Category: Daily Monitor

At least 77,080 (19.04 per cent) candidates who sat the 2025 Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE) are ungraded, the Uganda National Examinations Board (UNEB) has said.

While releasing the results at State Lodge, Nakasero in Kampala on Friday, UNEB executive director, Mr Dan Odongo said out of the 817,883 candidates who registered at 15,388 examination centres, at least 91,990 students passed in Division One, 388,293 in Division Two, 165,226 in Division Three and 84,724 in Division Four.

“Of this (registered) number, 522,036 (63.8 per cent) from 11,525 centres were Universal Primary Education (UPE) beneficiaries, and 295,847 (36.2 per cent) of the candidates from 3,863 centres were Non UPE,” Mr Odongo said.

In 2025, analysis by gender shows that 389,469 (47.6 per cent) boys were registered compared to 428,324 (52.4 per cent) girls, indicating that more girls than boys completed the Primary Education cycle.

“This has been the trend in recent years. The percentage was 52.5 per cent for the girls in 2024 whereas for the boys it was 47.5 per cent. The Board registered 3,636 learners with Special Needs of various ategories, including the blind, the deaf, the physically handicapped and the dyslexics, compared to 3,328 in 2024,” Mr Odongo added.

The management of Makerere University has blamed the low number of students graduating in its forthcoming 76th graduation ceremony on the disruptions caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. The university is set to graduate 8,432 students across various academic levels and disciplines from February 24 to 27.

However, this is a sharp decline from the 13,658 students who graduated during the 75th graduation ceremony. This has sparked public concern and speculation about declining enrolment and academic output at the oldest public university in the country.

While addressing journalists on Wednesday, the Makerere University Vice Chancellor, Prof Barnabas Nawangwe, said the cohort scheduled to graduate next month consists mainly of students admitted during the peak of the Covid-19 pandemic, a period marked by unprecedented disruptions in the education sector.

He explained that because national A-Level examinations were delayed during the pandemic, Makerere was unable to admit students through the direct entry scheme, forcing the university to rely heavily on diploma holders, who traditionally form a smaller intake.

Despite the reduced numbers, university management insists the figures do not signal decline but rather reflect a strategic shift in academic focus.

The academic registrar, Prof Mukadasi Buyinza, however said the numbers will return to normal next year. Prof Buyinza said the current graduating class includes 185 PhD holders, 2,034 Master’s graduates, 6,043 Bachelor’s degree holders, 137 postgraduate certificate holders, and 33 postgraduate diploma graduates.

‘I am proud to announce that in comparison to the 75th graduation, we have registered a 30 percent growth in graduate student output,’ he said, adding, ‘This is a result of our strategic decision to prioritise graduate education in line with our research-led agenda.’

Prof Nawangwe added that the university is recording its highest number of PhD graduates in a single graduation ceremony, which he described as a major milestone in Makerere’s long-term strategic plan.

‘It shows that we are steadily moving towards our goal of becoming a research-led institution,’ he said, adding, ‘By 2030, we shall be admitting and graduating more graduate students compared to undergraduate ones.’

Meanwhile, statistics released by the university indicate a shift in gender composition among graduates this year, with male students outnumbering females, reversing last year’s trend.

During the 75th graduation ceremony last year, 7,297 of the 13,658 graduates were female, compared to 6,361 males, a difference of 936. This year, however, 4,402 males will graduate compared to 4,030 females, a difference of 372. The deputy vice chancellor for academic affairs, Prof Sarah Ssali, said the gender gap remains relatively small and reflects progress toward gender balance.

Transcripts

In a departure from previous years, Makerere University has also finalised and printed all academic transcripts ahead of the graduation ceremony.

Prof Nawangwe said graduates who have fulfilled their financial obligations to the university can collect their transcripts immediately or wait until the graduation days.

Dear Diary,

Picture this: You are at brunch, third margarita pitcher in, and someone asks about your love life. Where do you even start?

Well, there is this guy. Let us call him America. Successful, walks into every room like he owns it (and honestly, sometimes he does). We had a thing back in the day. Nothing official, but he kept a military base at my place. That is basically leaving a toothbrush, right? The security was nice, I will not lie. But it was always on his terms. Very ‘I will call you when I need you’ energy.

Meanwhile, I have been with Denmark for literal centuries. Look, it started problematic, red flags everywhere, total power imbalance, some honestly traumatic stuff I am still unpacking in therapy. But people grow, right? We have been doing the work. Denmark’s backing off, giving me space, supporting my independence journey. We are evolving. It is healthy!

I have got my own money now (rare earth minerals under all this ice, baby), I am glowing up, climate change is literally making me more accessible. I am in my hot girl era. And that is when America decides he wants me back.

But here is the thing, he does not even shoot his shot properly. He is out here in public, loudly announcing he ‘wants ownership and control’ of me. Like that whisky-drunk guy at the bar with sudden opinions. ‘Hey Greenland, you are too hot for Denmark. You should be with me.’ Translation: You have resources to be acquired.

He is not asking me on a date, he is hostile taking-over. And when Denmark (reasonably!) is like ‘um, excuse me, what the is going on?’ America doubles down. Will not rule out economic pressure or even military action. That is not a red flag, that is a whole parade with fireworks and a marching band.

Denmark is big mad! But here is the tea: I have been thinking about leaving Denmark anyway! Not for America. For myself. Independent baddie era. America thinks he can slide into the DMs with ‘you up?’ energy and I am going to come running? Boy, BYE!

The group chat is popping off

Our entire friend group, NATO, is watching this unfold. We have been tight since the ’40s, been through some stuff together. They are uncomfortable because America is not just some random dude, he is the group admin. The one who pays for the first round, who you call when things get serious, who has got your back when sketchy-looking guys (Russia) start circling.

Meanwhile, Poland is stress-eating in the corner because she is actually worried about an abusive ex (Russia) potentially getting violent, and instead of focusing on that very real threat, we are dealing with America’s main character syndrome. The Baltics are spiral-texting at 2am like ‘does this mean he will not protect us either if we do not fall for him?’ Turkey is just stirring the pot, flirting with Russia while still in the friend group. Messy.

The real problem

America has been complaining for years that half the friend group does not pull their weight (the whole two percent spending thing). Not wrong, objectively. But instead of having a mature conversation about boundaries and expectations, he is threatening to abandon everyone while simultaneously trying to pressure me into a relationship I do not want.

It is giving narcissist. It is giving ‘I can treat you however I want because you need me more than I need you.’ It is giving emotional manipulation with a side of economic coercion. Now, if I pursue independence, everyone is going to think it is because of America’s pressure. I get why he is interested, though. I am sitting on potential wealth,

I am in a crucial geographic location (hello, Arctic shipping routes), I am becoming more valuable as the ice melts.

Some people in my own community are like ‘well, maybe America has a point. Denmark is long distance. America could invest more in us because of proximity!’ Did you miss the part where he threatened military action? I am caught between a partner I am outgrowing, a friend group in crisis, and an ex who thinks ‘no’ means ‘convince me harder.’

Weeks back, social media was awash with very graphic and private details, details the public really did not need to know from a divorce judgment rendered by the Family Division of the High Court from the case of Ronald Twesigye Vs Susan Tusiime (FD Divorce Cause No. 037 of 2019).

The judgment made rounds online and generated widespread discussion on the private affairs of a couple involved in the divorce matter. After reading through the judgment, I was saddened by the extent of private details that were exposed to the public by our justice system.

Responsibility for this exposure lies with the parties themselves, their lawyers, and the justice system at large. That painful side of the judgment aside, as the saying goes, ‘When things go wrong, learn what they came to teach you.’

We must appreciate and quickly learn that we live in interesting times, shaped by social media and an internet that never forgets.

Beyond the discussion and opinions, what can we learn from this case? Divorce proceedings, by their very nature, are contentious; rarely are they civil.

The most contentious and problematic aspects of such proceedings relate to property and, where there are children, custody and welfare. From experience and hindsight, here are some safeguards.

Before entering into marriage, intending couples should consider drafting and signing a prenuptial agreement. From the outset, parties should agree on how they intend to deal with property acquired before, during, and at the dissolution or end of the marriage.

Generally, in Uganda, apart from matrimonial property to which each party to a marriage is entitled, any other property requires proof of financial contribution.

This position is supported by a number of recent divorce cases. Accordingly, where one does not intend to share certain property, having such property registered solely in one’s name may serve as a safeguard.

At the dissolution or end of a marriage, parties should, where possible, amicably agree on how to deal with property. In cases where property was jointly acquired, parties can execute a settlement agreement and have the matter filed in the Magistrates’ Court.

Such matters are less likely to be accessible to general public. This is because the magistrates’ court are not courts of record, thereby reducing public exposure of private affairs.

A second approach is the use of pseudonyms. Parties may apply to court to institute divorce proceedings without using their real names, instead using initials or other identifiers as permitted by law.

This is done after seeking leave of court and providing sufficient reasons. Such applications, and the proceedings that follow, may also be handled with a degree of privacy. Although this method is less known, it is provided for under the laws of Uganda.

These are some of the ways through which parties can protect their privacy during divorce proceedings, or even prior to them, especially in this era of social media and an internet that never forgets.

A total of 167, 353 cases are pending at all levels of courts in the country, the Judiciary’s National Court Case Census report has revealed.

While releasing the census report yesterday in Kampala, newly appointed Chief Justice Flavian Zeija said the whopping pending cases underscore the need for targeted intervention, especially at higher court levels. ‘A total of 167,353 cases are currently pending across all court levels. Of these, 46,542 cases are classified as backlog, representing 27.81percent of the total pending caseload,’ Justice Zeija said.

The report also shows that the High Court (70,006 cases) and Chief Magistrates’ courts (64,937 cases) had the largest caseloads. In his remarks, the Chief Justice said the primary aim of conducting a court census was to determine the actual state and backlog of cases, identify the inefficiencies in case management, and support data-driven policy formulation. ‘For a long time, one of the most persistent challenges confronting justice delivery has been the absence of comprehensive and verifiable information on court caseloads. Without reliable data, it becomes extremely difficult to plan, to allocate resources equitably, to identify systemic bottlenecks, or to evaluate institutional performance,’ Justice Zeija said.

He continued: ‘The Judiciary National Court Case Census 2025 directly responds to this challenge. It represents a deliberate effort to move away from assumptions and anecdotal evidence and instead anchor judicial reforms on facts, statistics, and empirical analysis. This report provides us with a clear picture of where we stand as an institution, what we are doing well, where we are constrained, and where we must urgently improve.’ The report also indicates that out of the pending 167,353 cases, 81,353 cases (49 percent) are at the pre-hearing stage, while a total of 78,238 cases, representing 47 percent, are under the hearing stage. Also, 4,629 cases are pending judgment

The Chief Justice said the presence of 2,327 cases pending for more than 10 years is concerning and points to bottlenecks that hinder timely access to justice, before saying strategic interventions are needed to fast-track the cases. The report, the second of its kind for the Judiciary, comes 10 years after the release of the inaugural National Court Case Census in 2015 under the leadership of then Chief Justice Bart Katureebe. Speaking at the same event, Principal Judge Jane Frances Abodo underscored the importance of the census report, saying it will help the Judiciary prioritise the old cases and also come up with planned and targeted case backlog management interventions.

‘This report tells us the cases we have and their ages, and also gives us where we should put the focus of intervention. With this report, we shall be able to make informed decisions such as work allocation and deployment,’ Abodo said.

Some Key findings

Total pending cases: The census identified 167,353 pending cases across all court levels, with the High Court (70,006) and Chief Magistrates’ Courts (64,937 cases) bearing the largest caseloads.

Case type distribution: Criminal cases dominated with 65,709 cases, followed by civil (44,911) and land (33,496) cases, among other categories.

Case age profile: Approximately 72 percent of pending cases are less than two years old, while 2,327 cases have remained pending for over 10 years, indicating a significant backlog, particularly in the High Court (25,098 backlog cases) and Chief Magistrates’ Courts (13,128 backlog cases).

Regional disparities: The central region reports the highest backlog (16,224), while the Northern region has the lowest (3,915).

Judicial officer workload ratio: Each judicial officer has an average of 305 pending cases and 85 backlog cases.

The Court of Appeal/Constitutional Court has the highest ratios, with 1:647 for pending cases and 1:358 for backlog cases, while the High Court has a ratio of 1:620 for pending cases and 1:222 for backlog cases, indicating a need for resource allocation and process improvements.

The winners of mayoral seats across the country have pledged to fight corruption and improve service delivery. Mr Nasser Kongola of the National Unity Platform (NUP) won the Iganga Municipality election after securing 5,424 votes, defeating Mr Asuman Dhabasadha of the National Resistance Movement (NRM), who garnered 1,848 votes.

‘My leadership will front issues that promote service delivery and development,’ Mr Kongola said.

A newcomer to Iganga politics, he pulled off a surprise victory over Mr Dhabasadha, the former chairperson of Iganga Central Division.

He replaced Mr Bamu Lulenzi, who was defeated in the Iganga Municipality parliamentary elections.

The winner of the Bugiri Municipality mayoral race, incumbent Ayubu Kisibu Mulikiriza, an Independent candidate, was officially declared by the Electoral Commission after securing 2,636 votes.

He was followed by the NRM flag bearer, Mr Abdullah Mbawoobye Nkwanga, who polled 1,750 votes.

Mr Mulikiriza, running as an Independent after losing the NRM primaries, has pledged to improve the municipality’s infrastructure by constructing tarmac roads and installing street lights under the government’s USMID project.

Kamuli

In Kamuli Municipality, Mr Fred Balinango of the NRM won the mayoral race after securing 4,472 votes, defeating Mr Peter Kaluba, an Independent candidate, who garnered 2,310 votes. Mr Balinango is a district councillor representing Southern Division and a member of the Finance Committee.

An entrepreneur and social worker, he has outlined priorities focused on eliminating street children through improved access to education and social services. He also plans to streamline taxation, strengthen land and property rights, and promote transparency in revenue collection and expenditure to enhance service delivery.

Simon Kasirye (NUP) won the Jinja Southern Division mayoral seat after securing 5,035 votes, defeating Independent candidate Ajoga Rogers, who polled 3,819 votes.

Mr Kasirye is the former LC3 vice chairperson of the now-defunct Jinja Central Division. Mr Ayubu Wabika (NUP) was re-elected mayor of Jinja Northern Division, defeating NRM’s Idi Samanya. He is the incumbent and a former district councillor representing the now-defunct Budondo Sub-county.

Mr Agele Sadiki Amini (FDC), a grandson of the late President Idi Amin Dada and a member of the Nubian community, has served as mayor of Busia Municiplaity since 2021 and also leads security for FDC.

Mr Amini, who is popular among voters for his hands-on involvement in the community activities such as cooking at funerals, attending every burial ceremony, was declared winner by the EC after he garnered 7,542 votes. His closed rival, Mr Monday Ali of the NRM party got 943 votes.

Lira

In Lango Sub-region commercial hub, Lira City, the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) has swept the mayoral races. In Lira City West Division, UPC’s Emmanuel Ebong Opeto emerged victorious with 7,117 votes, narrowly beating NRM’s George Rashid Opio, who secured 6,494 votes.

The UPC momentum continued in Lira City East Division, where Denis Peter Odongo won convincingly with 10,053 votes, surpassing NRM’s Odongo Emmy Joe’s 8,079 votes. This strong comeback indicates a growing support base for UPC in the region. UPC’s resurgence is attributed to its grassroots mobilisation and strategic leadership, led by party president Jimmy Akena Obote, also the outgoing Lira City East Member of Parliament. Meanwhile, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) party candidate Bonnie McLean Odongo, commonly known as Odongo Awada, won the seat for Apac Municipality mayor, bringing to an end the 15 years of UPC dominant in the area.

According to the result declared by Apac District Returning Officer, Mr Richard Onoba, Mr Odongo garnered 4,945 votes. His closest rival Andrew Awany (Independent), garnered 4,357 votes. Mr Patrick Ongom Eyul of UPC, also the incumbent, got 2,357 votes.

Tororo

In Tororo, Mr Bernard Ochieng, a presenter and talk show host on East FM in Tororo, was on Tuesday declared the winner of the Tororo mayoral election.

The 34-year-old, who contested under the ruling National Resistance Movement party (NRM) party, was announced the winner in the hotly contested race by the district returning officer Caroline Kiconco Ikopit after garnering 4,844 votes against the incumbent, Orono Kenneth Nyapidi (Independent), who polled 2,322 votes.

Speaking after his declaration, Mr Ochieng pledged to always consult stakeholders to avoid implementing anti-people policies.

He pledged to focus on responsible leadership, which is accountable and involves public participation in the affairs of the municipality. ‘To start with, I am going to call for a meeting with stakeholders to share with them my vision and also hear their desires for Tororo Municipality,’ he said.

In Kapchorwa Municipality, NRM’s Francis Chemusto also won Kapchorwa Municipality mayoral seat, defeating the incumbent, Andrew Mangusho, an Independent. Kapchorwa District Returning Officer Sarah Akol declared Mr Chemusto the winner after he garnered 7,210 votes, defeating five other candidates. Speaking shortly after being declared winner, Mr Chemusto said his victory was a reflection of the people’s trust in his leadership.

‘This victory is not for me alone, but for all the people of Kapchorwa Municipality who believe in unity and development,’ Mr Chemusto said.

He pledged to run an inclusive and people-centered administration, saying his leadership will focus on service delivery and development.

Buikwe

In Lugazi, Willy Kiwanuka was declared the winner, defeating six other contenders in a closely contested election. Mr Kiwanuka, the former chairperson of Najjembe Division (2016-2021) and the current district councillor representing Najjembe, contested on the National Unity Platform (NUP) ticket and secured 6,706 votes.

He was followed by the incumbent, Mr Asea John Bosco Onzuma of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), who garnered 5,386 votes, while Mr Mike Kayongo of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) came third with 4,542 votes.

Meanwhile, in Njeru Municipality, incumbent mayor Yasin Kyazze of the NRM won a third term after emerging victorious in a race involving six contenders.

Mr Kyazze polled 9,377 votes, defeating his closest rival from the FDC, who received 7,116 votes. Mr Ukasha Ssemakula of the NUP finished third with 4,631 votes. The contest in Njeru was largely dominated by the NRM and FDC candidates.

Masaka

In Masaka City, both NUP and NRM shared the two municipalities of Nyendo/Mukungwe and Kimaanya Kabonera that make up the city with each party winning one division. NUP’s Ronald Kasekende won the Nyendo/Mukungwe mayoral race with 9,377 votes, defeating his closest rival Justine Nakiyinji ( NRM) who got 7,073 votes, Democratic Front (DF)’s Joseph Yoga got 3,221 votes , Gerald Kawuma (Independent) scored 2,198 votes, Denis Lukanga Majwala (DP) got 602 votes, Kisekka John Jones of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) got 163 votes and Daniel Mutebi (Independent) got 125 votes.

In Kimaanya /Kabonera, NRM’s Moses Mulinde emerged victorious with 5,603 votes trouncing Moses Kibuuka of NUP who polled 5,450 votes, Joseph Ssekeba of DF got 1763 votes, Hamidu Bukenya (Independent) got 556 votes and Abud Kasujja (Independent) got 478 votes. NUP got 21 councillors while NRM got 25 out of 48 in the two municipalities.

In Entebbe, NRM flag bearer and incumbent mayor Fabrice Rulinda won the race after collecting 6,704 votes, ahead of former NRM member and now independent candidate Michael Kabwama, who polled 2,746 votes. NUP’s Richard Ssekyondo came in third with 2,630 Votes.

Mukono

In Mukono, the returning officer Emily Amongin declared Robert Peter Kabanda, the incumbent mayor of Mukono Central Division, as winner of Mukono Municipality mayoral seat. He replaces Erisa Nkoyooyo Mukasa.

Mr Kabanda won with 13,112 votes beating NRM’s Mikidadi Mulimira, who garnered 5,054 votes and the incumbent, Erisa Nkoyooyo, who got 2,283 votes.

In Fort Portal City, in the race for division mayors, Mr Joram Bintamanya (Independent) was declared winner by the returning officer, Mr Isaac Byamugsha, defeating the NRM incumbent Richard Muhumuza.

Mr Bintamanya got 7,467 votes, while Muhumuza polled 4,846 votes. In the Mayor of Fort Portal North Division race, the incumbent, Mr Joseph Kiiza Mashuhuku retained his seat after polling 7,183 votes while Kintu Mathias (Independent) came second with 2,884 votes.

In Masindi Municipality, Mr Amanyire Rogers, the NRM flag bearer, also won the seat. In Hoima City, Mr Bosco Muhanuzi (NRM) won the mayor’s seat for Hoima East Division, while Mr Julius Kyomuhendo (Independent) won the mayor’s seat for Hoima West Division.

Arua

In Arua City, in the Ayivu Division Mayoral race, Mr Malon Avutia (NRM) was declared unopposed. His opponent, a local gospel artiste, Mr Jimmy Candia (Independent), withdrew from the race during the campaign period.

Mr Avutia will now serve his second term as the division mayor in the vast area that is characterised by poor roads, low water connection and electricity to homes and some institutions. Mr Avutia said he would use the second term to advocate for better social services.

In the Central Division, Mr Baguma Saidy (NRM), triumphed over seven other contenders to win the crowded race after scoring 2,315 votes in an election characterised by low voter turnout.

A lawyer, Baguma said he would ensure equal service delivery and conducive work environment for traders to tap into cross border commerce. The incumbent Central Division mayor, Mr Muzaid Khemis (FDC) was declared winner of the Central Division Parliamentary seat two weeks ago. In Koboko Municipality, NRM’s Aloro Peter was declared winner after he got 4,193 votes while his closest competitor Lemeriga Sabino (Independent) garnered 2,089 votes.

He replaces the incumbent, Mr Wilson Sanya, who did not seek another term in office after serving for two terms. In Nebbi Municipality, Ms Jackline Opar (NRM) defeated incumbent mayor Geoffrey Ngiriker (Independent).

Ms Opar rose to political limelight in 2006 when she was elected the female youth councillor for Nebbi District. Being an ambitious woman, Opar then contested in NRM primaries for municipal mayor position, which she ably won.

She succees Mr Ngiriker as the second mayor since Nebbi was elevated to municipality status about 10 years ago. In Ankole, NRM again showed its strength by winning four of the six mayoral seats in four municipalities and two division’s elections.

Ibanda, Bushenyi-Ishaka, Sheema

There were also elections in Ntungamo, Ibanda, Bushenyi-Ishaka, Sheema municipalities and Mbarara City Division North and Mbarara City division south.

Out of the six seats, the NRM managed to get four candidates. Two came as independents but NRM-leaning having participated in the party primary elections but didn’t succeed. Mr Gumisiriza Kyabwisho won the Mbarara City North Division seat, defeating NRM’s Benon Mugume.

Mr Deusdedit Mulinde, an Independent candidate, won the Ibanda Municipality mayor race with 13,505 votes, defeating the NRM’s Johnson Kanyomozi who garnered 13,423 votes. Mr Richard Byaruhanga, won the Bushenyi-Ishaka Municipality mayoral race after garnering 6,892 votes against his opponent Evarist Mucunguzi, who garnered 3,525 votes.

Ms Lukia Nakalisa (NRM) was declared winner of the Sheema Municipality mayoral race after getting 12,492 votes against her closest rival Bishweko Basigaraho Moses, who garnered 9,099 votes.

Mr Jacob Kafureeka (NRM) retained his Ntungamo Municipality mayor seat after garnering 3,320 votes against his closest rival Muheki Hakim (Independent) who garnered 1,010 votes. In Rukungiri District, NRM made a breakthrough to win the Rukungiri Municipality mayoral seat after trying since 2010.

If you want to understand an election, watch the rallies. If you want to understand what it might cost, watch ‘Broad Money’ (M3).

Broad money is the most comprehensive measure of an economy’s total money supply, including highly liquid cash. It typically includes currency in people’s pockets plus repurchase agreements, money market fund shares/units, and debt securities.

In practice, it’s the money ordinary transactions and loans are built on; the liquidity that helps businesses pay suppliers, households pay rent, and governments pay bills.

When broad money grows steadily alongside production, it can support credit and growth. When it surges faster than the economy’s ability to supply goods and services, it can translate into inflation, exchange-rate pressure, and a political economy where the people closest to power are best positioned to benefit first.

Uganda’s monetary story has a familiar rhythm: liquidity accelerates as elections approach, then authorities spend the next year trying to drain it back out.

The pattern doesn’t ‘prove’ corruption; money growth is not a courtroom exhibit. But it is a warning light: persistent pre-election monetary expansion is consistent with a system that leans on patronage, off-budget commitments, and a central bank that can be pulled into financing the political calendar.

Here’s the short timeline the IMF numbers allow: Ahead of the 2001 election, broad money grew by 18 percent in the year to December 2000, with a 14 percent expansion projected for 2000/2001.

Likewise, ahead of (and into) the 2011 election, M2 expanded at 21.2 percent in FY 2009/10 and 19.3 percent in FY 2010/11 before dropping to 13.7 percent in FY 2011/12; around the 2016 election, broad money (M3) is shown at 17.5 percent in FY 2014/15 and 16.3 percent in FY 2015/16, with a later dip to 12.6 percent in FY 2017/18.

Looking toward 2026, projections show 11.2 percent in FY 2024/25, jumping to 17.0 percent in FY 2025/26, and easing to 14.2 percent in FY2026/27-while the attached IMF documents do not present a clear broad-money growth figure for the 1995-96, 2005-06, or 2020-21 cycles.

The hinge in this story is a letter dated March 9, 2001 (yes, the election was on March 12 2001), right in the heat of an election year: the ‘Uganda Letter of Intent’ signed by Finance Minister Gerald M Ssendaula to Horst Köhler, the Managing Director at the International Monetary Fund. It read like a technocratic memo with a political pulse.

The government reported that it met almost all quantitative benchmarks, ‘except for the accumulation of unfunded outstanding commitments’ on recurrent spending. And then it gets specific: the ‘failure of two ministries (State House and the Judiciary) to control commitments.’

That’s not a random accounting glitch. It’s a glimpse of how election pressures show up in a budget: promises made, contracts implied, obligations piling up; sometimes faster than Parliament, cash management, or procurement safeguards can contain.

This is where fiscal dominance enters: when the government’s financing needs start dictating monetary conditions. So what does broad money expansion suggest about corruption risk? Think of it as a smoke detector.

Persistent election-linked liquidity growth is consistent with channels that warrant investigation: off-budget commitments, arrears used as shadow spending, procurement shortcuts, campaign-season ‘projects,’ and weak disclosure on supplementary budgets.

Where does the excess broad money go? Some of it gets sterilised into government paper when authorities sell bills and bonds to absorb liquidity. Some leaks into FX deposits and dollarisation, exactly the kind of hedging the 2001 letter flags when foreign-currency deposits jump. Some show up as import demand and pressure on the external balance.

Some find a home in real estate and land, assets that store value when people don’t trust prices. And some sit on bank balance sheets, trapped between political risk and attractive government yields.

None of that is automatic proof. But if every election season coincides with a monetary bulge, the burden shifts to institutions to explain why. In this case, you have your answer.

Police in Tororo District have applauded the public for their alertness and quick intervention that led to the successful recovery of a one-day-old baby boy who had been stolen from Tororo District Hospital.

The baby was stolen on Thursday morning by a woman who disguised herself to help the mother, who was still in pain.

The disappearance of the baby triggered panic among other mothers and caretakers at the maternity ward, prompting an alert from hospital administration, who later called for an intervention of police, who also swiftly mounted a search.

According to police accounts, the incident began when a female stranger approached the baby’s mother under the guise of offering help.

Out of fatigue that resulted from prolonged labour pain, Taaka Florence, the mother of the baby, handed over the baby to the stranger, who ended up disappearing with the child immediately.

The police spokesperson for the Bukedi South region, Moses Mugwe, confirmed that the baby was recovered on Friday night at 1200 hours after the alert by a concerned member of the public after getting information from the media.

He said during the recovery, the police managed to arrest two suspects, including Adongo Jane, 24, a key suspect in the case and her husband, James Okello, 28.

He said the baby has been examined and is in normal condition and has been reunited with his parents.

He added that whereas the baby has been reunited with his parents, investigations are still ongoing to establish the suspect’s motive and determine whether she was alone or may be linked to a wider network involved in child theft.

Mugwe said the community response demonstrates the importance of police-community collaboration in preventing crime.

“This response shows that when communities are alert and willing to work with police, crime can be detected and prevented,” Mugwe said.

Meanwhile, he renewed calls for vigilance among communities about child safety, particularly during social events that attract huge crowds and unfamiliar faces within.

Yet the Absa Africa Financial Markets Index released yesterday reveals a quieter but more disruptive shift.

Uganda has emerged as East Africa’s strongest all-round performer, ranking third overall in Africa, ahead of Kenya and Tanzania, and behind only South Africa and Mauritius.

The rise reflects a combination of macroeconomic stability, legal certainty, and policy predictability, attributes investors increasingly prize in an era of global financial volatility. While several countries have pursued rapid liberalization, Uganda has quietly built credibility through consistency.

Within East Africa, Uganda now outperforms its peers on overall financial market quality. Kenya remains the region’s most liquid and sophisticated capital market, but trails Uganda on macroeconomic stability and legal enforceability.

Tanzania has made steady progress but continues to lag in transparency and market sophistication, while Rwanda has advanced in ESG integration, but its financial ecosystem remains comparatively narrow.

The index indicates that Uganda ranks highly in Africa for macroeconomic stability and transparency, and has avoided boom-and-bust cycles, contained inflation, and maintained fiscal discipline.

This stability has been reinforced by relative foreign exchange resilience at a time when currency volatility has emerged as a major risk facing investors across Africa.

While Ethiopia and Nigeria have implemented sweeping currency reforms, Kenya has faced reserve pressure, and Egypt has undergone sharp devaluations; Uganda has avoided forex shortages and shocks.

The index also highlights Uganda’s institutional and legal strength, placing the country among Africa’s top performers for legal standards.

It also notes that the launch of TradeClear in 2024 has enabled repurchase agreements and derivatives under internationally recognised frameworks, aligning Uganda’s markets more closely with global norms.

Speaking at the launch of the index in Kampala, Secretary to the Treasury Ramathan Ggoobi said Uganda’s improved ranking reflects deliberate policy choices, but warned that structural weaknesses remain.

‘To move Uganda further up the index and deepen our markets, we [need] to expand long-term debt and equity financing for small and medium enterprises, attract venture capital, and lower collateral,’ he said, noting that when the index was first published in 2018, Uganda ranked 10th with a score of 50.

Since then, he noted, improvements in these areas have lifted the country into the top tier of African markets.

Absa acting head of financial markets, Catherine Kijjaggulwe, said Uganda recorded notable gains in domestic investor participation, particularly through pension funds.

The country’s score on the domestic investor pillar rose by seven points, driven by increased pension fund investment in locally listed assets, although she noted that significant room for improvement remains.

NSSF deputy managing director Gerald Paul Kasaato said the pension sector has grown rapidly, with NSSF’s portfolio now standing at Shs28.8 trillion and membership at 3.4 million, though only about 800,000 members are active contributors.

Low capital markets participation

However, he acknowledged that the capital market remains small, limiting meaningful participation by pension funds and other institutional investors.

Despite Uganda’s strengths, the index notes that market depth and liquidity remain shallow, listings are limited, and secondary market activity is thin, well behind Kenya and far below Africa’s heavyweights such as South Africa and Mauritius.

As a result, Uganda attracts conservative capital such as development finance institutions, sovereign investors, and long-term bondholders, but struggles to draw equity investors, venture capital, and higher-risk portfolio flows.

Thus, the challenge remains in converting stability into deeper, broader, and scalable markets that support long-term growth.

For most people, when they think about royals, they think about structure, tradition, all these conventions to uphold, the grammage of paper to be used when one is writing to the queen, and getting the titles right. Yet, here comes Princess Katrina. She has brought a new definition to princesshood, she is Princess Par Excellence. She has said to all of us; look, a princess can be outgoing, a princess can be funny, a princess can dance when her best song plays, and in doing these normal people things, it does not subtract from a princess.

The United Kingdom had Diana Frances Spencer, the Princess of Wales. Buganda and Uganda at large have Sarah Katrina Mirembe Ssangalyambogo Nachwa, aka the Princess of Kampala. She is the people’s princess, choosing to live most of her life outside the confines of the palace, partaking in the daily activities of the commoners.

Princess Katrina was born on July 4, 2001, a few years following the royal wedding of her parents , Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II and Queen Sylvia Nagginda Luswata, aka Nabagerekka, in 1999. It was the wedding of the century and for many years to come, Uganda may not witness a function that grips the entire attention of the country.

Continuing the Royal Sports Legacy

One of the earliest recorded childhood videos of Kabaka Mutebi is when he is engaging in a game of tennis. Prince David Kintu Wasajja (brother to the king) on the other hand is known among the running circles as an active member of the Hashers Club. It is perhaps from Prince Wasajja that Princess Katrina picked the love for the commons, for not having one’s life restrained by the demands of royal nonchalance.

For example, it is easy to flex shoulders unknowingly with Prince Wasajja at a Kampala-Jinja relay, and yet, despite all this, one can always read the composure of royalty, through his demeanour, his touch, and his language.

In comes Princess Katrina making her debut on the national swim team. It was among her first moments in the limelight. She would then leave the country for her high school at the prestigious Peponi School in Ruiru, Kenya. It is Peponi that seems to have had the biggest influence on the princess, and she often refers to all the friends for life that she made from Peponi.

Defying the odds of dyslexia

Although uncommon for royals to openly talk about their struggles, Princess Katrina does not shy away from her journey with dyslexia. She talks about the giggles from some of her classmates when she struggled to pronounce certain words. It seems dyslexia did not hold her back; it became her superpower (in the words of billionaire – Richard Branson).

While at Peponi, she helped run the checkpoints at the Annual Hog Charge, an off-road charity mountain bike race. She was also the head of sports at Peponi and captained both the basketball and football teams. There is no doubt the princess immersed herself into sports from an early age.

So passionate about sports, she flew to Qatar and joined the Ganda traditional dance troupes during the world cup in there.

The Education Trailblazer

At Peponi, her subject specialisations were psychology, photography and physical education. In 2019, she enrolled into the University of Nottingham in the United Kingdom (UK), where she graduated with an Upper Second-Class Honours’ degree in Business Management on July 24, 2023. At her graduation, the Nabagerekka was in attendance together with Prince Jjunju and Princess Victoria Nkinzi, among others.

The princess is currently pursuing her Master’s in Science in Sports Business and Leadership at Loughborough University in the UK and will be graduating in the last half of this yeay. She is also enrolled at the Johan Cruyff Institute for the FIFA football agent examination.

The Princess is outside – working

She is famously remembered for popularising the ‘tuli waweru – tuli outside line’. And indeed, the princess prefers to be outside, working, meeting with people; she is the definition of a princess on the ground. She does not wait to be told what is happening outside the palace, she is outside the palace.

She has worked as a brand representative at Carpe Noctum, an events company in Nottingham. She was active in organising CRISIS – UK’s biggest weekly student night. When it comes to ticketing, crowd management, and social media for events, the princess has been there, done it.

From seizing the night with Carpe Noctum, the princess then joined Two Circles as a sports analyst with the UK Premier League and UEFA Women’s Champion League among their clients. Currently, the princess is freelancing as a sports content and digital media producer. She is the kind to take a simple sports event and transform it into a lasting story, one that captures the hearts and souls of the fans.

Silently, but surely, the princess has curated her brand in sports and events. It is her bread and butter; it is her life’s work. If one were to ask, what is Princess Katrina all about? It is down to sports and events. She lives at the intersection of talent management and fan engagement. She is that bridge between these two worlds.

The Humaniser – The princess without titles

For most people, when they think about royals, they think about structure, tradition, all these conventions to uphold, the grammage of paper to be used when one is writing to the queen, and getting the titles right. Yet, here comes Princess Katrina bringing a human element to royalty.

On one of Nabagerekka’s birthdays, she recommended a selfie video of the queen, and the world got an unfiltered glimpse into that remarkable queen’s smile, the one that melts the hearts of her subjects. Sometimes, she is that beautiful flower hidden in the ordinary section of a Kampala event; a soccer match, or it could be her dancing to some Joshua Baraka. Princess Katrina is to Buganda Kingdom what Natasha is to the Museveni family.

She is a princess just out to live. She is a princess of people’s hearts. Although her name (buffalo’s horn) would suggest otherwise, her power is in how she spices our mundane lives. She is a princess who lives among her people. She presents a beautiful contradiction, she is exposed to criticism, sometimes for her preference to use English. And she will often come back to the same platforms to offer her explanation. She has engaged in dance challenges; the world witnessing her workout routines.

She is just not out to force any life. She is already a royal, her best gift is to present herself unfiltered, to humanise everything about the kingdom, to say, we laugh just like you, we dance just like you, and we are one with you. Some argue that this could later put her on a crash course with the kingdom establishment. If we draw parallels with Princess Diana; participating in the parent’s race at Prince Harry’s sports day, greeting an HIV/Aids patient at a time when stigma was highest. All these humanising efforts could be unsettling for the gatekeepers of royal structure and tradition.

The princess cares for her people

Perhaps it is also high time the country sought the princess for some national duty. She is true to the Gen-Z ideals, of not conforming, of not being trapped by the ideals of the past, but seeking that which resonates to one’s values, one’s aspirations, one’s heart.

She is out to build a legacy but on her own terms. As she lives, one message seems to come out, that it is okay to stop the performance, let us just live, let us just love, let us just care. And what better way to express this message than through sports and events? She espouses the ideal of joy, our vibes princess.

She has brought a new definition to princesshood, she is Princess Par Excellence. She has said to all of us ; look, a princess can be outgoing, a princess can be funny, a princess can dance when her best song plays, and in doing these normal people things, it does not subtract from a princess. And in doing this, she has been a silent reformer.

A reminder of Ganda femininity

If for everything, Princess Katrina has rebranded Ganda femininity or perhaps reminded us of what it means to be a Ganda woman. A woman not really held by convention, instead convention is a compass but not a limitation. Ganda femininity is imposing, although not loud, it speaks in action, it takes assured steps and is never held back.

As she enters the final half of her 20s, it will be beautiful to watch the evolution of the princess’ character arc. Will she curtail her light? Will she even go bolder? Go where the rabbit holes of ordinary life lead? Or will there be straps on her steps?

Yet regardless of the outcome, she owns space in ordinary folk’s hearts, whether it is when she strides in her chiffon dresses, rolls out a new workout routine or takes us by a newest surprise. She is Omumbejja waffe, one of our own, our person, our Kapo, our Kamanda. And when she says jump, we shall ask; ‘how high.your highness?’