Holders Amus, league champions Kawempe turn focus to Fufa Women Cup

Fufa Women Cup holders Amus College make a trip west to a familiar land to take on Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) Ladies at Kawempe Muslim SS on Sunday.

Topflight side Amus and other seven quarter finalists from last year’s Cup got a bye into this year’s Round of 16 after 40 teams registered for the competition this year.

The other 32 started the first round from which 16, including second division Fufa Women Elite League (FTBFWEL) side URA, advanced to Round Two that was played last weekend.

Ironically, Amus defeated Kawempe Muslim 1-0 in last year’s final at MTN Omondi Stadium. Now, they start their defence at Kawempe against a URA side that was born out of Kawempe’s second string side. In fact URA is far from independent and still runs under coaches manning Kawempe.

In the previous round URA defeated Kampala Regional League side Uganda Martyrs High School (UMHS) Lubaga’s Junior Team 2-0 at home with second half goals from Vanessa Namazzi and former UMHS (senior team) player Elizabeth Nakigozi.

Interestingly, the UMHS (senior team) which won the Cup in 2023, also visit The Valley this Saturday to face Kawempe Muslim. Kawempe enter the Cup with ambitions to complete the double after winning the Finance Trust Bank Fufa Women Super League (FTBFWSL) a fortnight ago.

Kampala Queens (KQ) host second division side She Kasese, who progressed after Lamancia failed to turn up in Kasese for their Round Two fixture last weekend.

Speaking walkovers, She Maroons also benefited from one after FWEL and Isingiro-based side Boni Consilii also failed to honour the fixture. She Maroons now visit 2019 winners Makerere University, who beat FWEL side Police 6-1 in Kamwokya.

The 2024 winners She Corporate must show they handled the disappointment of losing the FWSL title, by a point on the last day, when they face Wakiso Hill at Maya Grounds this Sunday. FWEL side Wakiso also just entered the competition with a bye.

The 2018 winners Uganda Christian University (UCU) Lady Cardinals host another Jinja-based side in Mukono Bul after trouncing Jinja United 4-2 in Round Two. Bul beat PISGBC 3-1 at Fufa Technical Centre Njeru in a Cup clash of FWEL sides.

St. Noa Girls host Kampala Regional League side Dream Girls at Wankulukuku Stadium after the latter beat Kitara Regional League’s Buheesi Valley 5-3 in Sokolo Kawempe in the previous round.

Sheema Girls made a long trip to Soroti, where they beat Ateker 2-1 and now have a home encounter against 2021 FWSL champions Lady Doves, who come from Masindi.

Fufa Women Cup – Round of 16, 3pm

May 30: Kawempe Muslim vs. Uganda Martyrs HS, Kawempe

Sunday

Makerere University vs. She Maroons, Nsibirwa Ground Makerere

UCU Lady Cardinals vs. Bul, UCU Mukono

St. Noa Girls vs. Dream Girls, Wankulukuku

Wakiso Hill vs. She Corporate, Maya Ground

Sheema Girls vs. Lady Doves, Sheema Stadium

URA Ladies vs. Amus College, Kawempe Muslim SS

Kampala Queens vs. She Kasese, MTN Omondi Lugogo

Fufa Women Cup – Round Two Results

Police 1-6 Makerere University

UCU Lady Cardinals 4-2 Jinja United

URA Ladies 2-0 Uganda Martyrs Jr. Team

Ateker 1-2 Sheema Girls

She Kasese 3-0 Lamancia

She Maroons 3-0 Boni Consilii

Dream Girls 5-3 Buheesi Valley

Bul 3-1 PISGBC

Chemutai waits on for world record

Peruth Chemutai could have made a statement to the world at the time the Wanda Diamond League (DL) season began in China on May 16 but most didn’t listen or decipher her message.

She won the Shanghai leg of the DL with a meeting record (MR) and world lead (WL) time of eight minutes and 51.47 seconds.

It seemed normal, after all, Chemutai is a two-time Olympic medalist and she has garnered more silverware, right from the U20 stage.

However, Chemutai’s ambition seems to be bigger after she picked her second DL win of the season by conquering Xiamen leg at the Egret Stadium on Saturday.

Chemutai peeled away from her familiar competitors in reigning Olympic champion Bahraini Winfred Yavi Mutile and world champion Kenyan Faith Cherotich in the final lap to post a new WL mark of 8:51.06.

‘Okay, I feel good. My body is feeling good,’ with beads of sweat covering her bright face, Chemutai said in a post-race interview.

The feat was historic, marking the first time a Ugandan has won two DL events in a row. And again, she delivered another WL and MR over the water-jump race.

‘Two Diamond League wins for her, which has never happened, we are moving into the right direction and the future is bright,’ Chemutai’s coach Denis Okudach remarked.

‘She totally controlled the race, she is in the best shape ever,’ her other coach Addy Ruiter stated. The temperatures were tremendously high, at around 30 degrees Centigrade, which hampered a bigger plan for Chemutai.

‘The goal was the world record but the temperatures became too high. And the humidity was high. We couldn’t get the target. Next time, the world record is possible for her,’ Okudach stated.

‘It was very hot. That was the reason that Peruth had to slow down a little bit around 2000 metres,’ Ruiter noted. The world record is currently held by Kenyan Beatrice Chepkoech at 8:44.32 from July 20, 2018.

Chemutai is the third fastest ever, at 8:48.03 – a time she set in 2024 via second place at the Rome DL in Italy. Mutile is the second fastest ever at 8:44.39, when she won in Rome.

Meanwhile, Keneth Kiprop too ran just a controlled race to finish 10th in the men’s 5000 metres event in a time of 13:08.79. ‘The goal was to break 13 (minutes) but it was a good race and experience was gained,’ added Okudach.

Ethiopian Yihune Addisu won the race in a respectable 12:57.32, ahead of Germany’s Abdilaahi Mohamed and another Ethiopian Mehary Biniam.

Another Ugandan Harbert Kibet posted a season best of 13:46.45 in 15th.

XIAMEN DIAMOND LEAGUE

RACE RESULTS

WOMEN’S 3000 METRES STEEPLECHASE

1 Peruth Chemutai (UGA) 8:51.06

2 Winfred Yavi Mutile (BRN) 8:51.54

3 Faith Cherotich (KEN) 8:52.53

MEN’S 5000 METRES

1 Yihune Addisu (ETH) 12:57.32

2 Abdilaahi Mohamed (GER) 12:57.90

3 Mehary Biniam (ETH) 12:58.51

10 Keneth Kiprop (UGA) 13:08.79

15 Harbert Kibet (UGA) 13:46.45

2026 WORLD’S FASTEST FEMALE STEEPLECHASERS

8:51.06 by Peruth Chemutai (UGA) on May 23, 2026

8:51.48 by Faith Cherotich (KEN) on May 16, 2026

8:51.54 by Winfred Yavi Mutile (BRN) on May 23, 2026

8:58.09 by Marwa Bouzayani (TUN) on May 16, 2026

8:59.66 by Kena Tufa (ETH) on May 16, 2026

Opposition’s numbers gamble fails again in Speaker race as calls for unity grow

The opposition’s long-standing struggle to translate its parliamentary minimal numbers into victories resurfaced once again during Monday’s Speaker elections for the 12th Parliament.

Despite rallying behind the National Unity Platform (NUP) candidate Paul Mwiru, the opposition parties once again failed to consolidate votes against the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), whose candidate, Jacob Oboth Oboth, cruised to victory with 441 votes out of the 519 ballots counted.

Mr Mwiru garnered only 60 votes, while Democratic Party (DP) President Norbert Mao secured 15 votes, with three ballots spoiled.

This left their hopes of attracting support from some ruling NRM legislators and independents ultimately collapsed as Jacob Oboth Oboth secured a landslide victory.

It should be recalled that during the March 25, 2021, speakership elections for the 11th Parliament, the late Jacob Oulanyah won the speaker’s seat with 310 votes, defeating former Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, who polled 197 votes, while Kira Municipality MP Ibrahim Ssemujju, the opposition candidate, managed only 15 votes despite the opposition having considerably higher numbers in the House.

After Oulanyah’s death due to a cancer battle, the former speaker Anita Annet Among won the 11th parliament speaker with 401 votes, defeating the opposition Assuman Basalirwa, who obtained 66 votes, the votes that were slightly fewer than the opposition MPs.

By then, the 11th Parliament, the NRM commanded 337 MPs, while NUP had 57 legislators, Independents 74, FDC 32, UPC 9, DP 9, and both JEEMA and PPP had one legislator each.

On Monday, the NRM has further strengthened its grip on following their victory by sweeping all positions, as the NRM candidate Thomas Tayebwa also won the deputy speaker seat with 457 votes, defeating Asinasi Nyakato of People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), who got 45, and Sarah Aguti of Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), who got 14 votes.

We (opposition) partially achieved – Nambeshe

Several opposition legislators who talked to Monitor on Monday acknowledged that although the opposition still faces internal cracks, they registered improvements in the speaker race compared to previous elections.

Mr John Baptist Nambeshe, the outgoing NUP opposition chief whip, said they have registered success, as NUP has 48 MPs, but 60 votes for Mwiru.

He said the party would have got more numbers, but at least the three opposition legislators who did attend the voting, like Geoffrey Sssazi, NUP Gomba East MP, David Serukenya, NUP Makindye Ssabagabo MP, and Mr Richard Ssebamala, the DP Bukoto South MP, Sssazi of Gomba East.

‘The opposition fraternity showed solidarity and unity during the elections. Our Official Opposition Candidate Mwiru garnered 60 votes, exceeding 48, which is our NUP composition in the 12th Parliament,’ Nambeshe explained.

Mr George Musisi, the NUP Kira Municipality MP, argued that opposition parties must stop pursuing individual political interests and instead unite around a common agenda capable of countering the NRM’s numerical dominance.

‘It will take a lot of consensus, engaging different members, though there are people who deliberately kill opposition unity as the politics of the day,’ Mr Musisi noted.

Mr Erias Luyimbaazi Nalukola, the NUP Kawempe North MP, warned that unless opposition parties close ranks and build stronger cooperation, future parliamentary contests will continue producing the same outcomes regardless of the official numbers on paper.

He urged opposition MPs to embrace unity, discipline, and collective bargaining in Parliament, saying fragmented politics only strengthens the ruling party’s hold on the House.

‘Speakership should not be something largely to do with a political party; it should be someone who will be presiding over parliamentary debates with impartiality and as a neutral arbiter,’ he said.

‘That neutral arbiter can come with a candidate from a political party that even has one MP, as long as other members have been persuaded, but in Uganda, we have not yet witnessed,’ he added.

The House has at least 372 NRM MPs, alongside 68 independents. NUP has 48 legislators, UPC 12, UPDF 10, FDC 9, DP 6, PFF 2, and ANT 1.

Refugee influx strains Ebola screening as Uganda tightens controls at Nyakabande

Uganda has intensified Ebola prevention measures at the Nyakabande Transit Centre in Kisoro District following a sharp rise in Congolese refugees fleeing insecurity in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, as officials warn that congestion and staffing shortages are straining response efforts.

The move comes amid heightened regional concern over the latest Ebola outbreak in eastern DR Congo linked to the Bundibugyo strain, with Uganda having so far confirmed seven Ebola cases in the May 2026 outbreak.

Nyakabande Transit Centre commandant John Bosco Kyaligonza said authorities had prioritised Ebola screening at the facility due to fears of cross-border transmission from DR Congo, where the disease has already claimed lives.

‘We have enhanced Ebola prevention measures such as mandatory handwashing for anyone entering the facility, strict medical screening of new arrivals for Ebola symptoms, wearing face masks for staff and visitors, community sensitisation about Ebola and re-screening before relocation of the refugees to the settlement camps,’ Kyaligonza said on Monday.

The transit centre, located near the Uganda-DR Congo border, is currently accommodating more than double its intended capacity, with 1,775 refugees from 1,239 households despite having space for about 850 people.

Kyaligonza said most refugees arriving at the facility originate from conflict-hit areas including Kisigari, Binza, Kiseguro, Katwiguru, Bweza, Rugari, Kabaya, Kanombe, Karengera, Bukoma, Busanza, Kiwanja, Tongo, Rumangabo and Mutanda in eastern DR Congo.

Many refugees cited worsening insecurity, hunger and attacks by armed groups as reasons for fleeing into Uganda.

‘Although there is no serious fighting in East Democratic Republic of Congo, we are facing generalised insecurity in form of gross human rights abuses such as rape, gender-based violence, economic exploitation through extortion and looting, abductions for ransom, forced recruitment among others,’ said refugee Zawadi Simbenzye.

‘All those atrocities are done by militia groups such as Wazalendo, FDLR and Mai-Mai and other bandits who take advantage of the security gaps,’ she told Monitor on Tuesday.

Officials said an isolation centre has also been maintained at Nyakabande to handle suspected Ebola cases as a precautionary measure.

However, Kyaligonza warned that the facility was struggling with limited manpower and shortages of personal protective equipment after several development partners reportedly reduced staffing due to funding constraints.

‘Although we have stepped up Ebola screening services at our facility, we lack manpower because many development partners laid off some of their employees citing funding gaps,’ he said.

‘Inadequate personal protective equipment such as face masks, gloves and sanitisers are some of the other challenges,’ he added.

The refugee influx has surged sharply in recent weeks. According to officials, refugee arrivals rose from about 50 people per day in previous months to an average of 253 daily arrivals since mid-May.

From January to May 24, Uganda registered 7,183 Congolese refugees from 4,773 households through the transit centre.

Authorities now plan to relocate about 1,200 refugees from Nyakabande to Nakivale Refugee Settlement in Isingiro District to ease congestion and reduce public health risks.

The LCIII chairperson for Bunagana Town Council, Ismail Ndyayambaje, urged border communities to remain vigilant and strictly observe Ebola prevention measures.

Uganda has in recent months heightened surveillance at border points and health facilities following renewed Ebola outbreaks in neighbouring DR Congo.

Health officials say screening, rapid isolation and cross-border coordination remain critical to preventing further spread of the disease.

When politicians get rich, the public gets robbed

Dear Tingasiga:

Harry S. Truman, the 33rd President of the United States, reportedly believed that genuine public service and accumulation of personal wealth were fundamentally incompatible. His reported sentiments have been paraphrased: ‘Show me a man who gets rich by being a politician, and I will show you a crook.’ A shorter version of this is: ‘No man can get rich in politics unless he is a crook.’ Whereas Truman did not practice what he preached, for he misappropriated funds from a White House Expense Account and took the cash into retirement in 1953, his words have lost none of their sting. Nowhere do they cut deeper than in Uganda, where political office is not a calling but an investment. In 2022 alone, Uganda lost an estimated $2.7 billion (about Shs10 trillion) to corruption.

Transparency International continues to rank Uganda’s public sector among the most corrupt in the world. Uganda’s very institutions, designed to enforce accountability, have been absorbed into the system they were supposed to police. Corruption in Uganda has been cultivated deliberately – votes bought with cash, loyalty bought with public contracts, dissent starved of resources, and criminal protection extended to those inside the patronage network. Senior politicians are almost never convicted. So, impunity in Uganda is not a failure of the system. It is the system. The citizens pay twice: in the taxes that vanish, and in poor social services and the poverty that never lifts. But this need not be a permanent fate, for Uganda faces a particular inflection point.

Uganda needs the sincerity of José Mujica, Uruguay’s president from 2010 to 2015, who embodied a rare form of leadership defined by humility, austerity, honesty, and an unshakeable moral compass. Mujica, ‘the world’s poorest president’, donated around 90 percent of his presidential monthly salary of $12,000 (Shs45m)to charitable causes, lived modestly on his wife’s small farm outside Montevideo, drove his old Volkswagen Beetle, and shunned the royal lifestyle of the presidency. Mujica governed without pretence. He spoke plainly and directly, refusing diplomatic euphemism when honesty served better. He did not govern for legacy or comfort. He governed out of conviction and did what was right regardless of political cost.

His was authentic leadership. That takes a combination of humility with firmness of purpose, and an unshakeable resolve to put civic duty above family loyalty. Uganda has had plenty of anti-corruption speeches, strategies, and commissions. What it has lacked is political will to practice zero tolerance for corruption, and to deal a decisive blow to the vice without circumventing the country’s laws. We need structural change, with four non-negotiable reforms. First, genuine judicial independence, with judges who are appointed through a transparent, merit-based process. Second, the Inspector General of Government (IGG), and the Auditor General should be nominated through a joint agreement of the leaders of all political parties that have at least one member in Parliament and are confirmed through a secret ballot by at least two-thirds of Parliament.

The IGG and the Auditor General should then serve a single, non-renewable term of 10 years, free from meddling by the Executive. Third, a Witness Protection Law is needed. Without witnesses willing to testify, corruption prosecutions collapse before they reach a verdict. Uganda currently has no adequate framework to protect those who come forward. Passing such a law is not a technicality – it is a prerequisite for justice. Fourth, campaign finance regulation cannot come too soon. Politicians who buy elections arrive in office already in debt, some to criminal networks. A comprehensive Campaign Finance Law – with spending limits, transparency requirements, and real penalties – would strike at corruption before it begins.

But reform of institutions, however necessary, is not enough. It leaves unanswered the most urgent moral: What happens to those who already got rich through corruption? If the architects of Uganda’s decades-long looting simply retire to their mansions and mega-farms and leave their children their ill-gotten inheritance – then the message to the next generation of politicians is clear: steal boldly and retire comfortably. Impunity that is merely paused is not justice. It is a delayed invitation to repeat the crime. The powers that be must pursue stolen wealth with uncompromising determination. The starting point is a comprehensive Asset Recovery Law, empowering the State to confiscate assets where evidence of illicit enrichment is clear, even when criminal prosecution stalls. The onus of proof of the source of wealth should be on the public servant when asked by the IGG.

This law should be a first-term priority for the next president. A single, committed, autonomous, and adequately financed asset recovery institution is essential for implementing the Asset Recovery Law. Currently, that work is scattered across agencies with overlapping mandates, little coordination, and corruption-prone staff. The result is predictable: in 2023-24, Uganda recovered just Shs30 billion against losses estimated in the trillions. That is not enforcement. That is theatre. Much of what has been stolen sits in foreign banks, offshore companies, and luxury properties abroad. These funds must be pursued internationally – through mutual legal assistance treaties, through Interpol, through the Asset Recovery Inter-Agency Network. Stolen public money must have no legitimate resting place, wherever it has travelled.

And when assets are recovered, they must be visibly returned to the people through direct funding of better health and educational facilities. When citizens see justice made tangible – not just announced in press releases and political speeches- trust in public institutions will begin to rebuild. President Mujica left office without a fortune. He left with something the corrupt can never buy back once they have sold it: a good name. Uganda does not need another speech about fighting corruption. We need courts that work, agencies that bite, laws that reach the offshore accounts of the powerful, and the visible proof that public money belongs – irrevocably – to the public. The corrupt have had decades of grace. It is time for a reckoning.

NCS decry low compliance levels as deadline nears

In January, National Council of Sports (NCS) granted all national sports federations and associations a remedial compliance period of five months within which to align with the registration requirements under the 2023 National Sports Act and the National Sports Regulation, 2025.

When the Act was passed, it paved the way – under Section 7 – for the federations and associations running the 51 existing and recognized sports disciplines to embark on a new legal regime. Previously, these bodies registered as trusts under the Ministry of Lands but were supervised by NCS.

On March 14, 2025 the Ministry of Education for Sports (MoES) through its Minister Janet Museveni and State Minister for Sports Peter Ogwang, officially published in the Uganda Gazette the Regulations, S.I No. 24 of 2025, to guide the process while on April 28, 2025, the Attorney General guided NCS that the existing sports organizations first register under the new Act and acquire corporate status before they can then undertake the necessary legal processes to de-register as trusts to ensure proper transfer of assets, liabilities and legal obligations.

Last year in June, 45 of the 51 organizations (NSOs) managed to beat the submission deadline in a bid to re-register with NCS as mandated by law. Uganda Ultimate Frisbee Association, Uganda Floorball Association, Uganda Deaf Sports Federation, Association of Uganda University Sports, Uganda Rollball Association, and Uganda Body Building and Fitness Association are the six that failed to submit applications then and ‘NCS has commenced the legal process for revocation of their respective Certificates of Recognition in accordance with the law.’

NCS embarked on a nationwide verification prowess to validate the submitted data at the time. The findings informed the NCS board’s December 2025 decision to grant the aforementioned grace period.

With just under two weeks to the June 7 remedial deadline, NCS general secretary Bernard Ogwel revealed during a press briefing in Lugogo on Monday that only ‘Uganda Rugby, Kabaddi Federation of Uganda, and Uganda Athletics have submitted documentations towards remedying the identified non-compliance issues within the stipulated period.’

Verification challenges

In February and March, NCS undertook another physical verification and compliance support exercise to provide legal and technical support to the organizations on identified issues and to assess their operational existence, governance structures, administrative systems, and adherence to the law.

NCS could not undertake meetings with Uganda Fencing Association ‘at its Mbiko-Buikwe offices due to the non-responsiveness and elusiveness of the designated contact person,’ Ogwel, who was flanked by his assistants, and other staff of NCS, said.

He further added that ‘due to its nature as a multi-sport organization, the Attorney General guided that at an opportune time, the Act shall be amended to accommodate the Uganda Paralympics Committee.’

NCS’s head of legal Diana Kwesiga added that an organization is mandated to run just one discipline under the new law.

Ogwel further revealed that the NCS board meetings in February and March decided that the applications of Uganda Dragon Boat Federation and Uganda Canoe Kayak Federation ‘be rejected following findings that forged audited books of accounts had been submitted on two occasions.’

Meanwhile, there were objections lodged against Cricket Uganda, Uganda Darts Association, Uganda Draughts Federation, Uganda Lacrosse Association, VX Uganda, Uganda Rowing Federation, Uganda Table Tennis Association, and Uganda Boxing Federation.

These were also given up to June to resolve issues with their detractors before completing their compliance requirements with NCS in July and August.

Kwesiga, who has been leading NCS’s field works, revealed that organizations claim not to have money to undertake compliance requirements.

‘They also claim the time was short but also most of them like to work on or towards deadlines while some have no or little knowledge of the law despite our guidance. Many have structural incapacities where one person is running everything while in some, members of executive committees cannot work together.

‘Sports federations also work in silos but we encourage them to work with other federations or the regulator,’ Kwesiga said.

Eco-system

Ogwel hinted that ‘no further extension of the remedial compliance period should be anticipated unless otherwise determined by the NCS board in exceptional circumstances.’

‘The law came out in 2023 and the Instrument in March last year. So, the organizations have really had time.

‘Failure by any NSO to attain full compliance within the stipulated timelines shall lead to automatic rejection of the application for registration and revocation of the organization’s Certificate of Recognition.

‘Government gives over Shs503 billion to support sports so these (compliance) processes are for us to build a strong eco-system for sports development. In fact we (NCS) have provided all funding required to federations 100 percent for the last four years and most do not even announce when they get this money. We must now start demanding accountability (for the current financial year) as the Auditor General is also already here following up on the same two months in advance,’ Ogwel revealed.

In the wider scheme of things locked out organizations can continue to operate as promoters of their sports disciplines but cannot claim to represent the interests of the country. They also open a window for other individuals to apply as national promoters of the sport. They also cannot receive funding from NCS, which is also pushing for the suspension of ring-fenced funding by Parliament.

The timeline

September 2023 – National Sports Act enacted

March 2025 – Gazette of National Sports Regulations, S.I No. 24 of 2025

April 2025 – Attorney General advises NCS to register organizations before they de-register as trusts

June 2025 – 45 of 51 National Sports Organizations submit applications, NCS starts verification

December 2025 – NCS Board grants remedial compliance period

February / March 2026 – NCS undertakes another verification process, rejects Canoe/ Kayak and Dragon Boats application

June 7 – Remedial period ends

August – Remedial period for organizations facing objections ends

Residents accuse Judiciary of delayed justice as Wakiso court backlog grows

Residents in Wakiso District have accused the Judiciary of delaying justice delivery and frustrating litigants through prolonged court processes, particularly in land disputes that have dragged on for years without resolution.

The concerns were raised Tuesday during the Wakiso High Court Open Day held at the court premises in Nabweru under the theme ‘Justice that Listens, Serves and Resolves.’ The event was presided over by Uganda’s Chief Justice, Flavian Zeija.

Several residents narrated experiences of delayed rulings, missing court files and financial losses incurred while pursuing justice through courts of law.

Mr Livingstone Ssembatya, a resident of Kaasangombe in Wakiso Town Council, said he has been battling a land case since 2014 without obtaining justice.

‘I reported a land case to court in 2014, and up to today, I’m still seeking justice. I’m an old man who is about to die, but they cannot even have mercy on me,’ Mr Ssembatya said.

According to documents filed before the Wakiso Chief Magistrate’s Court, Mr Ssembatya claims ownership of a kibanja on land comprised in Busiro Block 244 Plot 21, registered in the names of Julayina Najuka, the mother of Mukasa Fred Kisekka, who also claims ownership.

Mr Ssembatya alleged that the landowners had agreed to allocate him one acre out of a nine-acre piece of land before reneging on the arrangement and denying him access to the kibanja.

‘I have spent a lot of money paying the lawyer who has represented me since then. I was evicted from my kibanja, and they are now threatening to kill me if I ever return to that land. Where should we seek justice if even courts are not serving us to our expectations?’ he asked tearfully.

Another resident, Mr Ibrahim Sseguya of Kkungu, said his court file regarding alleged illegal transfers on his land title disappeared shortly after he filed the case in Matugga last year.

He said despite repeatedly following up with court authorities, the file has never been recovered.

‘It seems there’s something happening behind my back because how can they fail to produce my file for all those months?’ he asked.

Mr Frank Muyimbwa also complained of delays in handling his land dispute, which he filed in 2022.

He said the matter was later transferred to Nabweru Chief Magistrate’s Court, where it has remained unresolved for two years.

‘I request the inspector of courts to always visit local courts frequently because they abandon our cases and don’t communicate with us on the way forward,’ Mr Muyimbwa said.

Mr Godfrey Mulondo, a resident of Lubya-Munaku, said his land dispute has moved through several courts since 2015 without resolution.

‘The case was first taken to Kakiri Court and was later transferred to the High Court Land Division before it was brought here at Wakiso High Court. I want my case to be handled and the issues resolved because I cannot use my plot at the moment,’ he said.

The concerns were echoed by Zambaali Bulasio Mukasa, who criticised delays in the justice system and called for urgent intervention.

‘A person waits for years, and at the end, they are denied justice. Let’s see where the issue is and have it addressed,’ Mr Zambaali said.

He also expressed concern over prolonged detention without trial in prisons across the country, blaming it on delayed court hearings and inadequate staffing in the Judiciary.

The head of the Wakiso High Court Circuit, Justice Sarah Langa Siu, acknowledged the growing case backlog, revealing that since the court’s establishment on June 5, 2025, it has registered 5,473 cases.

She said 1,322 cases have been disposed of, while 4,151 remain pending, with land disputes accounting for 54 percent of the backlog.

Chief Justice Zeija attributed the delays to staffing shortages and inadequate funding for the Judiciary.

‘We have only 88 judges of the High Court out of the required 150 judges,’ Dr Zeija said.

‘Here at Wakiso High Court, we are supposed to have four judges, but because of funds, we have only one,’ he added.

Dr Zeija appealed to legislators, including Mr Zambaali, to advocate for increased funding to the Judiciary to improve justice delivery.

‘All along, we have been operating on a budget of only 0.3 percent of the national budget. It has now slightly increased to 0.6 percent, but still it is not enough,’ he said.

Africa Day at 63: Why Africa’s unity is critical for our moment

Africa sits at an inflection point between hope, opportunity, and a global reset. Asymmetrical trade deals are being challenged, debt architecture is under pressure, and the institutions that once entrenched colonial-era hierarchies are wobbling. But windows like this do not remain open for long. Sixty-three years ago, on May 25, Africa’s founding fathers understood this and chose unity at the moment it mattered most. On Africa Day this year, that same choice is being demanded again. The US-China rivalry is reshaping global supply chains, the World Trade Organisation (WTO) gridlock is forcing new trade arrangements, and the Bretton Woods institutions- anchored in the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank-are under pressure to reform. At the centre of these shifts sits Africa, with over 30 percent of the world’s critical minerals required for the just energy transition.

The question is not whether the world needs what Africa has; that is already settled. The question is whether, during this latest scramble, Africa will position itself to extract maximum value. With vast mineral wealth, a unified market of 1.4 billion people, and a GDP exceeding $2.8 trillion, the continent holds the weight to demand fair terms. But this is only possible if it negotiates as one on debt and finance, climate change, critical minerals, and trade. The institutional architecture already exists through the African Union (AU) and the Africa Free Continental Free Trade Area (AFCTA), yet sovereignty concerns and competing bilateral relationships continue to limit cohesion. AU reform-towards pre-negotiation at AU level, stronger mandates for AU negotiators, and meaningful inclusion of civil society and the private sector-would be critical.

There is growing recognition that Africa’s solutions lie with its young people. With a median age of 19, Africa is the youngest continent in the world, at a moment when youth, technology, and digital transformation are converging. Prioritising young people is, therefore, not a social obligation, but a strategic imperative. By 2050, the United Nations estimates that the youth population will double to more than 830 million, while the working-age population will rise to 1.56 billion, accounting for 85 percent of the global workforce. The economic case is equally compelling. According to the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), strategic investments in local processing and manufacturing in the minerals sector alone could unlock $24 billion in GDP annually and create approximately 2.3 million jobs.

This underscores a central truth: diversifying Africa’s economies to create jobs at scale begins with industrialisation. The East Asian Tigers did not emerge by chance. Their transformation required decades of State-led investment, protection of infant industries, import substitution, and patient capital. Ironically, these are the very policies the World Bank spent decades discouraging across Africa in favour of free-market prescriptions that often served creditors more than citizens. Africa must take note, and more importantly, take charge of its own development model- rooted in its realities, its humanity, and its knowledge.

At the same time, Africa must recognise that neither State intervention alone nor private sector forces alone can deliver transformation. What is required is a functioning social contract built on trust, accountability, and the centring of citizens’ needs and voices, while upholding constitutionalism. Stable and democratic institutions remain the foundation of inclusive economies. Unity without democratic legitimacy is hollow and short-lived. Young people are not waiting; Africa must move with urgency to address the demands of the present moment and reverse historical injustices that stand in the way. The rupture of the multilateral system signals both challenge and opportunity.

Kitgum police probe pastor’s death amid bitter domestic, financial disputes

Police in Kitgum District have launched investigations into the tragic circumstances surrounding the death of a prominent local cleric who allegedly died suicide following a prolonged history of domestic disputes, severe financial stress, and marital discord.

Pastor Fred Lukulala of Calvary Church-a Pentecostal ministry with congregations in both Gangdyang village in Kitgum Town and the Orom trading centre-was found dead over the weekend. His body was discovered hanging from a mango tree on his farm in Lobiri village, Katwotwo parish, located within the remote Orom East sub-county.

According to official police reports, the grim discovery was made on Sunday morning by David Lokwang, a laborer employed at the pastor’s agricultural estate. Lokwang had ventured into the fields to inspect a maize plantation when he stumbled upon the body.

Lokwang told homicide detectives that he had last seen Pastor Lukulala leaving his farmhouse heading toward the gardens on Saturday. It was only 24 hours later that the reality of the situation became clear.

Mr Joe Oloya, the Aswa East regional police spokesperson, confirmed that a specialized team of law enforcement officers, including scene-of-crime experts and homicide detectives, immediately deployed to the area upon receiving the alert.

“A team of police officers visited the scene as the investigation into the incident continues,” Mr. Oloya said in an official statement.

“The body of the man of God was retrieved in the presence of his relatives and transported to the Kitgum General Hospital morgue for a post-mortem examination to officially ascertain the exact cause of death.”

To understand the trajectory that led to this tragic outcome, local leaders point to a decade-long history of community service that was heavily impacted by economic hardship. Pastor Lukulala reportedly arrived in the Kitgum region approximately ten years ago. Initially, he served as the caretaker for an estate acquired by a group of American benefactors under the umbrella of the Calvary (Mission) Church.

On this land, the mission established the Destiny Nursery and Primary School in Latodore, a village neighboring Lobiri. However, the educational venture faced severe headwinds. By 2019, due to low community support and the inability of local parents to pay school fees to maintain teacher welfare, the institution collapsed.

Distressed by the failure but determined to keep the mission alive, Pastor Lukulala personally injected his own dwindling resources into relocating the school to the Orom Trading Centre, a more populous hub, while simultaneously opening a commercial farm on the church land to subsidize the school’s operational costs.

Mr. Johnson Acellam Toodera, the Orom sub-county chairperson, intimately knew the burden the pastor carried.

“Parents did not support the school in terms of payments, and it closed. That depressed him a lot,” Toodera revealed in an interview. “Sometimes he tipped me about his condition and how he always disagreed with his family over running a farm and a school deep in the village remotely.”

While financial anxieties weighed heavily on the cleric, security and local sources indicate that the primary catalyst for his ultimate despair was a deeply toxic, fractured marriage.

Mr. Gabriel Otukutipu, the security coordinator for Kitgum and Lamwo districts based in Orom sub-county, provided a detailed account to the Daily Monitor, revealing that Pastor Lukulala’s domestic miseries had escalated dramatically over the last two years. The disputes reportedly centered on the denial of conjugal rights and severe disagreements over the management of farm revenues.

According to Otukutipu, the pastor’s wife, a Kenyan national, had abandoned the matrimonial home at the Latodore farmhouse following a bitter dispute regarding the denial of sex. She relocated to the Orom Trading Centre, leaving Lukulala isolated in the village.

“She left him alone; however, she kept her eyes on the ground, not to see him near any woman,” Otukutipu explained. He added that despite refusing intimacy with her husband, she aggressively policed his personal life, allegedly assaulting a local woman just a fortnight ago whom she suspected was having an affair with the pastor.

The volatile situation reached a boiling point on Friday, when the wife arrived unexpectedly at the Lobiri farm to confront Lukulala over the alleged affair. The confrontation resulted in a bitter exchange of words that lasted late into the night before she departed the following morning.

Left alone and visibly shaken, Pastor Lukulala began setting affairs in order. On Saturday morning, he placed a phone call to his junior pastor, instructing him to lead the upcoming Sunday church service, claiming he was unwell.

In a poignant sequence of events detailed by security officials, Lukulala then walked through the village, mobilizing neighbors to assist him with weeding his bean plantation the following day. Upon returning to his house, he attempted to light a charcoal stove. In what is believed to have been his final act of communication, he picked up a piece of charcoal and inscribed a stark message on the wall: “It is time up.”

He then walked out to the plantation. “His two workers saw him climbing the mango tree and thought he was merely harvesting fruits to eat,” Otukutipu stated.

The true nature of his actions was only realized when community members turned up on Sunday to help with the promised farm work, only to find the religious leader deceased. Police investigations remain ongoing as the community processes the loss of a leader who cracked under the combined weight of financial ruin and marital collapse.

Why landlords and the wealthy are under fire

There is a sentence that is quietly making many landlords and wealthy individuals uncomfortable in Uganda right now:

‘Your lifestyle must match your tax records.’

For years, Uganda’s tax system has heavily depended on salaried employees. If you worked in a company, Pay As You Earn (PAYE) was deducted automatically before your salary even reached your account. Government workers, bank employees, telecom staff, and people in formal employment have carried a huge portion of the tax burden for a long time.

But outside formal employment, a completely different economy was growing quietly. An economy built on: rental apartments, side consultancies, private clinics, brokerage deals, influencers, cash businesses, construction projects, commission income, land speculation, professional services, and informal trade.

For years, much of this money stayed partially invisible. Someone could own multiple apartments in Najjera, Kyanja, Bweyogerere, Bugolobi, or Munyonyo and still appear ‘low income’ on paper. A consultant could earn millions monthly through personal transactions without structured declarations. A professional could live comfortably, drive expensive cars, pay international school fees, and build rentals, yet officially declare very little taxable income.

That reality is what Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) is trying to change.

Uganda is entering a new phase of taxation, one where the government is aggressively shifting focus toward High-Net-Worth Individuals (HNWIs), landlords, professionals, and people earning substantial income outside traditional salary systems. The proposed changes under the Income Tax (Amendment) Bill, 2026, and the Tax Procedures Code (Amendment) Bill, 2026, show that the government is no longer satisfied relying mainly on formal employees for revenue collection.

But this shift has started making many wealthy Ugandans uncomfortable. This is because the conversation is no longer simply about filing taxes. It is now about whether your visible lifestyle matches the income you declare.

Uganda’s tax burden has historically fallen on the same people. One reason the government is intensifying this campaign is that Uganda’s tax structure has historically leaned heavily on formal workers and compliant businesses.

A salaried employee earning Shs5 million per month may consistently pay PAYE every month without fail. Their taxes are automatic, structured, and visible.

But meanwhile, a landlord collecting Shs20 million in monthly rent, a consultant billing client privately, a contractor operating through cash transactions, a trader importing high-value goods, or a professional running side businesses informally may contribute far less to the tax system. This imbalance has frustrated policymakers for years.

From the government’s perspective, there is a large amount of untaxed or under-taxed income circulating in the economy, especially among people whose wealth is asset-based rather than salary-based.

And this is where the term High-Net-Worth Individuals becomes important.

URA has increasingly developed taxpayer profiling systems targeting people with large property ownership, high-value imports, luxury vehicles, substantial land transactions, company shareholding, and visible wealth indicators. If someone appears financially successful, the government expects their tax records to reflect that success.

Why rental income has become URA’s biggest target

Among all income categories, rental income has become one of the easiest for URA to monitor because buildings are visible.

Unlike informal businesses that can move locations, disappear temporarily, or operate quietly, property leaves traces everywhere through land titles, tenants, utility bills, neighbours know the owner, local authorities know the property, agents and caretakers exist, and construction approvals.

The government has already made major progress in identifying landlords. According to a study by the International Centre for Tax and Development (ICTD), Uganda expanded its rental taxpayer register from just over 10,000 taxpayers in FY2013/14 to more than 220,000 taxpayers by FY2023/24.

That growth is huge. But registration alone is not enough.

The biggest challenge URA faces is converting registered taxpayers into fully compliant taxpayers because many landlords are still under-declaring rental income, filing late, filing nil returns, avoiding proper documentation, and operating mostly through cash collections. That is why the government’s next phase is focused less on identification and more on enforcement.

One of the biggest mistakes people make is assuming URA still operates the way it did 10 or 15 years ago. It does not.

Uganda’s tax administration is becoming increasingly digital and data-driven.

The proposed Tax Procedures Code (Amendment) Bill, 2026, seeks to make the National Identification Number (NIN) effectively function as a Tax Identification Number (TIN).

That means the government wants one connected financial identity for every taxpayer. Over time, this allows different systems to ‘talk’ to each other:

property ownership

business registration

banking activity

vehicle ownership

imports

tax records

government transactions

Once information becomes connected, hiding income becomes much harder.

Imagine someone owns several apartments, drives luxury vehicles, regularly buys land, builds commercial property, and makes large bank transactions…but officially declares almost no income. That mismatch increasingly becomes visible.

Uganda’s economy has long relied on informality. A lot of wealth was accumulated quietly, without sophisticated accounting structures or proper reporting systems. But the government is now trying to formalise more of that wealth.

What this means for landlords

Many landlords have traditionally managed property informally: rent collected through caretakers, verbal tenancy agreements, cash payments, limited bookkeeping, and little separation between personal and rental finances.

That informality is becoming risky.

The proposed reforms, combined with URA’s broader strategy, suggest landlords should expect: increased compliance monitoring, stronger audit activity, tighter filing requirements, more digital reporting, and closer scrutiny of undeclared property income.

The Income Tax (Amendment) Bill, 2026, also proposes allowing monthly provisional rental tax returns.

That indicates URA wants rental tax reporting to become more regular and more trackable instead of relying mainly on annual filings.

And many landlords already feel unfairly targeted.

Some argue that construction materials are expensive, loans are expensive, tenants delay payments, maintenance costs are rising, utility bills are unpredictable, and vacancy periods hurt cash flow.

So, when the government increases pressure on rental taxation, many landlords feel attacked instead of supported.

Uganda’s housing sector is already under pressure. Some landlords may simply push the burden onto tenants through higher rent. This means ordinary Ugandans could indirectly pay the price.

Others may restructure ownership through companies to improve tax planning, while some smaller landlords may struggle with the administrative burden altogether.

And tenants may eventually feel the impact through stricter payment terms, formal tenancy agreements, reduced flexibility, and increased rent adjustments.

In many ways, this shift affects the entire housing market, not just landlords.

The bigger fear nobody wants to admit

Many wealthy people are not actually afraid of paying taxes. They are afraid of visibility because once systems become connected, the question changes from: ‘Did you file taxes?’ to: ‘Does your declared income realistically explain your lifestyle?’

And that is a much more uncomfortable conversation.

Someone may own luxury apartments, expensive vehicles, multiple plots of land, schools, commercial buildings, and profitable side businesses, yet officially appear almost financially inactive.

URA’s growing use of data analytics threatens that invisibility. That is why this new tax direction feels personal for so many people.

But the government also has a point. Uganda needs money. Infrastructure projects, healthcare, electricity, security, public salaries, and road construction all require revenue. At the same time, the country’s debt burden continues to rise, and the government wants to reduce dependence on borrowing and donor support.

From that perspective, widening the tax base makes economic sense. The government argues that taxation has been unfairly concentrated on compliant salaried workers for too long, while significant informal wealth has remained lightly taxed.

Many ordinary workers agree with that argument. A formal employee paying PAYE every month may wonder why someone earning much more through rentals or side businesses contributes far less. That frustration is partly driving this policy direction.

Uganda is quietly entering a new tax era.

The biggest mistake landlords and wealthy individuals can make now is assuming this is just another temporary URA operation.

It is not. This is part of a long-term transformation towards data-driven taxation and broader financial visibility. The systems are becoming smarter. The databases are becoming connected. The monitoring is becoming more sophisticated. And informal wealth is becoming harder to hide.

The bigger question is whether Uganda can build a tax system people genuinely trust.

‘If people pay more taxes, will they actually see better services?’ Because compliance is easier when citizens trust where the money goes. That trust problem is real.

Unless that trust improves, every new tax campaign will always feel emotionally charged because tax compliance is not only about fear or enforcement. People comply more willingly when they believe the system is fair, public funds are properly used, corruption is controlled, everyone contributes equally, and taxation feels transparent.

There is also fear about selective enforcement.

Some business owners worry that smaller landlords and professionals may face pressure while larger, politically connected individuals remain protected.

Without public trust, resistance will always remain.

But regardless of where one stands in this debate, one thing is becoming impossible to ignore: Uganda’s tax conversation is changing.

For landlords, professionals, and high-net-worth individuals, the era of quietly operating outside the spotlight may slowly be coming to an end.