Category: Daily Monitor

On October 8, 1995, Uganda promulgated a brand new Constitution. The first general election under the new constitution was held in 1996.

The presidential elections were conducted on May 9, and the parliamentary elections were held on June 27. The elections for local councils were held in 1997. In 1996, I only voted in the presidential elections. I had been ‘dragged’ from Goma (Eastern DRC), where I had been on a small assignment in the service of the people of Rwanda and the Great Lakes region.

I was advised to go to Uganda to vote. Before that, Ugandans living in Rwanda (and Banyarwanda returnees from Uganda who still held Ugandan citizenship) had been advised to go to Uganda to register for elections. Me being me, I still filed a story for The Monitor (as Daily Monitor then was) whose headline was: ‘Kigali casts wary eye on Uganda’s Elections’. During the Constituent Assembly elections, I had voted at the Young Women’s Christian Association on George Street in Kampala. For the 1996 General Election, I changed my polling station to Rwenzori Square in Kasese Town.

As I said earlier, I only participated in the presidential elections. I was unable to vote during the parliamentary and local council elections. I had to go back to my station in Rwanda. The questions to ask then are: Don’t you think there are many people who only voted in the presidential and parliamentary elections in the recent elections? Why do you think the voter turnout for presidential and parliamentary elections is always different from the voter turnout for local councils? Is there a remedy for this voter discrepancy?

Dear Ugandans of goodwill, I would like to make a suggestion: All elections should be held on the same day! Yes, all elections. President, Member of Parliament, district chairperson and city mayor (and their councils), Municipal, Division and Sub-county councils. Some Ugandans may say the logistical and human resource management costs would be overwhelming. But then, the financial and psychological cost on the candidates in the local council elections would cancel that out. Plus, the human resource needs would feed into the need for employment.

I have a personal story about the recent elections. After the electoral loss of my friend Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda in Kiira Municipality, I knew that alone would have an effect on the elections of the Lord Mayor of Kampala City. My intention was not to vote in the local councils. But after Ssemujju’s loss, I knew Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago needed every vote in Kampala. Even in my poor health, I did the most patriotic act: left Kiburara to vote for Erias Lukwago in Kampala City. We still lost, though.

I have a very strong feeling that if the elections for the Lord Mayor of Kampala were held on the same day with the presidential and parliamentary election, there was a big chance Erias Lukwago would win. If my memory still serves right, it is Winnie Byanyima (then Member of Parliament for Mbarara Municipality) who proposed that presidential and parliamentary elections be held on the same day. I am not sure, but I think this was after the 1996 presidential elections.

After being elected, Mr Museveni went on another country tour campaigning for MPs that were associated with NRM. Or to put it another way, he went around the country to de-campaign parliamentary candidates who were viewed as multipartists On that note, I ask Members of Parliament elect to seriously look into this matter: All elections should be held on the same day.

In Kigumba, Moses Ali Akiki, a farmer, has seen his maize crops dry up at the flowering stage following months of persistent dry spells. While he lacks the irrigation technology to regulate water use and also respond to changing weather patterns, like thousands of smallholder farmers across Uganda, he still depends on instinct and manual labour.

In essence, his experience reflects a wider challenge facing Ugandan agriculture, where farming remains dependent on experience and trial-and-error rather than data-driven insight, limiting productivity and placing the country’s food security under growing strain.

Yet as climate risks intensify and traditional methods prove increasingly inadequate, agricultural experts are pointing to emerging technologies designed to help farmers manage uncertainty as a potential game changer.

What is autonomous agriculture?

This refers to the use of technology-driven systems that enable farming activities to be carried out with minimal human intervention, guided instead by data collected from the field. These include sensor-based irrigation systems that release water when soil moisture is low, GPS-guided tractors that plant and weed with precision, drones that monitor crop health from the air, and digital platforms that analyse weather, soil, and crop data.

These systems are designed to support farmers helping to reduce guesswork, improve efficiency, and respond to changing environmental conditions in real time. In Uganda, however, the use of autonomous agriculture remains largely untapped and limited.

Whereas many farmers in Uganda operate small plots, most still rely on hand tools or basic mechanised equipment, and access to high-tech solutions is restricted.

For instance, advanced machinery such as GPS-guided tractors, drones, and sensor-based irrigation systems carry steep upfront prices that are simply out of reach for the majority of smallholders. Even when leasing models or cooperative ownership exist, limited access to credit and uncertainty about returns make many farmers hesitant to invest in technologies they have yet to experience in practice.

Further still, the skills and knowledge gaps also remain another major obstacle. This is because operating autonomous equipment requires familiarity with software, data interpretation, and routine troubleshooting.

For many farmers, especially those in rural areas, such technical literacy is limited. Extension services that could provide training are often understaffed or inaccessible, leaving farmers to rely on traditional methods, a practice that limits productivity and reinforces dependence on manual labour.

The adoption of autonomous agriculture is also complicated by the level of infrastructure development in the country.

Reliable electricity, internet connectivity, and passable rural roads are essential for maintaining and operating autonomous systems, yet these are often inconsistent or absent in many farming regions.

Additionally, limited awareness and understanding of emerging technologies has created hesitation among farmers, with underdeveloped regulatory and policy frameworks to guide safe use and support automation. As a result, autonomous agriculture remains largely confined to pilot projects and commercial farms rather than being widely adopted across the country.

Cooperative farming

Although these challenges make it difficult for small-scale farmers to benefit from autonomous technologies, cooperative farming emerges as a promising strategy to unlock access to autonomous agriculture. It includes forms such as formal registered farmer groups and informal clusters that jointly manage equipment and technology.

At its core, cooperative farming means that farmers join forces to pool their resources, share costs, and collectively invest in machinery and digital tools.

According to Patrick Honcoop, an agronomy tech expert, farmers who have embraced this approach are able to purchase or hire modern, data-driven farming tools making them available to farmers who otherwise could not afford or manage them on their own.

This, in turn, allows them to improve efficiency, reduce individual financial risk, and collectively boost crop productivity, benefits that would be difficult to achieve alone. Cooperative farming also creates a space for farmers to work closely together while exchanging ideas and sharing practical knowledge about new technologies.

As such, through collaborating, farmers can support one another in learning how to operate machinery, interpret data from sensors or drones, and troubleshoot challenges that may arise in the field. This collective approach not only reduces the financial and operational risks that each farmer would face alone, but also opens the door to training opportunities that might otherwise be inaccessible.

He says, ‘For smallholders with limited land, working as a group makes high-tech farming sustainable, turning once unattainable tools into shared assets that benefit everyone in the cooperative.’

Alternatives

Beyond cooperative farming, in a bid to make autonomous agriculture a reality across Uganda, this requires coordinated action by farmers, government, and private-sector players. One critical step is expanding access to affordable credit and financing tailored to smallholder farmers, enabling them to invest in machinery, sensors, and digital tools without shouldering the full cost upfront.

This can be achieved through government-backed subsidies, low-interest loans, and public-private partnerships designed to reduce financial risk. Such measures can help lower the economic barriers that currently keep most farmers locked out of high-tech agricultural solutions, paving the way for wider adoption and long-term productivity gains.

Capacity building and technical training are another critical pillar in scaling autonomous agriculture. For farmers to effectively adopt these innovations, they need practical, hands-on guidance on how to operate autonomous systems, interpret data generated by sensors or drones, and carry out basic equipment maintenance.

In this regard, building partnerships with agricultural technology companies, strengthening extension services, and establishing local training centres can help bridge the skills gap by equipping farmers with the confidence and knowledge needed to use these tools effectively.

This approach increases the likelihood of full adoption, rather than technologies remaining underutilised due to limited technical understanding. Whereas infrastructure and connectivity continue to lag in many rural areas, improvements in these systems are essential.

Reliable electricity, stable internet coverage, and accessible rural roads are prerequisites for operating and maintaining autonomous farming technologies.

With growing demand for more sustainable agricultural practices, investments in solar-powered solutions, expanded mobile networks, and improved rural logistics can help overcome these structural barriers.

Such interventions would ensure that technology-driven farming systems remain functional, reliable, and accessible to farmers beyond urban centres and commercial hubs.

Farming is central to life in Zambia, with about 60 percent of the country’s labour force relying on rain-fed agriculture for their livelihood or income. Seasonal rains shape planting and harvesting, and temperatures can rise to 40°C.

On small farms, men generally manage livestock such as cattle and cash crops like maize, while women maintain vegetable gardens and cultivate crops like cassava.

I am a researcher with over seven years of experience working on public health topics such as climate change and heat stress among rural farmers. Driven by the research gap on climate change and human health, I looked at whether the rising global temperatures represent an emerging public health crisis for Zambia’s small-scale farmers.

Temperatures in Zambia have been rising since the 1980s at about 0.01°C per year, accelerating to 0.08°C annually since the 2000s. Temperatures are projected to increase by nearly 2°C by 2050 under a situation where a moderate to high amount of greenhouse gas continues to be emitted.

I spent two years interviewing 671 farmers (362 men and 309 women) across Monze (in Zambia’s south) and Sioma (in the west of the country). These are two districts that illustrate the country’s contrasting farming environments. Sioma lies at a lower altitude and is generally warmer and receives less rainfall than Monze. It is also close to the Zambezi River, unlike Monze.

My research found that farmers in both areas, despite the differences in the environments, are experiencing increasingly hotter farming seasons. When they work outside, they suffer headaches, dizziness, dehydration, muscle pain, rash, sweating, tiredness, a loss of concentration, and dry lips, throat and mouth.

Globally, these conditions are getting worse because of climate change. But in Zambia, although the heat is getting worse, there is no formal reporting system in hospitals and clinics for heat stress or heat stroke.

I found that the ministry of health only records the increasing trend in heat rashes.

I also found that farmers don’t always recognise their symptoms as heat stress – and may even consider them a normal part of difficult farming in hot weather.

This means that heat exposure is not getting the attention it deserves. It actually should be treated as an emerging public health risk. Heat stress deserves as much awareness as other occupational and environmental health threats such as injuries at work, and poor water and sanitation conditions.

The public health system in Zambia must track cases of heat related illnesses. Farmers and farm workers must get early warnings during extreme heat, and basic health education on how to stay safe on very hot days.

What working in extreme heat is like

Heat stress happens when excess heat raises the core body temperature above 37°C. This can impair normal physiological functioning. To determine the heat levels in Monze and Sioma, I trained farmers to take temperature readings so that we could see when the safe thresholds for outdoor work were exceeded.

I also asked the farmers to make lists of their outdoor activities and workloads on hot days. Together, we created community maps of water sources, woodlands, plains, and infrastructure like schools or clinics in the farming area to see if places existed where the farmers could cool down.

We also discussed what was preventing them from adapting to climate change and heat stress. The major barriers identified by the farmers were the scarcity of water to cool down with, deforestation (a lack of shady trees), little information about heat stress, and limited protective clothing.

Social factors also prevented farmers from devoting time and energy to staying cool while working. These factors included community tensions and unequal access to land or support programmes for impoverished farmers and women. For example, impoverished farmers often lacked access to tools and labour saving equipment, meaning they had to work longer hours in the sun. Women frequently balanced farm work with household duties, increasing their overall heat exposure.

The farmers spoke about symptoms that indicated they are experiencing moderate to high heat stress risk:

‘I had a health problem last week because of heat to a point of bleeding from the nose and that kind of dizziness as if I was drinking beer. I feel like I have blacked out and that’s when I would rest a bit. So, when I went to the clinic – that’s when I was told that I should avoid working in the sun.’

Farmers also said that extreme heat affected their cognitive ability. This directly affected agricultural productivity and safety:

‘There is also loss of concentration when it becomes very hot. If it’s the time of planting, you find that someone starts to plant more seeds than required. Sometimes the dizziness makes us fall down and leaves people wondering what it could be, while in the actual sense it’s the heat. Some people would even suspect that you have epilepsy.’

The sun really burns! Some people try to adapt to the heat by putting on hats but they still sweat because of the heat.

My research found that farmers tended to normalise their symptoms or endure them because they had to work to earn a living:

‘The people I work with have never complained because we look at the target that we have. We just have to work hard because that’s the only job that we depend on. So even if it gets too hot or too cold the job just has to be done at the end of the day.’

What needs to happen next

Preventing heatstroke does not need a huge amount of expensive equipment. Simple public health measures such as recognising heat illnesses in clinic reporting systems, training health workers to identify symptoms, sharing heat alerts through radio and mobile phones, and giving farmers practical advice on hydration, rest breaks and working during cooler hours would help. In India, the Ahmedabad Heat Adaptation Plan has reduced heat related illnesses and saved lives by doing this.

Rural areas have persistent water shortages, a lack of transport to health facilities and limited funding for protective equipment such as sun hats or shelters for shade. The government could source funding for hats, water containers and locally built shade shelters that would further protect farmers without placing a heavy burden on government budgets.

The Zambian healthcare system tends to focus on infectious diseases over occupational environmental risks like heat stroke.

Health authorities need to recognise heat as a health risk, collect routine data and work with meteorological services to provide early warnings and basic safety guidance to farmers. Climate and health agencies also need to work together.

They currently work separately, which means the health system often reacts to heat illnesses after they happen instead of preparing communities in advance.

Meanwhile, farmers are coming up with local solutions that deserve more funding and support. These include setting up traditional shade shelters on the farms, digging more wells and using storage containers such as clay pots for storing water.

Farmers have also been wrapping water bottles in wet cloth or reeds to keep drinking water cool. These local solutions could be strengthened and promoted as low-cost adaptation strategies.

In 2017, or thereabouts, the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHCR) came to Nakasongola Barracks for a two-day workshop at the Air Force Wing at Nakasongola Air Force Base. Several units outside the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) Air Force unit also attended, including Luweero Industries Limited, where I worked as a senior administrator.

The workshop discussions outlining our divergent perspectives were lively, without any guns going off. To be sure, soldiers are highly ideological beings. So, when they pronounced themselves on the subject of free expression, they tended to sound more doctrinaire than sincere. Their thinking was evidently circumscribed by rigid, pre-set grooves, essential to fostering the groupthink characteristic of soldiers.

To the delight of the UHCR officials, the more than 100 soldiers in attendance, with smatterings of civilians, agreed that there should never be any encumbrances to free speech. People should be allowed to speak their minds, regardless of the character of their thoughts. It was clear that ideology had replaced the attendees’ capacity for original, individual thought. As part of a minority of one, I took a different view.

To explain myself, I reminded everybody about how unrestrained free speech undergirded the genocidal outbursts over the radio during the Rwanda genocide. Radio was a primary tool used to incite the 1994 Rwanda genocide by broadcasting hate speech, identifying Tutsi targets, and dehumanising victims as ‘cockroaches.’ In brief, I argued that by permitting all speech one could not prevent hate speech masked as free speech being allowed into the marketplace of ideas.

Suddenly, the attendees at this seminar, along with the UHCR officials, stared vacantly at me, momentarily. Before gathering their wits about themselves long enough to redirect their gaze towards the workshop facilitator to save their worldview from taking a fatal knock, as it were. The facilitator didn’t miss a beat.

‘There are exceptions to every rule,’ he riposted. He didn’t elaborate further beyond stating that truism. Nonetheless, I loved the contentious nature of barracks debates. Soldiers, contrary to their training, or possibly because of it, love a verbal prizefight. The prize being learning and the sharpening of wit. Indeed, this is an army that believed in the force of persuasion instead of the persuasion of force. Well, so I thought.

In the just concluded 2026 General Election, held on January 15, the UPDF and other security agencies showed a different character. One that led to a clash with the UPDF’s carefully cultivated image of being an assemblage of armed intellectuals. What we saw was instead brawn over brains. Heavily armed soldiers and police were deployed across Kampala and other major towns in the country to prevent ‘anti-government protests’ and maintain order, a move the opposition labeled as high-handed, as opposed to being high-minded. It did not stop there. Following the January 15 vote, the military authorities confirmed that they had detained approximately 2,000 Opposition supporters and killed 30 during unrest following a disputed victory for President Museveni.

The UPDF predictably offered a pro forma response, denying the reports that it forcibly abducted Opposition leader Bobi Wine via helicopter, though his party, the National Unity Platform (NUP), maintained he was taken to an unknown location. The African Union-led mission noted the military’s involvement in the electoral process, stating it contradicted the 1995 Constitution, which prohibits the UPDF from engaging in partisan electoral activities. This all happened despite the Special Forces Command (SFC), an elite unit of the UPDF, having been tasked with providing security for all 2026 presidential candidates. However, on balance, the State only gives its opponents and adherents security as a means to managing their movements and intelligence gathering.

Still, the conduct of Uganda’s army in the last (and prior elections) points to a deteriorating state of professionalism. Yet this conduct runs counter to the much-vaunted creed and credos of the UPDF. Professionalising the UPDF was a means to contrasting it with the wanton armies of Ugandan regimes past. According to the army, the aforesaid professionalisation endeavour involves transforming the army from a guerrilla-based force into a modern, skilled institution through rigorous training, specialised education, and improved welfare. Key efforts include establishing the National Defence College, bachelor’s/master’s programmes, and a structured retirement system to enhance competence. Key aspects of the UPDF’s professionalisation include: Firstly, intensive training and education.

Owing to this, the UPDF has nearly 20 training academies, focusing on technical skills, leadership, and ideology (patriotism and Pan-Africanism). Recent efforts saw 352 cadets commissioned, including graduates of a three-year Bachelor of Defence Studies programme. The second key effort revolves around infrastructure and equipment. As such, the military is investing in infrastructure and acquiring modern equipment to ensure operational success.

Thirdly, institutional reforms-a formalised, honourable retirement system has been established, moving away from past practices where officers would ‘disappear into the shadows,’ according to State House Uganda. The fourth key effort is operational focus. Here, the Force emphasises combat readiness, ‘operations other than war,’ and regional peace initiatives. Fifthly, and around combating resource misuse, leadership has pledged to eliminate the waste and misuse of resources to ensure better conditions for soldiers. Then there is also, fourthly, merit-based promotion in the sense that promotions are increasingly aimed at rewarding competence, integrity, and dedication.

Guava – also known by its scientific name as Psidium guajava – is extensively grown in the tropical and sub-tropical regions of the world.

It is quite resilient, highly productive, has high economic returns and requires minimal care. The fruit is very nutritious with a characteristic flavour and has a high demand internationally especially when processed into pulp, concentrates, ready to serve beverages, wines, as well as jams and jellies

However, in Uganda the fruit tree is mainly grown in homesteads for home consumption.

Due to its high demand both within the country and export market, experts in East Africa including Uganda advice farmers to adopt its farming on large scale.

Said to have originated in the tropical Americas, guava cultivation began in Peru as early as 2500 BC.

While the fruit tree has been naturalized in various parts of Africa for a long time, significant, deliberate cultivation and the development of commercial orchards in Uganda began in the early 2000s.

The initial growing patterns indicate that before the early 2000s, guavas were largely grown in homesteads, in backyards, or along fences for home consumption rather than on a commercial scale.

Eventually there was commercial shift where farmers transitioned to more structured farming, including adopting improved, grafted and highbred varieties. Key farmers have been noted to shift from traditional, low-yield farming to organized orchards with experts promoting the fruit for its potential to provide profitable harvests.

Research case study

Crop scientists from University of Eldoret, School of Agriculture and Biotechnology, Seed Crop and Horticultural Sciences Department went ahead to study the current trend of guava farming in East Africa.

Led by Dr Ndoro L.L the team discovered that guava is gaining track with farmers adopting it on commercial basis due to growing demand.

The team says farmers are growing it for its nutritional benefits and medicinal uses since it has a low glycemic index due to its high fiber content hence useful for weight loss.

The fiber content also helps in managing diabetes by slowing down sugar absorption in the blood.

Guava fruits are round or oval and are eaten as a fresh fruit at two stages, mature green and fully ripe. Guava fruit has been reported to contain four to 10 times vitamin C than that found in citrus fruits of which the skin contains he highest amount.

The fruit is also a good source of vitamin A and pectin. Various industrial and pharmaceutical products have been developed from guava, including jellies, juices, ice creams, yogurt and nectars among others.

Functional products such as guava cheese, a healthy fruit snack, semi-solid concentrate have been formulated using guava puree, added sucrose, chia seeds and almonds.

What farmers must consider when growing the fruit

According to information from experts at Greening Uganda, production of guava in the country is limited with few farmers adopting its growing for commercialisation.

There is little information on guava which has limited its production and promotion along the value chain.

Guava production in Uganda is largely informal, with trees common in home gardens rather than large-scale, dedicated farms, though commercial interest is growing.

Growing Practices and Varieties

The fruit tree is grown across most of Uganda, except in hilly areas and are often propagated by seedlings. Common varieties include the apple guava which is popular but frequently damaged by pests like fruit flies.

Strawberry guavas – this type produces smaller fruits which are dark red when ripe.

Pineapple guava is common to rather cold environments in the tropics but it is also grown here in the country.

Production Tips

The tree thrives best in well drained fertile soil with desirable amount of manure. It can be planted through Vegetative propagation using grafting, air layering and budding is most preferred as it produces quite vigorous seedlings.

Transplant the seedlings in 1m by 1m pits filled with a mixture of soil and farmyard manure and watering is essential. It is important to protect the seedlings from birds with stakes

Pests and diseases

Experts say more than 80 species of insects and mites have been recorded in guava trees affecting growth and yield.

The major pests are polyphagous pest like tea mosquito bug, fruit flies, fruit borers, bark eating caterpillars’ mealy bug and white fly among others.

The key diseases include wilt, anthracnose, canker, scab, various fruit rots, leaf blight, and rust.

Additionally, deficiencies in nutrients like zinc and magnesium, along with physiological issues such as internal breakdown, contribute to reduced guava productivity. Farmers can use pesticides to spray the tress with a recommendation of an expert. Guava trees generally start fruiting in about 3 to 4 years from planting.

At the time of harvest, you will see a clear change in the color and aroma of the fruits when they ripen.

For best flavor allow fruits to ripen on the tree, then you can collect the ripen fruits by hand.

Market Trends

While many, especially non-Ugandans, prefer larger, improved varieties, small wild guavas are often consumed locally. A large guava fruit can cost around Shs1,000, while smaller ones go for Shs500, with prices increasing in urban markets such as Nakasero.

Challenges

A key constraint is the lack of specialized, large-scale orchards, with most supply coming from scattered homestead trees.

However, with rising demand for juice and fruit, commercial farming is becoming more attractive.

On a Sunday morning of January 28, 2018, two young girls, A.S and her cousin Sandra, were send to harvest cassava from the garden. The two girls were approached by a man nicknamed Bombay while in the garden. Bombay was notorious in the village for molesting women and girls. On seeing the man, the two girls took off while alarming.

The man pursued them and caught Sandra who wrestled herself free and fled. The man, however, turned to follow A.S whom he caught up with, tore her underwear and threw her down and proceeded to have penetrative penile vaginal sex with her.

Sandra was at about a distance of about 10 meters and watched the whole episode unfolding. Abdu, a village-mate who was cutting trees nearby, responded to the alarm of the two girls and came to their rescue carrying a machete.

When he saw what was happening he raised his machete as he approached Bombay and, out of fear, Bombay stopped his heinous act and fled. Abdu escorted the girls for a short distance and then allowed them to proceed home while he returned to continue with the work of cutting trees.

The mother of A.S returned from church at about 10:00 am that day and found her daughter crying. On inquiring why she was crying, A.S told her mother that Bombay had sexual intercourse with her and Sandra corroborated her story. The mother of A.S took both girls to the nearest police post from where they were referred to the Health Centre.

The medical examination showed that the genitals of A.S had visible signs of hyperemia surrounding the vulva. Hyperemia is a sign of acute inflammation and is seen as redness and is due to an increased blood flow to a particular area.

Online research indicates that one of the causes of hyperemia is injury. On the probable cause of the injuries in the genitals, the medical officer stated that it was blunt force trauma. Although not very conclusive, the medical report corroborated the testimonies of all the other witnesses that the injury was as a result of a sexual act.

The victim of the sexual assault was referred to the nearest hospital and was given Post Exposure Prophylaxis (PEP) for the prevention of infection with the Human Immune-Deficiency Virus (HIV). This treatment was administered for six months and A.S went back for drugs for more six months.

Bombay was arrested from his parents’ home the very day of the incident by a female Police Officer of the Child Protection Unit. He told the police officer he did not commit the crime he was being accused of and that he did not know A.S. He stated that he never went out of home on the day in question and never met the two girls. He further stated that he was alone at home and was clearing grass from the compound. He also stated that he was born in 1986 and studied up to Senior Three level. He was charged with the offence of aggravated defilement.

One of the forms of the offence of Aggravated Defilement is performing a sexual act with a person under the age of 14 years at the date of the sexual act. Prosecution must, therefore, prove to the Court’s satisfaction that the victim, at the time of the sexual act, was below 14 years.

The age of a girl can be proved by one or combination of the following, her birth certificate or immunization card or school records; testimony of the parents of the girl; the girl’s own testimony regarding her age; medical evidence such as dentition and physical developments of the girl (Tanner staging); court observation and common sense assessment of the girl. The Children’s Act also offers a useful guide on how the age of a child can be determined.

A.S testified that she was born on 17th July 2004. She also stated that in 2018 when she was sexually, she was in primary four. Her mother testified that she gave birth to A.S on 17th July 2004.

The medical report indicated that A.S was 13 years based on the Tanner Staging. The defence did not bring in any contrary evidence nor was the prosecution evidence challenged. Court was, therefore, satisfied that the age of the victim of 13 years had been proved beyond reasonable doubt.

The law defines a sexual act as the penetration of the vagina, mouth or anus, however slight, of a person, by a sexual organ; or the unlawful use of any object or organ by a person on a sexual organ. The law further clarifies a sexual organ as the vagina or penis of another person. The Supreme Court noted that penetration, however slight, suffices to prove sexual intercourse and that penetration for the purposes of a sexual act need not be deep.

Penetration can, therefore, be proved either by the victim’s evidence, medical evidence, or any other cogent evidence. It is not obligatory that medical evidence be produced to prove a sexual act although once medical evidence is adduced by the prosecution, court will consider it. Court may also consider medical evidence alongside other relevant evidence.

It is a settled principle of law that rapture or non-rapture of the hymen per se is not conclusive proof of sexual intercourse or absence of it. Medical evidence is merely advisory and goes to the fact, not the law, and court may reject it. Court can convict a person accused of a sexual offence in the absence of medical evidence provided that there is strong direct evidence when the circumstances of the offence are so clear and compelling as to leave no ground for reasonable doubt.

In the present case the two girls, each independently, narrated in court what happened on the morning of Sunday January 28, 2018, when they were sent to the garden to harvest cassava and how they were approached by Bombay. Their evidence was without any major contraction.

A.S told court in graphic details what happened to her; how she was pursued and her underwear torn by Bombay whom she knew very well as a village-mate; how her Bombay wrestled her down and forcefully had sex with her. Sandra told court how she watched the whole sexual assault on A.S from a distance of about 10 meters in broad day light as she kept coming backwards to see what Bombay was doing to A.S.

Two children were swept away and killed by fast-flowing floodwaters from Mount Muhabura in Nyarusiza Sub-county, Kisoro District, in separate incidents on Friday, local authorities said.

The victims were identified as Blair Nyirabanasi, 6, a resident of Rucyantege Village, and Moris Maniragaba, 8, from Mwanjari Village, both in Gitenderi Parish, Nyarusiza Sub-county.

The children were swept away while fetching firewood during heavy rainfall. Nyirabanasi was carried off shortly after midday, while Maniragaba died later in the afternoon, around 4:00 p.m.

According to Nyarusiza Sub-county LC3 Chairperson Erasmus Nsabimana, Nyirabanasi’s body was recovered about four kilometres away in Kabaya Village at around 2:00 p.m.

Maniragaba’s body was later found at approximately 7:00 p.m. in Mubuga Village, about two kilometres from his home village of Mwanjari, after an extensive community search.

‘After discovering the body of the first victim, I received information that another child, a grandson of David who had gone to fetch firewood, was also missing. I mobilized people, and we traced the water stretching from Mount Muhabura. We found the body trapped by roots in Mubuga Village, about two kilometers from Mwanjari,’ Nsabimana said.

Gad Dushimimana, the father of Nyirabanasi, said he was at home when he received news of his daughter’s death after she had gone to collect firewood, describing the loss as a profound shock to the family.

David Ndayambaje, the grandfather of Maniragaba, said he learned of the tragedy from the LC1 Chairperson and rushed to the scene to confirm it.

‘He has been helping in house chores and now he is no more. What will I do? I am no longer able to do some work by myself,’ the sobbing grandfather told Monitor.

Local leaders warned that the area remains highly vulnerable to deadly floods and mudflows from Mount Muhabura.

David Sebutozi, LC1 Chairperson of Mwanjari Village, said similar tragedies had occurred before and called for urgent government intervention.

‘This is not the first incident for us people staying at the foot of Mount Muhabura. You recall in 2022, ten people died from mudslides due to running water from that hill. I call upon the government to come out and support these families who have lost their children and also construct bridges to enable safe movement of people,’ Sebutozi said.

Emmanuel Bizimana, LC1 Chairperson of Ruchantegye Village, said his village alone has three deep open water channels that become extremely dangerous during heavy rains.

He warned that without intervention such as covering open channels and improving drainage infrastructure, more lives could be lost, especially when schools reopen.

Zerida Nyiraguhigwa, a resident of Rucyantege Village, also expressed concern about children’s safety, questioning how they would safely cross deep channels when schools resume.

Meanwhile, Nsabimana urged parents and residents to remain vigilant during the rainy season and to avoid crossing water channels during or immediately after rainfall.

‘I advise residents that whenever it rains, stay where you are and wait for water levels to reduce. You may think that the water channel is shallow, but in actuality you find it is deep, and when you step in, it takes you,’ he said.

‘Again, young children cannot have the conscience of knowing the dangers of simply stepping in running water. Parents should make sure that their children are escorted by an elder person,’ Nsabimana added.

Former Defence Minister Dr Chrispus Kiyonga has made a political comeback after a decade out of Parliament, having been declared winner of the Bukonzo County West parliamentary seat in the January 15, 2026, elections.

Dr Kiyonga polled 35,899 votes, defeating the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), Mr Godfrey Atkins Katusabe, who garnered 26,399 votes.

Dr Kiyonga had previously attempted to reclaim the seat in 2021 but was unsuccessful. He was first elected to Parliament in 1994 and served for several terms before his defeat in 2016.

Previous defeats

In the 2016 elections, Dr Kiyonga lost after polling 28,289 votes, while Mr Katusabe won with 31,126 votes. The contest was complicated by the entry of Dr Kiyonga’s nephew, Mr Justus Sausi Capson, who ran as an independent and obtained 4,024 votes, splitting the NRM’s votes.

Following that defeat, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni appointed Dr Kiyonga as Uganda’s Ambassador to China, a position he declined, citing his desire to focus on personal initiatives, including public mobilisation on food security and coffee growing.

In 2021, Dr Kiyonga contested again but lost for the second time. He polled 28,520 votes, while Mr Katusabe increased his tally to 36,386 votes. The National Unity Platform (NUP) candidate, Fatuma Cassim Sidrat, obtained 993 votes.

Why Dr Kiyonga won in 2026

Until July 2025, Dr Kiyonga served as the NRM Chairperson for Kasese District, a position he again lost to Ambassador James Mbahimba. Despite this setback, he remained politically active and continued mobilising NRM supporters to rally behind party flag bearers.

Bukonzo County West comprises eight sub-counties and town councils-Bwera, Karambi, Kitholhu, Ihandiro, Nyakiyumbu, Isango, Mpondwe-Lhubiriha, and Kithoma-Kanyatsi-with more than 130,000 registered voters. Dr Kiyonga, who is also the Chancellor of Makerere University, won in six sub-counties, securing a margin of about 9,000 votes, a difference his rival Mr Katusabe had not achieved in the two previous elections.

The constituency borders the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and hosts Bwera General Hospital, the only government hospital in Kasese District.

Campaign message

For three consecutive election cycles, Dr Kiyonga has consistently campaigned on food security, peace, unity, nutrition, and household income. His rallies largely focused on encouraging families to ensure food availability and proper child nutrition to address malnutrition in Kasese.

“Our children must be fed well. Kasese is leading in malnutrition, and this must stop through balanced diets,” Dr Kiyonga said during one of his campaign rallies. He further advocated for household livestock ownership, urging families to rear birds, goats, and rabbits as a source of nutrition and income.

Political analysts, however, noted that while his message resonated with rural voters, it did not directly address broader macro-economic challenges.

Youth mobilisation and cassava initiative

In a post-election interview, Dr Kiyonga attributed his victory partly to renewed mobilisation strategies that deliberately targeted the youth, especially boda boda riders.

“In my previous campaigns, I overlooked the youth constituency. This time, we involved them directly, and they freely mobilised voters and transported people to rallies,” he said.

He also spearheaded a district-wide cassava growing campaign across all 44 sub-counties of Kasese District, after realising that large quantities of cassava flour were being imported from Hoima and neighbouring districts and exported to Kasindi market in the DRC.

Dr Kiyonga mobilised three NRM Members of Parliament from Kasese, Mr Sowedi Kitanywa (Busongora County North), Mr Ferigo Kambale (Kasese Municipality), and Mr Gideon Thembo Mujungu (Busongora County South), each contributing Shs6 million. The funds were used to procure cassava cuttings, which were distributed through churches for multiplication and later extended to households.

“I realised our people were facing serious food shortages. With support from fellow MPs, we introduced cassava cuttings, and now many families have cassava gardens,” Dr Kiyonga said.

Border trade factor

Dr Kiyonga’s position on easing cross-border trade at the Mpondwe-Lhubiriha border also boosted his popularity among traders, who expressed optimism that his leadership would ensure more free movement to the Kasindi market in the DRC.

Opposition reacts

Following the elections in which the opposition lost all three parliamentary seats in Kasese District, party leaders from FDC appeared on a local radio station to fault the political environment.

Among them were Mr William Nzoghu, Mr Godfrey Atkins Katusabe, Ms Florence Kabugho, and Mr Sylvester Masereka, all of whom lost their races.

Mr Katusabe accused government officials and NRM coordinators, including Mr Godfrey Kabbyanga, Maj Okwiror Rwabwoni, the RDC Lt Joe Walusimbi, and NRM Chairperson James Mbahimba, of allegedly influencing the electoral outcome.

“We did not lose because people rejected us; we lost because the government feared us,” Mr Katusabe claimed.

Similar sentiments were echoed by the FDC District Chairperson, Mr Ronald Bwambale Kabuku. However, critics of Mr Katusabe argue that his political messaging failed to resonate with the largely business-oriented electorate of Bukonzo County West.

February is here. Rent is overdue. School fees is loud. Pockets are thin. And I am the girl in the Valentine’s Day song ‘where is your boyfriend!’ I am not pretending to be okay anymore. I secretly want someone to adopt me as a sugar babe!

This one will piss off pastors, moral high priestesses and fake-progressives. Which, basically, is the point! Let’s stop pretending. Kampala did not invent transactional relationships, we just perfected the art of acting surprised by them.

We gasp at ‘sugar babies’ like they broke some sacred moral code, while quietly participating in the same exchange with better PR and fewer receipts.

January gave us two moments that exposed the lie we keep telling ourselves about love, money, and morality. In one corner of the internet, a Ugandan socialite was dragged through the mud for allegedly spending Shs21m in a single night at a bar. The reactions were swift and vicious. Not her money. Goods for sale. Fear women.

The moral outrage was loud, performative, and deeply gendered. Suddenly, everyone became a forensic accountant and a cultural custodian. The crime was not excess; it was a woman enjoying it openly.

In the same month, another socialite introduced her man to her family and was gifted a brand new Range Rover. The response? Ooooh. Aaaah. God, when? No lectures. No think pieces. No concern about where the money came from or what was exchanged. Just applause. Celebration. Aspiration.

Same city. Same economy. Same capitalism. Completely different judgment.

Romantic relationships have always involved exchange. Time. Money. Emotional labour. Access. Security. Stability. Power.

Transport money is not generosity, it is expectation. ‘Facilitation’ is not kindness, it is negotiation. Rent help, lifestyle upgrades, soft life, all of it operates on an understood exchange. The idea that love exists outside economics is a luxury most women cannot afford.

Sugar babies are simply more honest about the invoice. They removed the poetry and ambiguity. And somehow, that is what offends people. Sugar relationships are not the corruption of love. They are the exposure of it.

Or rather, the exposure of how dishonest we have been about what we expect from each other. The moment a woman says, plainly, ‘This is what I offer, and this is what I require,’ suddenly she is immoral.

But the woman who says, ‘I just want love,’ while strategically dating men who upgrade her life quietly? She is respectable. She is lucky. She is blessed.

Let’s be even more uncomfortable.

Women calculate emotional labour, safety, consistency, and future security. Men calculate access, admiration, domestic comfort, and social status. The lie is pretending that only one side is benefiting.

We celebrate women who ‘married well’ but shame women who negotiated openly. We applaud men for being providers but demonise women who choose them for that reason. We clap for Range Rovers but clutch pearls over bar tabs.

Sugar babies said, ‘Let’s not waste each other’s time.’ And in a city where time is money and money is survival, that clarity is threatening. Because if women are allowed to negotiate openly, then what happens to all the men who relied on ambiguity to get more than they were willing to give?

People say sugar relationships are shallow. But shallow compared to what?

Relationships where women tolerate disrespect because ‘at least he helps sometimes’?

Situations where men promise marriage for 10 years and deliver nothing but heart muscle development? At least sugar arrangements do not pretend to be forever. The terms are clear. No one is gaslighting anyone into thinking struggle is romance.

And no, this is not an endorsement of exploitation, coercion, or power imbalance. Those exist everywhere, including in marriage, the most socially sanctified transaction of them all. We just bless it in church and call it love. Yet, it is one of the most unequal contracts women ever signed.

What I am arguing for is intellectual honesty. If we are going to live under capitalism, let’s stop acting like intimacy somehow escaped it. Peace of mind costs money. Soft life is not free. Desire does not exist in a vacuum, untouched by economics. So why do we shame women who name the cost?

Ugandan musician Nina Kankunda alias Nina Rose has implored the government to abolish elections, citing the risks and challenges she faced during the recent polls.

Speaking at the Uganda Law Society’s New Law Year event on Thursday, the Billboard Kipande hitmaker almost broke down in tears as she recounted her experience in the Ssembabule District Woman MP race on the National Unity Platform (NUP) party ticket.

“What I witnessed was not an election but rather a war. My agents were beaten, arrested, and others were abducted. Up to now, I don’t know where the abducted ones are being held,” she said, appealing to lawyers to help suffering political prisoners.

“I advise every youth out there who still wants to live, don’t engage in Ugandan politics, especially when you are from the opposition.”

Nina Rose added, “So many youths would like to engage in politics and ably represent their people in a fairly democratic state, but Ugandan politics is discouraging. My call to the government is to abolish elections and rule until you get tired and allow people to live because every life matters.”

She stated that the National Resistance Movement (NRM) government will never give opposition politicians a chance to lead.

Her testimonies come amid widespread criticism of the Electoral Commission’s declaration of the 2026 general elections as free and fair.

Reports of ballot stuffing, vote rigging, intimidation, violence, and military involvement have been reported across the country, including during the Presidential, Parliamentary, Mayoral, and Sub-County elections.

ULS Vice President Anthony Asiimwe said the organisation registered election-related challenges, including unlawful arrests, intimidation, denial of voting rights, and other irregularities.

Pro bono lawyers were engaged to provide legal assistance and court support where arrests occurred.

“During the recently concluded elections, this unwarranted militarization manifested starkly through the widespread deployment of military personnel in what should remain purely civilian and democratic spaces,” Asiimwe said.

Lawyers and citizens faced unlawful arrests, violence, intimidation, and coercion, while human rights defenders were targeted and NGOs suspended.

Asiimwe added, “The Uganda Law Society is now dealing with an alarming surge in enforced disappearances, abductions, extrajudicial killings, and prolonged pre-trial detention. This follows reports of ‘thousands arrested’ around the elections, and ‘tens or hundreds summarily executed’ often in military-involved operations, highlighting a growing concern over human rights abuses.”

The ULS launched an Election Observation Report under the theme “Practicing Law amid Military Rule,” reaffirming its commitment to the rule of law, democracy, and human rights.

“As we open this New Law Year, we call for honest dialogue, mutual respect, and meaningful participation of all institutions,” Asiimwe said.

The legal profession in Uganda faces excessive militarization, with military forces intruding into civilian justice processes and democratic exercises. The government cites national security but lacks constitutional checks.

“We extend our hand to the Judiciary in partnership, but the voice of the Bar will not be silenced,” Asiimwe stated.