recipient of the Prince Claus CAREC Fellows Award. She is currently exhibiting at the Uganda Pavilion at the Venice Biennale, which will run until November of 2026. In 2022, she held a solo exhibition at the Chemistry Laboratory at Makerere University; a deliberately unglamorous venue for a deliberately unglamorous practice. Her work is held by the Buganda Museum, the National Gallery of Zimbabwe, and the Feminist Foundation for Contemporary African Art in Geneva.

She has also become a mentor and tutor, extending her practice through teaching, because she understands that knowledge lives in bodies, not in PDFs. The only way to ensure the continuation of revered traditional practices is encouraging the younger generation to try them out. This is what separates Sheila Nakitende from the ordinary run of internationally exhibited artists.

You could attend the Venice Biennale, stand before her work at the Uganda Pavilion, and come away impressed by the sheets of organic handmade paper, their textured surfaces bearing photographs and drawings that seem to emerge from the fibre itself. You would note the craftsmanship, the conceptual clarity, the quiet confidence of the installation. What you would not see, unless you travelled afterward to a hillside neighbourhood in Kampala called Rubaga, is the small home studio where the work actually begins. And you would not see the tree. The Mutuba tree (Ficus natalensis is its Latin name), grows in family gardens across the Baganda region, unremarkable to the untrained eye, until someone approaches it with a knife. The harvest is not a felling. The harvester makes a longitudinal incision, peels a strip of bark, and leaves the tree to heal. The same tree will be harvested again, year after year, for a lifetime. This conservation is as a habit, older than any environmental science department, embedded in the relationship between the Baganda and the land they have tended for centuries.

The discarded city

Nakitende, who is 43 years old, did not grow up intending to become an advocate for the Mutuba. She came to it sideways, through failure and curiosity. In 2014, working at Artpunch Studio, she noticed the mountains of discarded paper on Nasser Road, the city’s printing hub. She had no money for commercial glue, no access to imported materials.

What she had was cassava flour, water, and the willingness to boil one into the other. The paste worked. She began making art from another people’s waste. That practical workaround born of necessity, not vision, slowly deepened into a question: If paper is fibre, and fibre is everywhere, then what does it mean to make paper in Uganda, from Uganda?

The ancestral toolkit

Instead of modern machines, Nakitende assembled a different kind of toolkit; wooden mallets, mortars, pestles, and boards worn smooth by decades of use. The same implements her ancestors had used to make bark cloth for generations. With these, and only these, she interpreted her knowledge into the quiet, repetitive labour of real-time production. The principles were identical; soaking, boiling, beating, forming sheets, only the names were different.

Nakitende merged contemporary knowledge from the United States with traditional tools from her ancestors and began making organic paper in her home studio in Rubaga. The brown bark cloth of the Mutuba tree became her primary medium, not only for its fibrous strength but for its ethics. The white bark cloth of the dundu or kirundu tree, by contrast, carries ceremonial weight, and she uses it sparingly, with the respect it demands.

The elders and the archive

This is the point at which Nakitende’s work becomes difficult to categorise. She is not a traditionalist after all she travelled to the United States learnt from the global North, and brought those techniques home without apology. She is not a modernist either. She rejected the expensive equipment she could not afford and turned instead to what the land would give her. She occupies a third position, one for which English has no ready label; she is an artist who is reverent.

Reverence, for Nakitende, is not a metaphor. It describes a concrete set of practices. She learnt from elders, women and men who still remember how to harvest and dry bark cloth, because their knowledge lives in their hands, not in any archive. These are conversations that reach into history and ask difficult, necessary questions: What did our ancestors do differently? And what must we relearn, if these trees and these practices are to survive?

The American detour

The question led her to a residency at the Women’s Studio Workshop in upstate New York in 2017, where she learnt formal papermaking techniques and confirmed her intuition that bark cloth could be reduced to pulp and reformed into sheets. She travelled with strips of bark cloth in her luggage, carrying home with her even as she went abroad. In New York, she learnt their techniques with the sole purpose of applying them her practices when she got back home. Then she returned to Kampala with knowledge and nothing else.

The small things

There is a photograph in her studio of her late maternal grandfather, Zakaliya Munywanyi Kabuye. He made bark cloth in his time, not as art but as survival. She has printed his portrait on her handmade organic paper. The image is neither sentimental nor ironic, is a fact, placed alongside other facts; a pair of size-4 shoes she wore in 1988, framed with bark cloth and discarded Nasser Road paper, now standing in the midst of an artist’s profound life’s work.

On a table sit two small jars. One contains seeds of eKyangwe (loofah). The other, seeds of ebita (gourd, or large calabash). She is farming and storing seeds for future generations. Not as a side project but as the same project, because paper, after all, is just organised fibre. And fibre begins as something living. If you want to make paper in Uganda from Uganda in twenty years, you had better have planted something today.

The rhythm

There is something unusual about the way Nakitende works, though it takes a while to name. It is not innovation, exactly, though she has certainly introduced new techniques. It is not preservation, either, though she is clearly safeguarding something old. Call it attention. Not the performative kind that announces itself in artist statements and grant applications. The other kind. The kind that only reveals its depth after hours of watching.

Watch long enough, and you begin to see it. The slow soaking of bark. The steady repetition of the mallet. The hands that press and shape each sheet into being without hurry or hesitation.

The rhythm predates the grant cycle, the biennale, the entire apparatus of international contemporary art. It belongs to an older order. It is the rhythm of a person who has learnt that traditions are not relics to be admired from a distance, but practices to be lived, and that the quality of our future depends on how carefully we carry them forward.

The invitation

At the Venice Biennale, she will be surrounded by the apparatus of the international art world; press previews, vernissages, collectors with expense accounts. She will wear the role of exhibiting artist with whatever grace she can muster. She will speak of her work in the language that such places require. She will be polite, and patient, after all she is professional. But that is not where she lives. Ask her what matters more, the Biennale or the afternoon she spent with an elder who showed her the angle of the knife, and she will not answer. Not because she is evasive but because the question is not applicable. It assumes a hierarchy where none exists. It assumes that one must choose between visibility and integrity, between the global stage and the local soil.

Nakitende refuses to select between worlds and stands in both, arms extended, holding the bridge steady. The bridge, she knows, is the only thing that keeps either side from collapsing into irrelevance. The invitation, then, is not to admire Sheila Nakitende. Admiration is too easy, too distant, too much like viewing an artwork behind glass. The invitation is to slow down, to pay attention, to ask what it might mean to understand the place we live, not as a backdrop, not as a resource, but as a collaborator.

On Wednesday, June 10, the Biotech Africa portal will be officially launched in Nairobi, Kenya,according to a statement by Dr Margaret Karembu, the director of the International Service for the Acquisition of Agri-biotech Applications (ISAAA), an international organisation that shares agricultural biotechnology, focusing on genetic modification (GM).

ISAAA is headquartered in Nairobi. It supports the development of biotechnology and GM as tools for overcoming the challenges facing agriculture in Africa today, including climate change, malnutrition, and new crop diseases that have no known cure.

It shares the benefits of crop biotechnology through knowledge sharing initiatives and support of biotechnology.

The Biotech Africa portal will serve as a regional platform for improving access to credible biotechnology and biosafety information across Africa.

The official launch function will virtually be accessible via a live Webinar for all of us interested, and ISAAA AfriCentre electronically provides the registration guidelines.

Many African countries are still trapped in poverty and hunger because they don’t take to new agricultural technologies and innovations that have long been adopted in highly developed countries such as the US, Canada, China, and many others.

For example, here in Uganda we have the issue of Banana Bacterial Disease and Nematode infestation that are complicating banana farming.

It is a major food crop and in order to fight malnutrition there is a need to enhance iron and pro-vitamin A in the crop which can be done through biotechnology.

We also have the problem of Potato Blight in Irish potato farming, which takes a lot of agrichemicals to fight. The farmers’ profits are reduced by the cost of the pesticides.

Rice production is linked to the issue of Nitrogen Use Efficiency, Water use Efficiency and Salt Tolerance, which could be overcome through biotechnology.

There is stem borer resistance and drought tolerance in maize. Cassava growing is complicated by the Cassava Brown Streak Disease and Cassava Mosaic which are incurable but can be overcome by adoption of Biotechnology (Genetic Modification).

There is another incurable virus disease attacking the sweet potato which is a major food crop in Uganda.

A lot of successful research has been conducted by our own scientists in NARO (National Agricultural Research Organization) concerning the crop diseases, but the farmers in the country cannot grow the disease resistant crops because the government is still hesitant to come up with the internationally required law to guide the growth and use of GM crops.

Every weekend, millions of fans across Uganda and the world gather around television screens, in bars, restaurants, betting centres, and video halls to support their favourite clubs in the English Premier League (EPL) and other European leagues.

For many people, football is more than just a sport. It is a source of joy, identity, friendship, and entertainment. Supporters proudly wear jerseys of major European clubs. But behind the excitement, celebrations, and entertainment lies a growing problem that is silently affecting many communities- football-related violence, gambling addiction, depression, crime, and even death.

In recent years, cases linked to football rivalries and sports betting have become increasingly worrying. What should simply be a game is now pushing some people into dangerous behaviour. Fans have fought in bars after matches, friendships have broken down, families have disagreed, and in extreme cases, lives have been lost because of football arguments.

Law enforcement officers in Uganda have handled cases where football fans attacked one another after their teams lost. Simple arguments over penalties, refereeing decisions, or missed chances sometimes turn violent. In many trading centres and urban areas, football nights are now associated with chaos, especially during major matches involving rival clubs.

For instance, on May 24, at approximately 6.30pm in Bakuli, Kampala Central Division, Kampala District, an alleged supporter of Manchester United FC reportedly killed a supporter of Arsenal. The incident occurred on the day the EPL season concluded, with Arsenal securing the league trophy.

Police at Old Kampala confirmed the incident and stated that they were actively investigating the incident. Superintendent of Police (SP) Racheal Kawala, the Kampala Metropolitan Police spokesperson, identified the deceased only as Denis, a 34-year-old boda boda rider and resident of Bakuli.

‘It is alleged that Denis, who was an Arsenal supporter, got into a misunderstanding with the suspect, identified only as Musiramu, a supporter of Manchester United. The disagreement reportedly escalated into a physical altercation during which the suspect struck Denis on the head, causing him to fall to the ground and die instantly,’ SP Kawala said, adding that efforts to arrest the suspect were currently ongoing.

Toxic mix

This newspaper understands that some fans bring alcohol and drugs into video halls, which are found almost everywhere nationwide. In certain halls, alcoholic beverages-and in some cases drugs-are openly sold, giving attendees easy access to substances that can impair their judgment and actions. The impairments have driven some to kill in the name of their clubs.

This was precisely the case on October 27, 2024, when an alleged Arsenal fan reportedly killed a Manchester United fan in Kabale District, western Uganda.

Killing in the name of my football club In many trading centres and urban areas, football nights are now associated with chaos, especially during major matches involving rival

clubs. The two were watching the EPL match between Arsenal and Liverpool at Kyobugombe Trading Centre in Kaharo Sub-county. The game ended in a 2-2 draw at Arsenal’s Emirates Stadium.

Shortly after the match, a fight broke out, leaving Benjamin Ndyamuhaki, only 36 then, dead.

On September 3, 2023, a 22-year-old man allegedly killed a 21-year-old Arsenal fan following a disagreement over the EPL match between Arsenal and Manchester United. Jackson Aineruhanga, a peasant from Sheema District, was stabbed to death after Arsenal’s 3-1 victory.

Police reported that the argument began when Manchester United’s Alejandro Garnacho’s late goal was ruled out for offside by the video assistant referee (VAR).

The quarrel continued in a bar, where the suspect later chased and fatally stabbed Aineruhanga. In March 2023, an alleged Manchester United fan in Lira City died mysteriously after his team suffered a humiliating 7-0 defeat to Liverpool.

Eddy Okello, a driver from Lira East Division, was found dead in his bedroom the following day. In January 2023, Richard Ukuyo, said to be an Arsenal fan, was reportedly killed

in Adjumani District following an argument with a Manchester United supporter. Arsenal had beaten Manchester United 3-2 in a close encounter.

Hedging bets

Betting and gambling technology has complicated matters, with police spokesperson Kituuma Rusoke recently revealing that the two have partly increased domestic violence in Uganda. While lawful, betting often leads to addiction.

‘Many youth never leave betting houses. Because of addiction, they spend to a tune that creates stress. A person filled with stress is prone to crimes such as stealing or even selling a matrimonial home. Domestic violence comes in,’ Mr Kituuma explained.

He added that some people sell family property to fund gambling, while students even gamble away school fees. In some cases, university students who lose their fees resort to forging results from places like Nasser Road to deceive their parents. Globally, the gambling sector is projected to grow to $153.57b (Shs576.6 trillion) by 2030, per Grand View Research.

In Uganda, betting and gaming are increasingly popular, driven by the rise of European football among the youth.

The government collects significant revenue from the sector-Shs110b in the Financial Year (FY) 2021/2022, Shs151.9b in FY2022/2023 and Shs193b in FY2023/2024.

Currently, there are about 59 licensed gaming operators in Uganda, holding about 87 licenses. Fans of football clubs like Arsenal usually squeeze into betting houses every matchday to place bets in hopes of landing a big payday.

Speaking during the opening of Uganda’s 12th Parliament at Kololo Ceremonial Grounds this week, President Museveni said ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party leaders must focus less on foreign football excitement and more on ensuring government wealth creation funds reach ordinary citizens.

‘Somebody….one of my people … .was writing to me that I go and celebrate Arsenal. Me, Yoweri Museveni? […] How can you celebrate European clubs when your people do not have money? You can have Arsenal, but first solve poverty if you are a leader,’ Mr Museveni said in reference to celebrations that greeted Arsenal’s win of its first English title in 22 years.

Extreme fanaticism

Mr Abdullah Magambo, an executive member of Mbale Heroes Football Club, believes the allure of the EPL is not about to wane, thanks in no small part to ‘its high-quality entertainment.’

The attendant problems resulting from extreme fanaticism should be treated seriously. He criticised the lack of proper sensitisation programmes to address the said problems, noting that stakeholders often prioritise profit over responsibility, neglecting the damage caused by addiction to betting and fanaticism.

‘The burden of responsibility and lack of opportunities have left many feeling hopeless. In response, some turn to football, alcohol, and betting as temporary escapes. Football becomes more than entertainment-it becomes a distraction from the harsh realities of unemployment and uncertainty. Betting, in particular, appears too much as a form of temporary employment or a shortcut to survival,’ Mr Micheal Woniala, a sports lover and former communications officer of Mbale Heroes FC, said.

Former NRM party vice chairperson for eastern Uganda Mike Mukula, a sports fan, said: ‘Some fans view their clubs as part of their personal lives, making defeat feel like a personal loss. Social media has further intensified tensions by instantly spreading insults, rivalry, and pressure.’

Ms Sarah Chemutai, a sports lover, said to many unemployed youth, betting is treated like a shortcut to wealth. Some believe correctly predicting European football matches can change their lives overnight. Unfortunately, the reality is often different. ‘Many bettors lose large amounts of money every week. Some use school fees, rent money, transport money, or business capital to gamble. Others get loans, hoping to recover previous losses.

Instead of improving their lives, betting pushes many into debt and financial stress,’ she said.

‘Sports betting has grown rapidly in Uganda over the last decade. Betting shops are now found in many towns, trading centres, and even villages. Young people, especially, are spending hours analysing football matches, predicting scores, and placing bets in the hope of winning money,’ she said.

What needs to be done There have been disturbing reports of people becoming depressed after losing huge bets. Counsellors and community leaders say gambling addiction is now affecting mental health, especially among young men who spend most of their time following European football. In some tragic cases, people have reportedly taken their own lives after losing money through betting.

Others isolate themselves from family and friends because of shame and pressure from debts. Mental health experts warn that gambling addiction can create feelings of hopelessness, anxiety, and emotional breakdown.

Football-related betting has also been linked to theft and criminal behaviour. Police and local leaders have reported cases where individuals steal money, phones, household items, or business funds to finance gambling. Some employees secretly take money from workplaces, hoping to return it after winning bets.

However, when they lose again, the situation becomes even worse. Parents are increasingly complaining about young people who no longer focus on education, work, or business because they spend most of their time analysing football statistics and betting odds. Some youth wake up early to study fixtures from Europe’s major football competitions instead of searching for jobs or engaging in productive work.

Police reports show that the influence of football fanaticism is also affecting relationships and families. Couples argue over betting losses.

Some parents fail to provide necessities at home because money is spent on gambling. Domestic violence cases linked to financial stress from betting are also quietly increasing in some communities. Experts say there is a need for awareness campaigns about responsible betting and healthy football fandom.

Schools, parents, religious institutions, and the media can play an important role in educating young people about the dangers of gambling addiction and violence. Counsellors also encourage people to seek help whenever betting starts affecting their finances, emotions, relationships, or mental health. Friends and family members should support individuals struggling with gambling addiction instead of mocking them.

The government and betting companies are also being challenged to strengthen regulations and promote responsible gambling messages. Some experts argue that betting advertisements should clearly warn people about the risks involved.