Category: Daily Monitor

The 2025 Ford Ranger XLT has officially arrived in Uganda, offering three key features that today’s drivers increasingly prioritise: safety, fuel efficiency, and comfort.

Last week, I had the chance to take it for a real-world test drive, starting from the dealership at Kitgum House on Jinja Road. My route took me through the busy streets of Kampala, onto the Entebbe Expressway, and back. The goal was straightforward: to evaluate its high-speed stability, cabin comfort, and the effectiveness of its latest safety technologies.

I drove on Yusuf Lule Road through Mulago, then connected to the Northern Bypass before joining the Entebbe Expressway down to Imperial Mall in Entebbe. For the return trip, I chose the older, more textured Entebbe Road, passing through Kajjansi, Munyonyo, Buziga, Konge, and Nsambya before looping back to the dealership.

Bold exterior styling

The Ranger XLT carries a bold, muscular presence that feels inspired by larger American-style pickups. Its wide front stance, prominent grille, and signature C-clamp LED headlights give it a commanding road presence that is hard to ignore.

At the centre of its honeycomb grille sits the familiar Ford badge, while the rear is fitted with halogen tail lamps and integrated parking sensors.

The pickup comes with four front and four rear parking sensors that emit audible warnings when the vehicle edges too close to obstacles. In tight urban parking spaces, the alerts can feel a bit persistent, but they play a clear role in improving safety.

Its elevated ride height is matched with long side steps beneath the doors, making entry and exit easier. Unlocking the vehicle also triggers the side mirrors to unfold automatically, a small but satisfying touch that enhances its premium feel.

The Ranger’s tough steel body construction, integrated rear bumper steps, and a wide cargo bed, ready for a protective cover, make it well-suited for everything from city errands to rural haulage of farm produce.

Modern technology inside

Inside, the Ranger XLT blends practicality with modern digital convenience. It features a 10-speed automatic transmission with manual override, giving drivers the option to take control when needed.

In ‘M’ mode, gear changes can be selected manually, allowing the driver to adjust performance depending on terrain, useful when tackling sandy tracks, steep inclines or loaded conditions that demand more pulling power.

The pickup also offers selectable drive modes: 2H, 4H and 4L, allowing the vehicle to adapt seamlessly between highways, slippery roads and rough off-road terrain.

At the centre of the dashboard sits a 10.1-inch infotainment touchscreen supporting wireless Apple CarPlay and Android Auto, alongside FM radio. The sound system delivers clear, well-balanced audio that requires little adjustment for everyday listening.

Strong highway performance

One of the standout strengths of the Ranger XLT is its 2.0-litre turbo diesel engine. Producing about 405Nm of torque, it responds with reassuring urgency the moment the accelerator is pressed, particularly when merging into fast-moving traffic.

On the Northern Bypass and stretches of the Entebbe Expressway, the Ranger built speed smoothly and confidently, making overtaking feel controlled rather than forced, something not all pickups in its class manage with ease.

At higher speeds, stability remains impressive. The gas-pressurised front and rear shock absorbers help keep the vehicle composed, distributing weight evenly through corners and long straights alike.

The three-point seatbelts also tighten progressively as speed increases, adding an extra layer of occupant protection. A persistent warning system ensures no one forgets to buckle up.

Safety features that stand out

The Ranger XLT comes equipped with a suite of driver-assist technologies aimed at reducing risk and boosting confidence.

Blind-spot monitoring alerts the driver to vehicles approaching from hard-to-see angles, while lane-keeping assist gently warns when the vehicle begins to drift out of its lane.

A tyre pressure monitoring system continuously tracks tyre health, instantly alerting the driver via the digital cluster if pressure drops in any tyre.

Inside, the cabin is generously spaced, offering ample legroom for both front and rear passengers. Dual-zone climate control allows independent temperature settings for added comfort on longer journeys.

Where the ride feels less refined

However, the Ranger is not without its compromises.

While its suspension shines on highways and during high-speed cornering, it feels noticeably firmer when dealing with sharp urban imperfections, especially the double and quadruple speed humps common in Kampala suburbs such as Buziga.

It handles corners with confidence, but passengers will still feel some of the harshness transmitted through uneven city roads.

This is largely expected, given that pickups are engineered with stronger rear suspension systems designed for load-carrying and durability rather than plush urban comfort.

Fuel economy

The 80-litre fuel tank makes the Ranger XLT a strong long-distance companion.

On steady highway cruising at around 80km/h, it delivers approximately 16 kilometres per litre, giving it a theoretical range of well over 1,000 kilometres on a full tank under ideal conditions.

In stop-and-go urban traffic, however, consumption drops to around 10 kilometres per litre due to idling and frequent acceleration.

Verdict

The 2025 Ford Ranger XLT strikes a well-balanced mix of toughness, safety and modern refinement. It feels composed on highways, capable on rough roads, and comfortable enough for daily urban use.

While its ride can feel firm over Kampala’s harsher road sections, it compensates with strong engine performance, advanced safety systems, impressive fuel efficiency and a cabin that feels modern and well thought out.

For motorists seeking a versatile pickup that can handle farm runs, long-distance travel and city driving with equal confidence, the Ranger XLT remains one of the strongest contenders in Uganda’s growing double-cabin market.

Efforts by Opposition legislators to block the formalization of President Museveni’s expansive 83-member Cabinet for the 2026-2031 term hit a brick wall on Thursday, after the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party used its overwhelming majority in Parliament to legalize the appointments.

The high-stakes parliamentary showdown unfolded just moments after Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja was cleared by the House for another term in office. Ms Nabbanja immediately moved a motion seeking parliamentary approval to increase the number of Cabinet Ministers from the constitutionally prescribed 21 to 30, and State Ministers from 21 to 51.

The approval effectively legalizes the bloated 83-member executive team announced by President Museveni on Tuesday, which retained Major (Rtd) Jessica Alupo as Vice President and Nabbanja as Prime Minister, while introducing several structural shifts. The executive duo was cleared by a House chaired by the newly elected and sworn-in Speaker, Jacob Oboth Oboth.

The Constitutional loophole

The debate spotlighted a long-standing friction point in Uganda’s supreme law. Under Article 113 (2) of the Constitution, the President is limited to appointing just 21 Cabinet Ministers and 21 State Ministers. However, the subsequent Article 114 (3) grants the President a loophole, permitting an increase in these numbers provided parliamentary approval is secured.

Defending the motion amidst heavy heckling from the opposition benches, Prime Minister Nabbanja argued that the government was not expanding the front bench beyond its previous size, but rather maintaining the status quo from the 11th Parliament.

“The number of Ministers who have been discharging duties is the same number we have brought; we have not changed,” Nabbanja stated. “The rationalization was that we were having duplication of work, so we are here to present the same number we had in the same Parliament.”

Opposition cries foul over cost, patronage

The government’s justification was met with fierce resistance from Opposition lawmakers, who accused the NRM administration of fiscal indiscipline and using ministerial appointments as political rewards.

The incoming Opposition Chief Whip and Jinja South East MP, Paul Mwiru, questioned why the government refuses to stick to the lean executive envisioned by the constitution, especially at a time when resources are desperately needed for public services.

“The ministers are policy makers, and when we reduce the numbers, it is in their interest, but we are finding money for service delivery,” Mwiru argued, drawing sharp retorts from NRM legislators. “It is about the cost. We have been coming here and getting these resolutions, but for today, let us maintain the numbers as they are in the Constitution, so that next time when they don’t work, we shall see what to do.”

Mukono Municipality MP Betty Nambooze Bakireke took it a step further, reminding the House that the 1995 constitutional limits were put in place deliberately to curb imperial presidencies.

“Since we got the Constitution, this country has never tried out this particular article of our Constitution. We should think about what the framers of this Constitution based their limits on. I want to guess that it was limiting top leaders from using appointments to patronise the country,” Nambooze charged.

The rationalization contradiction

The sharpest critique came from the incoming Chairperson of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) and Kassanda North MP, Patrick Nsamba Oshabe. He accused Nabbanja of hypocrisy, pointing out that the executive’s push for a large cabinet directly contradicts the government’s highly publicized rationalization policy, which saw the merging of several state agencies to cut public expenditure.

“I was in the 10th and the 11th Parliament,” Oshabe noted. “In the 11th parliament, the Prime Minister came here and convinced the House of the government programme on rationalization… and convinced the country that it is the right way to go, that the Cabinet agreed that they needed to cut down on the expenditure because of the large numbers of government agencies.”

Oshabe added: “We are here with the same Prime Minister who would have moved with numbers under the Constitution. In the wisdom of rationalization, the same Prime Minister cannot come to this House trying to vary to increase. If the objectives of the rationalization were to be achieved, any variation would be going down.”

Population boom and PDM justify expansion

Unmoved by the backlash, Nabbanja and her backers defended the expansion by citing demographic changes and shifting governance demands. Nabbanja noted that Parliament has historically altered cabinet numbers in every session since the Sixth Parliament, establishing a clear legislative precedent.

Furthermore, she argued that Uganda’s governance infrastructure must match its massive population growth.

“Uganda’s population has grown from 20 million in 1995 to 45.9 million in the 2024 census,” the Prime Minister explained. “Districts have expanded from 39 to 146, creating new governance demands. A per-capita increase in ministerial portfolios is necessary to match service delivery needs and ensure equitable representation.”

Nabbanja also maintained that massive grassroots wealth-creation programs require specialized executive oversight. “The government priorities have evolved to address poverty eradication, wealth creation, and inclusive growth. Flagship programmes such as the Parish Development Model (PDM), Emyooga initiatives, and climate resilience strategies require dedicated ministerial oversight to ensure implementation and guarantee accountability at the grassroots level.”

Seconding the motion, Kyaka South MP Jackson Kafuzi echoed Nabbanja’s legal justifications, asserting that the framers of the Constitution deliberately left room for flexibility.

“The President proposes based on governance needs, and Parliament approves to ensure the variation is justified,” Kafuzi stated. “The principle is clear: Cabinet numbers are not fixed; they are varied by law to meet evolving national needs. As you all know, we have gone through an election where a new mandate has been given.”

With the NRM utilizing its numerical strength to carry the vote, the 83 ministers are now set to be officially sworn in to lead the implementation of the NRM’s manifesto for the next five years.

Uganda has more than tripled its generation capacity in two decades. Yet in 2025, some Ugandans were receiving as few as two hours of electricity a day.

The gap between what we generate and what reaches the economy is costing us a future we cannot afford to lose.

But the most unsettling issue is that 74 percent of Ugandan firms cited the surge in power interruptions as their single greatest operating challenge.

This was according to the April-June 2025 Business Climate Index survey which cited power interruptions as their single greatest operating challenge.

Uganda Manufacturers Association members report four to seven outages per week, some endure as many as 15 in a single day. Meanwhile, firms across the country spend up to Shs30m monthly on diesel generators.

This is money that should be going into jobs, equipment, and growth. This is not a technical footnote but a toll on ambition.

To be fair, Uganda’s energy story has genuine progress chapters. Generation capacity rose from 317 MW in 2002 to over 2,098 MW by mid-2025. But the story of Karuma, Isimba, and our growing hydro base is undermined by a distribution system which, as of 2024, loses 17 percent of all electricity before it reaches a consumer.

The bottleneck is not with generation but distribution. That distinction, therefore, means the solution is not to build more dams but urgently modernise the distribution grid.

But Uganda’s story intersects with something far larger. East Africa is on the cusp of a genuine regional energy market.

The Eastern Africa Power Pool (EAPP), is in the process of launching a Day-Ahead electricity trading market. This is a system that would allow countries to buy and sell power across borders at real-time prices.

Uganda already chairs the EAPP Council of Ministers, and Kampala hosts the EAPP’s Independent Regulatory Board Secretariat. We are not bystanders in this story. We are positioned to lead it. Yet only 0.4 percent of the region’s generated electricity is currently traded across borders. This figure exposes just how much potential remains untapped.

Compare this to Europe, where countries routinely trade 10 to 20 percent of their electricity across borders through integrated markets, or to the Nordic Power Exchange where surplus Norwegian hydropower keeps Scandinavian industry competitive through shared continental infrastructure.

The Southern African Power Pool has demonstrated for decades that electricity trading reduces average costs, improves reliability, and attracts industrial investment. East Africa has the resources, the institutional framework, and the political will. What is needed now is execution speed.

Needless to say, energy security is not merely a utility issue. It is the foundational condition for industrial competitiveness. Rwanda has understood this acutely. Through consistent investment in distribution infrastructure and a transparent regulatory environment, it has made energy reliability a deliberate selling point to foreign investors.

Kenya’s geothermal programme has given its industrial sector access to some of the lowest-cost electricity on the continent. Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam, whatever the geopolitical controversy surrounding it, is a statement of intent, that energy sovereignty is worth fighting for because without it, no industrialisation agenda stands.

The path forward is about modernising distribution with urgency, accelerating Uganda’s participation in the EAPP regional market to monetise our generation surplus and creating the regulatory certainty that unlocks private investment in transmission.

It is about treating energy policy as the industrial strategy it actually is. Uganda has the generation and East Africa has the framework. What remains is the political seriousness to match the scale of the opportunity and the understanding that in the race for regional competitiveness, power is not the prize but the starting line.

Three days after hitting back at veteran journalist Andrew Mwenda for declaring him ‘senile and incapable of judging right’, President Museveni on Tuesday evening outed the much-anticipated Cabinet lineup in which he retained or turned around several old guard, signalling the need for loyalty-based stability.

After weeks of kerfuffle by the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU), a group allied to the Chief of Defence Forces, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, it was widely anticipated that about a dozen stalwarts of the outfit would be appointed to key positions.

However, there were almost imperceptible cues in the Cabinet lineup. A reshuffle speaking to the same is also possible in two or so years.

About dozen ministers retained or bounced back have historical links to the National Resistance Army/Movement (NRA/M); are early converts to the party; have blood links to the First Family or other historicals; have special relations; or, are affiliated to special interest groups such as the case of Dr Lawrence Muganga, a Ugandan- born academic of Rwandan descent, who was named as State minister for Internal Affairs.

Inexplicably, Dr Muganga, who has variously championed the plight of Banyarwanda Ugandans who often accuse immigration officials at the same ministry of denying them national identity cards and passports, was in September 2021 arrested by then Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence on espionage claims at the time of the diplomatic fallout between Kampala and Kigali.

The offsprings

The Cabinet lineup also has a trace of political inheritance – rewarding political offspring, and children of insiders, a continuity of the patronage system.

During the 2021 State-of-Nation Address, plans were underway for descendants of the NRA 1, ‘who speak exotic accent’ and ‘have no home poverty pressures’ to occupy strategic government positions and take the country forward.

The proclamation drew furor from a section of political leaders, while in general, discussions on the political transition remain too sensitive a topic, especially inside NRM, even as PLU has been openly crusading for Gen Kainerugaba.

The descendants include, Koboko Municipality MP Dr Charles Ayume, who was named State minister for Primary Health Care; former Mawogola North MP Shartsi Kutesa Musherure, who was named State minister for Micro-Finance; Masaka City Woman MP Justine Nameere as State minister for Local Government; and Musa Siraji Ali, son to Adjumani West MP Gen Moses Ali, as State minister for Works.

Excess baggage

There is not much to cheer about the new Cabinet lineup, and it is not much different from the last Cabinet, which the President once labelled as ‘fisher men’, which concluded its term in early May.

Still from the old Cabinet, more than 25 ministers were dropped, out of whom three, including Ruth Nankabirwa, Francsis Mwebesa and Evelyn Anite, alongside Hamson Obua, who lost his Ajuri County parliamentary seat, were named senior presidential advisors ‘in the different fields that will be communicated later’.

Without political constituencies, the quartet likely felt like excess baggage in the Cabinet, where appointment serves a purpose or interest group.

Ms Anite, who lost the Koboko Municipality seat to Dr Ayume in 2021, came to prominence after supporting President Museveni’s ‘sole candidature in 2014 ahead of the 2016 elections.

She was named State minister for Youth and Children Affairs in 2015, and in 2016, reassigned as State minister of Finance for Investment and Privatisation until Tuesday.

Ms Nankabirwa, a veteran politician, was named Energy Minister in 2021 even after she had lost her Kiboga Woman MP seat.

Unfortunately for her, other than Mr Richard Kaijuka and Ms Irene Muloni, the President has not maintained an Energy minister for more than five years.

More so, the sector is at a critical juncture of preparing for first oil later next year, while the electricity sub-sector is in turmoil.

Dr Monica Musenero Musanza was reassigned from the Ministry of Science and Technology to replace Ms Nankabirwa. Not having or having a political constituency is not the only consideration.

Gen Ali, a key figure in Uganda’s military since the Amin government, was dropped ostensibly on health grounds.

Outgoing Finance minister Matia Kasaija, 82, retired and was replaced by his junior Rubanda East MP Henry Musasizi.

On the outside, Mr Kasaija harped about his stamina-that he read the lengthy budget speeches of four financial years without any break, and peppered with jokes-but insiders said he had started slowing down.

Gen Jeje Odongo, who reclaimed his Amuria County MP seat, was hounded out of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs along with his two juniors: Henry Oryem Okello, who first lost his MP seat in 2021, and John Mulimba, who lost his Samia Bugwe County North MP seat in the just-concluded polls.

The last five years at Foreign Affairs have been topsy-turvy, peppered with scandals.

Where is AAA?

The conspicuous absence of the former Speaker of Parliament, Ms Anita Annet Among, is not entirely surprising, ostensibly due to her woes, even as President Museveni is famous for ‘rehabilitating’ or ‘forgiving’ adversaries, a tool he has used to consolidate power.

Since the Sixth Parliament was sworn in on July 2, 1996, it is the first time that a former Speaker has not been given a soft landing.

James Wapakhabulo, dubbed Uganda’s best-ever Speaker of Parliament, who was pushed out in 1998 for being too uncompromising, was pushed to the back burner as the National Political Commissar of the Movement.

Francis Ayume, who completed Wapakabulo’s term in office, was named Attorney General in 2001.

Mr Edward Ssekandi was made Vice President, while Ms Rebecca Kadaga was in 2021 named First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of East African Affairs, a position she retained in the Tuesday lineup.

Two weeks ago, the Bukedea Woman MP and erstwhile Speaker of the 11th Parliament, who attempted to be the pulsing human ID of the ruling party, was cut down to size through a massive anti-corruption operation that saw raids on her property in Kampala and upcountry.

The Inspectorate of Government, too, swung in with a probe into claims of illicit enrichment and unexplained opulence. Her perceived presidential ambitions are what reportedly landed her in hot water.

A delicate balancing act!

The Cabinet, established by Article 111 of the Constitution and headed by the President, is the apex body of government.

Its functions range from policy making, administration, and decision-making within their Ministries.

A reshuffle means changing the office holders, a prerogative of the President. It is usually the chance to take out the deadweight, average performers, the corrupt, and other considerations, as the appointing authority may see fit.

For President Museveni, 82, the considerations range from particularly loyalty-based stability, regional balancing, interests of religion, and other special interests.

There are at least seven Muslim ministers, while two ministers of Karamoja Affairs hail from the sub-region.

With the Legislative branch led by two males, President Museveni retained both Katakwi District Woman MP Jessica Alupo and Kakumiro District Woman MP Robinah Nabbanja, as Vice President and Prime Minister, respectively, signalling loyalty-based management.

He also retained his wife, Ms Janet Museveni, who was last seen in public on March 19, as the minister of Education and Sports; Mayuge District Woman MP Lukia Nakadama as Third Deputy Premier and Minister without Portfolio; Budiope West MP Milly Babalanda as Minister of the Office of the President; Rujumbura MP Jim Muhwezi as minister for Security; Kampala MP Minsa Kabanda as minister for Kampala; and Kibaale East MP Frank Tumwebaze as minister for Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries.

Others are Laroo-Pece Division MP Norbert Mao as minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs; Ruhinda MP Kahinda Otafiire as Minister for Water and Environment; and Mr Tom Butime as Minister of Tourism, Wildlife and Antiquities.

Bouncing back are Mityana District Woman MP Judith Nabakooba, as Minister of Lands, and Bukonzo West MP Dr Crispus Kiyonga, a NRM historical, who was named Second Deputy Prime Minister, and Rukungiri Municipality MP Lt Gen Henry Tumukunde as minister of Gender, Labour and Social Development.

Mr Tumukunde vied for the presidency in the 2021 elections and has relations with the First Family.

Loyalty-based stability

In a post on the microblogging site, X on February 4, Gen Muhoozi described Dr Chris Baryomunsi, the outgoing minister of ICT and National Guidance, as a ‘traitor’ and vowed, ‘will never be minister again.’

Dr Baryomunsi, the MP for Kinkizi County East, shot back saying: ‘I rose from obscurity to where am (sic) because of my abilities not favours from anybody.’

The duo traded several barbs stemming from the government communicating in opposite directions over the fate of National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine.

Considering how some of Gen Muhoozi’s proclamations, including being the first to announce and endorse the West Budama Central MP Jacob Marksons Oboth as the next Speaker of Parliament in place of Ms Among, have come to pass, no one saw Dr Baryomunsi make the list.

Rather, he was reassigned to the Ministry of Health, where he previously served as State Minister of Health for General Duties from March 2015 to June 2016. Dr Baryomunsi replaced Dr Jane Ruth Aceng, who will replace him at the Ministry of ICT.

Also, with the CDF recently vowing control of the budget for roads in Kampala and to crackdown on corruption in the road construction and repair, President Museveni evacuated Gen Katumba Wamala from the Works and Transport docket to the Ministry of Public Service.

Not that Gen Wamala, a former Inspector General of Police from 2001 to 2005 and CDF from 2013 to 2017, was directly supervising road construction.

Rather, according to some sources, any crackdown, whenever it happens, on staff under his docket would mean ‘a clash of two generals’ and ”bad optics’.

Gen Wamala was replaced by Mr Fred Byamukama, who was elevated from State minister of Transport.

Insiders describe Mr Byamukama as an affable person, but yet to prove if he can handle the cabal in roads construction, some of whom are deemed untouchables and or have political godfathers.

At the Ministry of Public Service, Gen Wamala replaced Mr Wilson Muruli Mukasa, who had held the docket since 2016. Mr Miruli was dropped in the Tuesday lineup.

The reassignment of Mr Kiryowa Kiwanuka, fondly known as KK, as Attorney General, the government’s chief legal adviser, to the Ministry of Defence, replacing Jacob Oboth, who was elected House Speaker, is subject to multiple interpretations.

He was perhaps the most powerful Attorney General in a long time after Mr Amama Mbabazi when he was widely known by the moniker ‘Super Minister.’

For Mr Kiwanuka, it could be interpreted as a relegation, or that he was sent to another powerful docket.

The public service of Uganda incorporates the collective body of civil servants and government employees responsible for formulating and implementing State policies, managing public resources, and delivering essential services to the citizens of Uganda. The purpose and objective of the public service is to enable the government to formulate and implement policies and programs of government for the development of Uganda as subject to the Public Service Act.

This Act creates the obligations of the public officers in public service and these include being transparent, accountable, impartial, professional, exhibit expertise and integrity and portray a good image of the public service, which includes avoiding all forms of conflict of interest, attendance to duty, avoiding all forms of sexual harassment, but most importantly avoiding any form of unjust enrichment and receiving gifts or favours that shall influence one’s judgment of another person in his favour.

Uganda has put in place a vast and seemingly vigorous integrity architecture to combat corruption, which includes strong legislation, dedicated institutions and asset recovery together with lifestyle audits. Despite these legal frameworks being in place, corruption cases consistently fail to translate into ethical lessons due to fundamental systemic roadblocks. These hurdles include selective enforcement and impunity, which pre-dictates that high-profile scandals often result in political manoeuvering, fundamentally undermining public trust in the rule of law.

Further to this is collapsing prosecutions with weak investigative procedures and a lack of comprehensive witness protection law results in low conviction rates and cases collapsing before even reaching the trial stage. Finally, the normalisation of corruption, which envisages high-ranking officials facing little consequence for misappropriating public resources and this corruption is viewed as systemic, which renders the deterrent effect of convictions negligible.

For the transition of Uganda beyond the paradigm of never-ending scandal to a culture of genuine accountability, it is important to emphasise that structural enforcement alone is insufficient. The real change requires independent anti-corruption bodies, which include insulating the Inspectorate of Government and the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions from political influence. This shall bridge the gap between the law and its operationalization so as to realize lesson learning.

Cabinet appointments, Ebola prevention measures, and the fight against corruption dominated yesterday’s Idd -ul Adhuha messages.

Muslim leaders and worshippers used the occasion to reflect on governance, social responsibility, and national development.

The Kabale Muslim District Council Chairperson, Issa Tindyebwa, hailed President Yoweri Museveni for appointing eight Muslims to the new Cabinet from across the country, as well as seven ministers from the Kigezi region.

Tindyebwa said the appointments reflect the President’s recognition of the Muslim community’s contribution to national development.

He also urged the faithful to observe the standard operating procedures to avoid contracting Ebola.

The Idd-ul-Adhuha prayers in Kabale were led by the District Kadhi, Sheikh Kabu Lule, and his deputy, Sheikh Ibrahim Byomuhangi, who urged Muslim to prioritise their children’s education.

In Busoga Sub-region, Muslims pledged to stand with President Museveni in the fight against corruption, adding that the vice significantly undermining Uganda’s development.

Speaking during Idd prayers at King Faisal Mosque in Jinja City, Hussein Mohamed Bowa, the Busoga regional kadhi, said: ‘Corruption is not supported by Islamic teachings.

We hear the President’s call and are ready to join him in this fight. Communities must stop hiding money and resources meant for public service.’

Mr Salim Komakech, the Jinja Resident City Commissioner, echoed Kadhi’s concerns, pointing out that corruption and land grabbing remain pressing issues in the city. He encouraged residents to report land grabbing and corruption cases.

Dr Bowa also Komakech also urged the public to take advantage of government programmes such as Emyooga and the Parish Development Model to improve their livelihoods.

Kamuli District Kadhi Ismail Kazibwe urged the faithful to uphold peace, Islamic values, and observe hygiene and Ebola prevention measures.

The Bunyoro District Kadhi, Sheikh Mugenyi Rajab Akiiki, urged Muslims to shun corruption, saying it hinders effective delivery of social services.

Masindi Muslim youth leader, Muzamil Bagire, encouraged young people to lead the fight against corruption.

‘The youth must reject corruption because it hinders Uganda’s progress and development. We should also demand transparency from leadership to build a better future,’ he said.

The General Manager and Peer of IQra Association for Dawa and Development in Mbarara, Sheikh Omar Ssebalamu, called upon the newly appointed Cabinet ministers to prioritise effective service delivery and uphold accountability.

He also urged the ministers to work closely with President Museveni to address insecurity, saying peace and development cannot exist without security.

In Sororti District, hundreds of Muslims gathered at Swaria Primary School for the celebrations. Leading the celebrations, Sheikh Yusuf Okiror reminded Muslims that Idd -ul Adhuha is centred on sacrifice and helping those in need.

‘It reminds us of Prophet Ibrahim’s willingness to sacrifice his son in obedience to Allah, showing that all we have comes from Allah,’ Sheikh Okiror said.

He also urged Muslims to help the needy. Meanwhile, Sheikh Abubakar Umar Obilan, the Teso and Karamoja Regional Mufti, encouraged Muslims to fulfil the spiritual practice of slaughtering animals as a sign of faith and obedience.

He also emphasised the importance of consultation within families, saying many domestic conflicts arise due to poor communication and decision-making.

‘The value of consultation in a family is very important. When making a decision, a man should consult others so that ideas can be reshaped for the better,’ Sheikh Obilan said.

He called upon Muslims to hold regular family meetings to address misunderstandings before they escalate into serious conflicts.

In Tororo District, the District Kadhi, Sheikh Nasur Koire Abdul Malik, urged the Muslim community to embrace unity, peace and repentance during Idd-ul-Adhuha celebrations held at Tororo Main Mosque.

Sheikh Koire urged Muslims to distance themselves from agents of hatred and disunity and reflect on the holiday’s message of sacrifice, forgiveness and moral renewal.

‘Idd -ul Adhuha reminds us that true strength lies in compassion and togetherness,’ Sheikh Koire said, as he encouraged Muslims to promote reconciliation within families and communities through dialogue and forgiveness.

Meanwhile, the Resident District Commissioner, Sadik Bategana, urged Muslims to embrace government programmes aimed at fighting disease, ignorance and poverty.

He also appealed to Muslim leaders to establish programmes targeting youth and families, with emphasis on ethical responsibility, repentance and spiritual growth.

Tororo Municipality Mayor Bernard Ochieng called for peaceful coexistence, urging communities to resolve grievances through dialogue rather than violence.

In Mbale City, hundreds of Muslims gathered at the Supreme Grounds in Maluku for the prayers.

Muslim clerics called for unity among the faithful and urged government to intensify the fight against corruption and misuse of public resources.

In Luweero District, the faithful gathered at Luweero Muslim District Mosque where District Kadhi Sheikh Ramathan Mulindwa urged them to support the anti-corruption campaign and engage in income-generating activities.

In Masaka District, Idd prayers were held at Masaka Golf Course grounds, where Sheikh Adam Ssenjala urged worshippers to embrace unity and hard work, saying: ‘We should always strive to understand and practice the true teachings of Islam.’

In Kalangala District, leaders called for unity and respect for authority during prayers at Kanyogoga grounds. Sheikh Sahad Ssegaabwe cautioned against abusive language towards leaders.

Clerk to Parliament, Mr Adolf Mwesige says he is waiting for opposition parties to submit their nominees to the Appointments Committee of the 12th Parliament, as pressure builds to vet President Museveni’s new Cabinet.

The committee’s composition is urgently needed because, by law, all presidential ministerial nominees must be vetted by Parliament before assuming office.

Addressing MPs, Mwesige stressed that Parliament’s work is driven through committees, a system introduced under the 1995 Constitution to strengthen scrutiny, oversight, and accountability.

‘Most of the work of Parliament is processed through committees,’ he said. ‘Committees scrutinize legislation, review Auditor General’s reports, and conduct oversight before presenting recommendations to the plenary for consideration.’

Under Uganda’s multiparty system, membership to sectoral and standing committees is allocated by party whips based on each party’s strength in the House. Parties are now expected to submit lists of MPs for committee assignments, and the process is already underway.

Mwesige said the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) has submitted its nominees for the influential Appointments Committee, but other parties have not yet done so.

‘I’m informed that the NRM political organisation has already submitted its list for membership to the Appointments Committee, and we are waiting for other political parties also to submit their proposals,’ he told MPs.

The Appointments Committee is chaired by the Speaker and deputized by the Deputy Speaker. Members include the Prime Minister and Leader of Government Business, the Leader of Opposition, the Government Chief Whip, and the Opposition Whip. It comprises between 20 and 40 members drawn from all political parties and independents, based on their numerical strength in Parliament.

With 528 MPs in the 12th Parliament, the NRM holds 372 seats, about 70 percent of the House. The National Unity Platform has 49 seats, UPC 12, FDC nine, DP six, PFF two, and ANT one. There are also 68 independent MPs and 10 representatives of the UPDF.

Independent MPs are not nominated by party whips. Mwesige explained they must apply directly to the Clerk’s office, indicating the committees they wish to join. Their names are then forwarded to the Speaker for assignment based on interest and qualifications. Independents make up nearly 12 percent of the House, making them a significant bloc in committee representation.

Mwesige reminded MPs that the Appointments Committee operates differently from other committees. Its proceedings are held in camera, closed to the public and to non-members. Unlike sectoral committees, where any MP can attend as an observer, access is restricted strictly to members.

The committee also exercises delegated constitutional authority and does not report back to the plenary after vetting presidential nominees.

‘Once the Appointments Committee has considered the presidential appointments and approved them, it does not have to report to the plenary. Their decision is final,’ he said.

That means the committee’s decision effectively determines whether nominees join Cabinet.

Beyond the immediate vetting, Mwesige urged MPs to study the Rules of Procedure and choose committees that match their expertise and interests. The 12th Parliament will operate through sectoral committees renewed each session and standing committees that handle broader oversight, including accountability work through the Public Accounts Committee and its divisions.

With committee formation now underway, Parliament’s internal organization is taking shape ahead of the presentation of President Museveni’s Cabinet and the start of substantive legislative business.

When contacted, NUP Secretary General David Lewis Rubongoya did not pick or return calls on the party’s progress in designating members to committees, including the Leader of Opposition and Opposition Chief Whip.

Scholars have always said a nation is not destroyed by its enemies, but by the corruption of its own leaders.

When corruption becomes normal, suffering becomes permanent. For decades, Uganda has been bleeding from a wound that refuses to heal. That wound is corruption. It has eaten through the country’s institutions, destroyed public trust, weakened the economy, and stolen the future of millions of ordinary citizens.

Corruption is no longer just a problem in Uganda, it has become a national tragedy. Ugandans wake up every day to broken hospitals, collapsing schools, impassable roads, unemployment, poverty, and insecurity.

Yet billions of shillings disappear every year through theft, inflated contracts, ghost workers, bribery, embezzlement, and abuse of public office.

Leaders who were entrusted to protect the nation have instead turned public offices into personal businesses. While citizens struggle to survive, a small group of powerful individuals grows richer through the suffering of the people.

Corruption has killed the healthcare system. Patients die in hospitals without medicine because funds meant for drugs are stolen. Mothers give birth on dirty floors while officials drive luxury vehicles purchased with public money. Doctors and nurses work under impossible conditions because resources vanish before they reach hospitals.

How many Ugandans have died not because diseases were incurable, but because corruption stole their chance to live? Corruption has killed education. Children study under trees while education funds disappear into private pockets.

Teachers are underpaid and demoralised while billions are wasted on fake projects and endless scandals. A nation that fails to educate its children is preparing for a future of poverty, crime, and hopelessness.

Corruption has also destroyed justice.

Parliament, which is supposed to protect the people and defend national interests, has increasingly been viewed by many Ugandans as one of the biggest institutions promoting corruption and misuse of public resources.

Instead of acting as a strong watchdog against theft and abuse of power, Parliament has repeatedly been associated with scandals involving excessive spending, questionable allocations, inflated budgets, and political favouritism.

While millions of citizens struggle with poverty, unemployment, and failing public services, lawmakers are often accused of prioritising personal benefits over the suffering of ordinary Ugandans. This is why everyone in Uganda wants to be an MP.

The growing public anger toward Parliament reflects a deeper crisis of trust. Citizens are losing confidence in leaders who appear disconnected from the realities of the people they represent.

The economy continues to suffer because corruption scares away investors, destroys accountability, and increases unemployment.

Young people graduate from universities only to face joblessness because opportunities are reserved for those with connections, money, or political influence. Merit has been replaced by favouritism. Hard work no longer guarantees success.

The most painful part is that corruption has become normalised. Ugandans have witnessed scandal after scandal involving powerful public officials, including controversies surrounding high ranking leaders.

These stories dominate headlines, spark public outrage, and then slowly fade away without meaningful accountability.

This cycle has deepened public anger and convinced many citizens that corruption is protected at the highest levels of power. People are told that bribery is ‘how the system works.’ Public officials steal openly without shame. Scandals erupt every year, but very few powerful individuals are ever held accountable.

This is not the Uganda that those who received the reigns of independence, dreamed of. A nation blessed with fertile land, natural resources, hard-working citizens, and immense potential should not be drowning in poverty and despair.

Ugandans must stop accepting corruption as inevitable. Citizens must demand accountability, transparency, and justice.

The fight against corruption is not only for politicians or activists, it is a fight for every Ugandan who dreams of a better future.

Silence only strengthens corruption. Fear only empowers thieves. If Uganda is to survive and prosper, the culture of impunity must end.

Corruption has already stolen too many dreams, destroyed too many families, and buried too many futures.

The country cannot continue on this path. Corruption is a silent war against Ugandans. Until corruption is defeated, Uganda will never fully rise. And that is the painful truth.

Former State Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Henry Okello Oryem has expressed disappointment after being dropped from Cabinet in President Museveni’s latest reshuffle.

Oryem, who served in the Foreign Affairs docket since 2004, was one of two ministers from the Acholi sub-region left out in the shake-up. He was replaced by Calvin Echodu. Kenneth Omona, former State Minister for Northern Uganda Rehabilitation, was also dropped and appointed ambassador, with Beatrice Akello Akori taking his place.

Speaking to this reporter on Wednesday, Oryem admitted the decision stung but thanked the President for entrusting him with one of government’s most sensitive portfolios for more than 20 years.

‘Well, first of all, naturally, I’m disappointed like any human being. However, having served since 2004 in the same docket, I am highly grateful to His Excellency President Museveni for giving me an opportunity that he has not given anybody else in Uganda to serve in the same portfolio for such a long period,’ Oryem said.

The veteran diplomat described his tenure as a rare opportunity to represent Uganda globally and engage with world leaders across continents. He said the role allowed him to promote and protect Uganda’s interests at the UN, African Union, EU, and through bilateral missions, adding that he had built strong international networks and enhanced the country’s image abroad.

Despite leaving Cabinet, Oryem said he remains ready to serve in any capacity, including diplomacy, consultancy, and other government assignments. He is also a trained lawyer.

On concerns from Northern Uganda about limited Cabinet representation despite growing NRM support, Oryem urged residents to remain patient.

‘I know that the attitude in Northern Uganda has changed tremendously in supporting the NRM. But my position is, they should be patient, and they should be tolerant,’ he said.

He added that Acholi should focus on lobbying for major infrastructure projects and poverty-reduction initiatives rather than concentrating solely on political appointments.

President Museveni’s reshuffle retained several ministers while bringing in new faces. Analysts see it as part of a broader reorganization ahead of the 2026-2031 political cycle.

From Acholi, Hillary Onek was reassigned to the Office of the Prime Minister as Minister for General Duties, while Norbert Mao retained Justice and Constitutional Affairs. Beatrice Atim Anywar kept her role as State Minister for Water and Environment, and Lillian Aber remained in the OPM handling Relief, Disaster Preparedness and Refugees.

Reactions in Acholi have been mixed. Some leaders welcomed the appointments, while others said internal NRM divisions and regional balancing shaped the outcome.

Alex Okoya, LCII Chairperson for Labour Line Ward in Gulu City’s Laroo-Pece Division, praised the President for appointing what he called competent leaders. ‘I want to congratulate the president for dropping and leaving out those who have been a threat to us. Let them continue to be backbenchers, we shall wait for them at voting time and vote them out,’ Okoya said.

Arthur Owor, Director of Research and Operations at the Centre for Africa Research, said the reshuffle reflected Museveni’s attempt to balance regional interests with limited Cabinet slots.

‘Regardless of whether or not he had failed the election, to me he should have remained in that position. But the national cake is limited, and the President had to grapple with difficult decisions,’ Owor said.

He blamed divisions among Acholi leaders for weakening the region’s bargaining power, contrasting it with West Nile, which he said rallied collectively and benefited more.

‘We have failed to collectively work together or front our issues. There were already fractures – West Acholi, East Acholi, opposition versus NRM, and old versus new members,’ Owor said.

The reshuffle also saw Vice President Jessica Alupo, Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja, and First Lady Janet Kataaha Museveni, Minister of Education and Sports, retained in their positions.

In a dramatic turn of events within Uganda’s military top brass, the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, announced on Thursday that all charges against Major General Don William Nabasa have been dropped.

The high-ranking general was released immediately following months of military detention.

The breakthrough reportedly came after a marathon, closed-door meeting between the two powerful military figures.

Taking to X (formerly Twitter) on May 28, Gen. Muhoozi-who is also the son of President Museveni-expressed a tone of relief and reconciliation, effectively reinstating one of the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces’ (UPDF) most prominent commanders.

“I’m glad to announce after a long meeting with Maj. General Don Nabasa today I have decided to release him and drop all the charges he was facing,” Gen. Muhoozi posted. “I thank him for the good work he has done in our mighty military since he joined in 1998. God bless UPDF!”

While the exact nature of the allegations against Maj. Gen. Nabasa remains classified, his sudden legal jeopardy in March this year sent shockwaves through the country’s political and security establishment.

Nabasa is a highly decorated officer who previously commanded the elite Special Forces Command (SFC), the army unit responsible for presidential security and strategic special operations. He also commanded the Military Police and led Ugandan troops on critical peacekeeping missions abroad, including the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Prior to his arrest, he was serving as the Joint Staff for Policy and Strategy.

The cracks in the military hierarchy became visible on March 26, when Maj. Gen. Nabasa and Brig. Gen. Johnson Namanya Abaho were arrested on orders of the CDF over alleged corruption-related offenses. The arrest order was implemented by the Deputy CDF and Chief Inspector of the Armed Forces, Lt. Gen. Sam Okiding.

Following hours of intense interrogation at Mbuya, the officers were moved under heavy military convoy. They were eventually held in the quartermaster’s wing of the strict SFC Kasenyi detention facility on Entebbe Road. Brig. Gen. Namanya had only recently been recalled by Gen. Muhoozi from his role as Commissioner for Citizenship and Passport Management in the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

The arrests were part of a wider anti-corruption sweeping operation orchestrated by the new CDF. Alongside the detentions, Gen. Muhoozi sacked the Deputy Chief of Defence Intelligence and Security, Brig. Abdul Rugumayo, sending him to Mbuya headquarters awaiting redeployment. Brig. Rugumayo was replaced by Brig. Gen. Oscar Munanura, the former head of Counter-Intelligence.

Since assuming the role of CDF, Gen. Muhoozi has overseen aggressive structural changes meant to enforce internal accountability within the military hierarchy. However, insiders note that Nabasa’s nearly three-decade journey since joining the army in 1998 makes him part of the bedrock of the UPDF.

By publicly thanking Nabasa for his 28 years of service, Gen. Muhoozi has signaled that institutional loyalty and past sacrifices still carry immense weight, choosing solidarity over a prolonged legal battle that risked fracturing the military’s top tier.