Category: Daily Monitor

In late 2005, I packed my post-graduate life, which barely fit in a suitcase, left the grey and soggy gloom of London and returned to Uganda during what felt like a seismic moment; the first-ever multiparty general election.

There’d been parties and elections in 1961, 1962 and 1980, but never a general election in which voters chose their political parties’ presidential candidates. A new Constitution in 1995 had the hallmarks of a fresh start, as did general elections in 1996 and 2001, despite those being held under the no-party or ‘Movement’ system.

We weren’t naive; the 2001 elections had been marred by violence and were followed by dark gathering clouds of what felt like imminent return to war. Kizza Besigye’s escape to exile and attempts by a few mavericks to form a new rebel group, the People’s Redemption Army, added to the tension.

But there was hope. The LRA war in northern Uganda had slowed down to smouldering embers. Despite the kerfuffle over the lifting of the presidential term limits from the Constitution, the prospect of free competition among political parties carried a sense of relief. At least it was presented that way, as a political pressure valve for those in and outside the Movement unhappy with the no-party rule. “Mubaleke bagende” (let them go) was the sentiment.

President Museveni’s conciliatory tone at the funeral of former President Milton Obote in October 2005 hinted at the burying of old and contemporary hatchets. Even Besigye had returned from exile to lead his new political grouping.

But there were pesky “check engine” lights on the political dashboard, and they refused to go away. Soon after his return, Besigye was arrested on treason and rape charges. On the day after my own return, armed commandos raided the High Court to block him and his co-accused from being released on bail.

Still, it felt like teething pains. Judges strongly and bravely remonstrated against the raid on the court premises. The Electoral Commission defied legal advice from the Attorney General and nominated Besigye to run despite still being in detention.

Once the election was held and parties competed without the sky falling, the country could begin to dial down the tension around political contestation, so the logic went.

Yet the election was bloody, and the culture of using violence to resolve political differences continued, including with the 2009 Kayunga Riots, and the clamping down on the walk-to-work protests that followed the 2011 election.

If the return to multiparty politics had been one important step forward, the tightening of public space (including, literally and metaphorically, the fencing off of the Constitutional Square in the capital, Kampala), the reintroduction of stringent legislation and regulations that hamstrung political mobilisation, the rolling out of mass surveillance infrastructure and the clamping down on independent media were several giant leaps backward.

Over the past few months, I have been reviewing my notes, preparing for new challenges and reflecting on whether it was all worth it. One nagging question has been whether we embraced political pluralism too soon or just without the right guardrails.

It was while reflecting on the just-concluded general election, driving through the heart of the opposition in central Uganda, past the tell-tale signs of fires that were lit in middle of roads, by protestors who seem to have vanished in the darkness of anger and the fog of confusion, that the broad outline of an answer began to form, by way of comparison.

In 2005, the main opposition candidate returned from exile and campaigned in jail. In 2026 he did not run or vote, because he had been in jail for more than a year, waiting for trial. The main opposition candidate in this last election, Bobi Wine, remains on the run and could possibly end up in exile. The political parties formed in the new dispensation have been eaten from within. The ruling party remains as meshed to the state as it was under the ‘no party’ system.

It is hard to argue against the view that the return of multiparty politics was merely a short-term manoeuvre to facilitate the removal of presidential term limits. The absence of political will to allow free competition, coupled by the removal of legal and institutional guardrails to centralised power, means that in real terms the Uganda of 2026 has regressed politically, not to 2005 but to 1995.

The challenge for the new entrants in Uganda’s political ring therefore isn’t merely how to compete on an uneven surface; it is how to rewrite the rules by generating a new elite consensus and a new constitutional order. Us as us, we did our best, but it wasn’t good enough.

Hello Paul, my car’s steering feels heavy and makes a whining noise when I turn, mostly at low speeds. Power steering fluid seems low, but it keeps reducing. Could there be a hidden leak, and how dangerous is it to keep topping up without repairs? Richard Mugisha

Hello Richard, a heavy steering wheel accompanied by a whining noise and consistently low power steering fluid levels indicates a problem with your vehicle’s power steering system. The most common culprit is a hydraulic fluid leak. The hydraulic power steering system relies on fluid flowing under pressure to assist with turning the wheels. The symptoms you mentioned strongly suggest a leak in the hydraulic steering fluid.

When the steering becomes heavy, it means that hydraulic assistance has diminished due to low fluid levels or air trapped in the steering system. This can make it more difficult to turn the steering wheel, especially at lower speeds.

The whining noise in your steering system is a sign that the power steering fluid level has dropped significantly. When fluid levels are low, the steering pump can draw in air, which produces a whining sound due to the compression of air bubbles. You can confirm a hydraulic fluid leak by checking the low fluid level on the reservoir dipstick.

There are several common causes of steering fluid leaks. Worn seals around the steering rack and steering pump can become thin or warped due to heat and pressure, leading to leaks. Additionally, loose, torn, cracked, or broken steering fluid hoses and lines can also result in leaks.

It is dangerous to continue driving with a leaking steering system and relying on occasional top-ups. This can result in increased steering difficulty, compromising your road safety. Hard steering can lead to a loss of control, especially during emergency manoeuvres to avoid an accident.

Continuing to drive in this condition may cause irreparable damage to crucial components of the steering system, such as the steering pump, which can overheat and fail permanently. At that point, the steering system may break down completely, making it hard to steer or drive safely.

Topping up the steering hydraulic fluid should be seen as a temporary solution while you arrange for a professional mechanic to investigate and resolve the problem.

Critics have blamed incumbent Member of Parliament for Ajuri County Denis Hamson Obua election loss on his ‘bossy and proud demeanour’.

Mr Obua, who is also the Government Chief Whip, lost the seat to Fred Jalameso of the Opposition Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) party. Nicknamed ‘God the Son’ by his supporters, Obua was widely considered unbeatable, but Jalameso’s grassroots campaign focusing on rural poverty and infrastructure gaps resonated with voters.

Mr Jalameso, a teacher by profession, campaigned under the slogan “Ajuri’s Candle Light,” and targeted Obua’s traditional strongholds, highlighting issues like deteriorating roads and poor sanitation. The first results announced on January 15, showed Mr Jalameso leading with 14,321 votes from 160 of 178 polling stations. Following a complaint by Jalameso citing discrepancies in 18 polling stations, the Electoral Commission ordered a re-run, which was held on Tuesday.

Jalameso was eventually declared the winner with 16,336 votes, while Obua got 15,568. Obua held the position since 2011.

The Government Chief Whip conceded defeat and congratulated Jalameso on his win. He thanked the people of Ajuri County for granting him the opportunity to serve them. ‘For the next five years, I pledge to continue serving my country – Uganda, my NRM [National Resistance Movement] party, and the people of northern Uganda, Lango and Ajuri outside elective politics,’ Mr Obua said, adding: ‘I wish to congratulate the newly elected MP for Ajuri County. Good luck in service.’

Critics say Obua didn’t serve them well, accusing him of failing to highlight their concerns in Parliament. They add that the voters felt neglected. Eric Don, a concerned party, said: ‘We should master the art of being a government big shot while maintaining humility. That’s exactly what Obua failed to master. In fact, I think he would instead exaggerate his security details when visiting home.’

Another critic only identified as Tonny remarked: ‘It’s sad that their appointments have not helped anybody.’ Mr Jalameso said despite the incumbent’s high position, Alebtong and the wider Lango Sub-region have remained marginalised, particularly regarding road infrastructure coverage. Lira City Council speaker Patrick Okwir said: ‘I’m sad that we lost two senior political leaders in Lango, Obua and Ms Betty Amongi. We might blame the government if our sons and daughters are not appointed to Cabinet positions.’ Amongi, the incumbent Oyam South MP, also Gender minister, attempted to uproot Dr Jane Ruth Aceng (NRM) from Lira City Woman parliamentary seat but lost the battle.

Mr Jalameso said the constituency has one under-resourced health centre IV, inadequate drugs, and poor education. Only 14 pupils from Ajuri County passed in Division One in last year’s Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE) . Jalameso said he intends to lobby for the upgrade of Alebtong Health Centre IV to a fully-fledged hospital in addition to ensuring drug supply and basic requirements in health facilities. He added that he plans to reverse the poor performance in PLE, close the gap left by the outgoing MP, enact laws that favour citizens, and oppose any legislation that ‘ties ropes around the necks of Ugandans.’

In the area of infrastructure and relief, the MP-elect pledges to address Lango’s low tarmac coverage and provide effective representation for flood victims. Addressing questions about replacing a powerful figure like the Government Chief Whip, Mr Jalameso emphasised that political ranks do not equate to effective service delivery. He asserted that despite the incumbent’s high government position, Alebtong and the wider Lango Sub-region have remained marginalised, particularly regarding road infrastructure coverage.

The MP-elect framed his leadership philosophy around biblical principles of humility and love for the people, saying that the previous leadership lacked the necessary ‘heart’ for the community. ‘However powerful you are… if you don’t have the heart for the people, you cannot do anything. His (Obua’s) shoes could be smaller than mine,’ he said, adding that the voters recognised this disconnect and were ready for a ‘wind of change’ facilitated by the UPC.

Redirecting this oratory from political theatre in Kampala to practical education in the villages could achieve more tangible change.

The recent electoral cycle, in a plot twist no one saw coming, delivered a delightful shock; the defeat of several prominent, loud, and previously immovable Members of Parliament. These were not your garden-variety backbenchers. They were the human fireworks of the legislative calendar; figures whose connection to constituents seemed as eternal and unquestioned as morning traffic. Their reputations were forged in the white-hot furnace of populist outrage and anti-establishment zingers, and they had the commendable, if occasionally theatrical, courage to stand firm during national debates, provided the camera angles were favourable.

Their true genius lay in translation. They possessed the rare gift of turning the parliamentary soup of legalese, procedure, and partisan sniping into a digestible, often spicy, radio-friendly soundbite. They were the nation’s political colour commentators, making the confusing game seem thrilling. To lose such voices felt, for a moment, like a nation losing its mind. But what if the show is not over? What if it has just moved to a more interesting venue?

For the individuals involved, the experience is both genuine and complex. One moment, you are “The Honourable,” engaging in debates about national budgets; the next, you are simply “Ibrahim,” discussing the home Wi-Fi password with your spouse. The validation that comes from the ballot box is replaced by the quiet judgment of a Google Calendar that suddenly appears emptier than the promises made during campaign season.

The risk we face is descending into political grumpiness, a state where one’s main contribution to society is sharing heavily polarising posts every morning.

However, this is a crucial juncture. We must not view this as a crisis but as a cosmic redeployment opportunity. It represents a form of democratic alchemy; the process of transforming the base metal of electoral defeat into the gold of civic utility.

We have, lying dormant, a valuable resource; a pool of individuals skilled in capturing public attention. The question is not why they failed in their elections, but rather what we can do with their talents now.

Resource

Firstly, let us consider the resource we have at hand; a wealth of visibility. These are individuals who can dominate news bulletins through their charisma or controversy. This ability does not fade away after an electoral loss; it simply becomes free from the constraints of party loyalty. Imagine the potential! Former MP FrancisTumwijukye, once renowned for his fiery speeches on agricultural subsidies, could now use that same passionate voice to educate communities about environmental issues.

Their advocacy could be particularly potent in areas plagued by complex, stubborn problems. Take the cycle of poverty linked to unplanned births. For years, it has been addressed with dry pamphlets and weary nurses.

Imagine former MP Ibrahim Ssemuju, known as the ‘Lion of the Backbench,’ passionately addressing a town hall meeting. ‘A nation cannot be built on diapers alone!’ he might exclaim. ‘Strategic family planning is the ultimate act of patriotic budgeting! Every planned child is a step toward our economic prosperity!’ Is it subtle? No. Is it memorable? Absolutely. He would make birth control feel less like a clinical choice and more like a revolutionary act.

Redirecting this oratory from political theatre in Kampala to practical education in the villages could achieve more tangible change than a dozen passed motions that never see the light of implementation.

The roots

Secondly, their physical removal from the rarefied air of Kampala’s parliamentary terrace is a feature, not a bug. It forces a long-overdue reunion with the very people they represented. There is a world of difference between analysing a pothole on a prime-time panel show and having to drive through it daily to get to the market. This proximity is a brutal but effective teacher.

The former MP who once pontificated abstractly about ‘water access issues’ must now stand in the same queue for the borehole, listening to the very real frustrations of the people. This is where theory meets reality, often with a splash. Their role morphs from representative, a distant speaker, to facilitator, an embedded problem-solver. They shift from talking for the people to, out of sheer necessity, working with them. It is a demotion that could be the greatest promotion of their civic lives.

Finally, and most importantly, their defeat performs a vital public service for democracy’s immune system. In systems suffering from the ‘incumbency curse’, where long tenure breeds a fuzzy sense of ownership over the public seat, the spectacle of a big name losing is a potent vaccine. It is a live, nationally broadcast seminar on a simple truth; political power is a loan, not an inheritance.

By weathering their defeat with a modicum of grace (or at least without attempting to sue the electorate), these former MPs model a crucial behaviour; losing is not a fatal, shameful disease. It is the other side of the coin, the necessary exhale after the inhale of victory. They can help dismantle the dangerous ‘do-or-die’ politics that turn elections into existential wars.

Seeing a once-untouchable figure survive, adapt, and even thrive outside the chamber teaches citizens that the state does not begin and end with one person’s political career.

It normalises the healthy, rhythmic churn of leadership, proving that the exit door is not a cliff-edge but a path to another useful field. The unseating of these political celebrities is not a funeral for their relevance, but a launch party for a different kind of influence.

When the world of high politics ‘breaks’ a career, as Hemingway suggested, we now have the chance to see what emerges from the broken places. Liberated from the scripted drama of the chamber, these individuals hold a unique toolkit: visibility, communication skills, and a deep network.

Their potential to drive local projects, mentor communities, and demonstrate resilient citizenship is immense. They have the chance to prove a wonderfully subversive point; that sometimes, the most powerful act of leadership is to leave the official leadership building, roll up your sleeves, and finally get to work.

Turning savings from a regulatory or training institute’s operational efficiency into scholarship creates a virtuous cycle that enhances both the institution’s reputation and its social impact on people’s lives and the economy at large.

One of the key importance of these initiatives is human capital development in the sense that allocating cost savings toward scholarship directly supports education and training, improving the quality of life, boosting labour productivity, and fostering economic development.

The Institute of Certified Public Accountants of Uganda, on January 28, unveiled 10 students for its seventh scholarship for cohort seven, costing it Shs50 million, catering for students’ course expenses, which takes two and a half years to be completed.

So, since the inception of this initiative in 2019 to date, ICPAU has so far spent Shs350 million, including the just-unveiled cohort of seven beneficiaries.

‘This scholarship is out of the institute’s own savings from operations and investments in the money market. The goal of this initiative is to build and expand professionalism in accountancy in the country,’ the manager of the Business Development Institute of Public Accountants of Uganda, Ms Lydia Tumusiime, said during the unveiling of the ICPAU Scholarship beneficiaries’ cohort 7 on Wednesday, January 28, at Protea Naguru SKYZ.

Ms Tumusiime said each year the institute takes 10 students and spends Shs5 million on each.

Ms Salome Seruyange, a member of the education and research committee of ICPAU, said the duration of the course is two and a half years.

‘This certified Public Accountant (CPA) course has to be completed within this period, and there is no money provided to someone who fails one of the papers along the way. If one fails, he or she pays his or her tuition to repeat the course,’ she said.

How one gets the ICPAU scholarship, Ms Seruyange, said, one has to apply when the institute advertises it, and people who are eligible to apply for the scholarship are those who have completed a bachelor’s degree from reputable universities or accredited institutions of higher learning.

She said the students are selected based on merit, considering those who have score First Class, Second Class and Upper Class degrees.

The President of ICPAU, Mr Timothy Ediomu, said the scholarship is for needy and bright students who have excelled in their degree studies. This CPA course is very important for one’s professional career.

‘The accountancy has sustainable impacts across health, education among others. All these sectors impact the growth of the economy,’ he said.

The National Unity Platform (NUP) has dominated in Busoga sub-region, winning three municipalities and divisions in the recently concluded mayoral elections.

NUP flag bearers secured victories in Iganga Municipality, Jinja South Division, and Jinja North Division, while NRM candidates won Kamuli and Bugiri municipalities.

Jinja City NRM General Secretary, Medi Ntuuyo, attributed NUP’s dominance to weaker grassroots mobilisation by NRM flag bearers.

“NRM’s strong mobilization during the presidential and district elections delivered great wins, but afterwards, grassroots efforts slowed, leaving an opportunity for the opposition,” Ntuuyo said.

He added that NRM candidates became complacent, assuming their teams would campaign for them automatically using the same resources from the previous elections, but that strategy did not work.

Iganga District NRM Chairperson, Abubaker Walubi, noted that the reduced popularity of President Museveni created space for NUP flag bearers to gain ground in Busoga.

“People in Busoga support Museveni, which is why many NRM flag bearers won seats during the LC5 elections and subsequent polls, riding on his wave,” Walubi said.

NUP’s strong performance is attributed to the influence of urban areas, according to Ibrahim Ndoga, a member of the National Publicity Committee for the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC).

“When you analyze closely, there is massive support for NUP in developed towns. The same applies here in Busoga, so this win was expected,” Ndoga said.

However, a source within the NRM in Jinja blamed party members’ selfishness for costing them seats. The Jinja City NRM publicity secretary, Amina Mirembe, attributed the party’s defeat to infighting among members, particularly during the party primaries.

“Infighting within NRM began during the primaries, pushing some members to support NUP, whose leaders remained united and backed their candidates at all levels,” Mirembe said.

Morrison Moses Bizitu, the Busoga Regional coordinator of NUP, attributed their strong performance to the BVVK, which helped prevent their opponents from engaging in vote-rigging. “BVVK helped us prevent vote rigging by our opponents, which enabled us to win most of the seats,” Bizitu said. He added that the NRM has nothing new to offer after 40 years in power.

“People are tired of the NRM. After 40 years in power, the party has nothing new to offer and has become complacent, no longer reflecting the will of the people,” Bizitu said.

Meddy Mutebi, the Chairperson of NUP in Jinja City, said the party performed strongly across parliamentary and mayoral races.

“In Jinja, we have performed well at almost all levels, including the parliamentary level. The NRM has nothing new to offer after staying in power for 40 years, which is why people decided to vote for NUP candidates,” Mutebi said.

Jinja City made history in the 2026 general elections after NUP swept all four parliamentary seats in the city, ending decades of shared dominance with the NRM.

However, the trend was reversed at the district level, where the NRM retained dominance across Busoga, winning in most of the sub-region’s 12 districts. NUP secured district-level victories only in Bugweri and Iganga.

From the perspective of an exiled Ugandan who witnessed them firsthand, this account revisits the 1985 Nairobi peace talks and explains why mistrust, political manoeuvring and the reality of war ensured their failure.

I was one of the exiled Ugandans who witnessed the Nairobi peace talks. Most of us who attended were sceptical from the word go. The talks, later dubbed by some pessimists as the Nairobi Peace ‘Jokes’, began on August 26, 1985, with President Daniel Arap Moi as chair, and ended on December 17.

Before that, the initial meeting with Museveni was held at the home of Mathew Rukikaire, chairman of the NRM External Wing, where he briefed us about the progress of the war. He said the NRA was confident of victory and that it was only a matter of time.

Museveni explained that Okello could neither win nor surrender, which was why he had earlier appealed to President Moi to persuade the NRA to surrender.

Museveni had already held discussions with those in the bush and now wanted to hear the views of exiles in Nairobi.

Background

On July 27, 1985, a section of the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA), commanded by Brigadier Bazilio Olara-Okello, staged a coup d’état against Milton Obote’s government. The National Assembly was dissolved, and a Military Council was established to rule the country, first with Olara Okello and later with Gen Tito Okello as chairman.

Meanwhile, Museveni’s National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels were gaining ground, taking advantage of the chaotic situation caused by a power struggle within the government and a demoralised, disintegrating UNLA.

Tito Okello openly invited all parties involved in Uganda’s violence to join in national reconciliation and nation-building. All the major armed groups accepted, except the National Resistance Movement (NRM), the political wing of the NRA.

Okello approached President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania to facilitate a negotiated agreement between the NRM/A and the Military Council. Museveni and the NRM failed to attend the first round of talks in Dar es Salaam, possibly suspicious of Nyerere’s friendship with the ousted Milton Obote.

Alternative arrangements were made for discussions presided over by a mutually acceptable Kenyan delegation, headed by President Daniel Arap Moi.

Negotiations

On realising Museveni’s strength in the bush, Okello asked President Moi to persuade him to cease fire and negotiate an agreement with the Military Council. The gruelling negotiations continued from August 26 to December 17.

Museveni and the NRM/A were angered that the revolution they had fought for four years had been ‘hijacked’ by the UNLA, which they viewed as discredited by gross human rights violations during Obote II.

The talks occasionally degenerated into slanging matches. Museveni denounced previous Ugandan regimes as ‘primitives’ and ‘backward,’ initially refusing to negotiate with the ‘criminal’ Military Council.

Museveni and the NRM adopted a mercurial negotiating position, changing demands and reintroducing supposedly resolved issues. Okello’s team accused the NRM of unnecessarily prolonging the discussions. On one occasion, Museveni disappeared for three days, only to return with new demands. Both sides accused each other of maintaining links with soldiers loyal to former president Idi Amin. These details are drawn from eyewitness accounts and memoirs of those present.

Talks fall apart

Article 17(c) of the agreement called for a commission of inquiry into human rights violations in Uganda since independence. This created a disincentive for the UNLA to implement the plan, as many of its leaders were likely to be implicated in abuses under Obote II.

The prospects of a lasting agreement were further weakened by the context of the negotiations. The Kenyan team lacked in-depth knowledge of Uganda’s situation, the key personalities involved, and their views, failing to build meaningful relationships with the parties to the conflict.

When Museveni asked those in exile if the NRA could cease fire while the talks continued, the general consensus was ‘NO’, to continue fighting. Quoting from the late Besweri Mulondo’s book Semusota GuliMuntamu, he wrote: ‘Let us have the peace talks, but fighting should go on.’

During the meeting, Besweri Mulondo informed Museveni that he had stopped referring to him as vice-chairman of the NRM and instead recognised him as chairman, following Yusuf Lule’s death. Mulondo’s proposal was not challenged.

The Nairobi accord collapsed just weeks after it was signed. The NRM accused the Military Council of not honouring its terms, though memoirs provide much of the detail about what the parties were thinking and feeling.

‘The peace talks did not amount to much. Each side was trying to deceive the other. Museveni went knowing he was close to victory. He knew his fighters were making good progress, closing in on Kampala,’ Rukikaire recalled.

Tito Okello, on the other hand, despised the fighters, seeing them as young boys with no military skills. He suggested incorporating them into the government army, which Museveni deemed impossible.

‘So, the peace talks were just on the surface, but underneath, they were peace jokes,’ Rukikaire said. Accusations flew from both sides of working with Amin’s former soldiers, seen as architects of dictatorship and torture.

Uganda had gone to the dogs, a situation both sides wanted to change, and neither wanted association with the discredited army. ‘We are here to talk, we are going to talk, but I must tell you that if you continue to kill people, this peace cannot hold. You must stop killing people,’ said Museveni, naming those killed by the Okellos.

The talks were notoriously acrimonious. The resultant ceasefire broke down almost immediately. The final agreement, signed in Nairobi, had called for a ceasefire, demilitarisation of Kampala, integration of the NRA and government forces, and absorption of NRA leadership into the Military Council. None of these conditions were met.

Museveni takes power

The economy was in total shambles. When the NRM struggle began, Obote had turned into a vicious dictator, prepared to abrogate the Constitution with impunity. Most Ugandans could not see a good future, and many of us joined the NRM on that basis.

The war intensified, and it was not long before it ended, with Tito Okello going into exile. The war had lasted five years and two months. Museveni was sworn in as President of Uganda on January 26, 1986, amid cheers from the people. These events are widely documented in historical records.

The Minister of ICT and National Guidance, Dr Chris Baryomunsi, has stated that the security deployment at the opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) party president Robert Kyagulanyi’s home is to protect it against Ugandans from using it as a public disorder hub.

While responding to queries raised by the Leader of Opposition in Parliament Joel Ssenyonyi, during the Thursday Parliament sitting, Dr Baryomunsi said the deployment is not intended to harass anybody.

“We are not interested in him [Kyagulanyi], that’s why I said he’s free to be in his home. At the moment, he’s not at home, but he’s free at the time as well as members of his family. There is light deployment at his home, not to harass anybody, but for Ugandans not to use the home as a public disorder hub,” Dr Baryomunsi said.

He added, “Therefore, there is some access control because when the head of the home is not there, you don’t want the whole crowd of Ugandans to converge there. So there’s some control, but harmless.”

Dr Baryomunsi insisted that the government is not interested in arresting Kyagulanyi, as there are no charges against him, noting that the NUP leader is free to go back to his home regardless, as he doesn’t break any law.

“He chose on his own volition to go into hiding. The state is not interested in him. Otherwise, the state would pick him from wherever he is, because we know. We have technology to trace people, but because we are not interested in him, that’s why I said he’s free to be in his home,” Dr Baryomunsi said.

The State Minister for Internal Affairs, Gen David Muhoozi, also responding to the same query in Parliament, said that Kyagulanyi’s family is not under any arrest, stating that his home is not a gazetted prison.

“First of all, a prison supposes that there are prisoners in a premise, that home is not a gazetted prison, Kyagulanyi himself is not there, so I want to state categorically clear that, that home is not a prison,” Gen Muhoozi said.

He added, “There may be inconveniences and security may have reasons for their presence there, and those ones we can iron out.”

However, he denied holding Ms Lina Zedriga and Ms Jolly Tukamushaba, both NUP deputy presidents for Northern and Western Uganda respectively, among others who are alleged to have been abducted, with their whereabouts still unknown.

“We don’t abduct, we arrest. If you breach the law, you get arrested and we can account for all those people under custody. It may delay, to be produced but we don’t abduct as a government,” Gen Muhoozi said.

Tucked in the heart of Kampala city, The Patio Bella, found on Arena Mall Upper Ground Floor, has proved it doesn’t just serve food, but is on a mission to curate an experience. From the moment you step through its elegant doors, it’s clear that this is more than fine dining, but also a little escape from daily life.

Today, the world of dining continues to embrace a holistic approach to food and wellness, and that is what I first noticed at The Patio Bella when one goes there. The patriots seem to be on a mission to dominate upscale hospitality by blending nature with luxury to enhance wellbeing.

Upon entering, the first aspect that grabs your attention is the delightful reception, warm interior – soft lighting, living greenery, bespoke art piece and a scent specifically tailored to evoke calmness and anticipation. The décor aligns with a broader trend which is sustainable luxury that doesn’t compromise on quality or flair.

You will be aware that this is the kind of hospitality for which this restaurant strives – a rather old-school notion that restaurants should be pure, glamorous, fragrant escapism. The Staff are elegantly attentive – anticipating needs before they’re voiced – embodying the trend of anticipatory service that defines top-tier hospitality in today’s world.

When you check the menus, items such as Organic beef steak show that sustainability is on the plate in this plush restaurant featuring local produce sourced from local farmers. You can also notice that Zero-waste principles are evident, especially by their creative use of every ingredient to form delicious treats that they serve their guests. Behind the scenes, smart kitchen workflows ensure precision timing without sacrificing the human warmth of chef-prepared dishes.

Each of their dishes tell a different story, right from the charcoal-seared grilled chicken breast paired with Avocado, eggs, steamed spinach, roasted plantain, toast, breakfast potatoes for the Patio’s Fit breakfast, to the sweet and sour sizzling pork served with assorted vegetables, onion gravy and an accompaniment of your choice. The Patio’s kitchen celebrates heritage ingredients with modern techniques, a hallmark of forward-thinking haute cuisine.

The Patio Bella stands for luxury and amazing food. Their service staff describe each course with genuine passion, a nod to the hospitality priority of authentic connection.

The price points on the menu are friendly for a luxury diner in Kampala, but what is more important to note is that the restaurant champions inclusivity. By looking at their menu, one can tell it caters to varied dietary needs regardless of background, ability, or dietary restriction. The cuisines include African, Cafe, Asian and Fusion, served at Breakfast, lunch, Brunch, late night and drinks. The other services include delivery at any of your locations, digital payments, Free WiFi, ample parking space, private dining, take-away, and accessible wheelchair, which all reflect today’s trend of inclusive experiential design in luxury dining.

There is an offer of Perfect Pairing, where one gets to enjoy mouth-watering combos that may include Jerk Chicken, Brown rice, Fries, chapatti, Avocado, onion salsa, chicken or tomato gravy served with either a classic nojito or juice of your choice at ShS55,000.

Uganda is entering a decisive moment in its political history. After more than four decades under one president, public debate is increasingly focused on the prospect of succession-particularly the possibility that power could shift to his son, who currently serves as Commander of the Defence Forces. This situation raises profound questions about democracy, stability, and the country’s long-term development.

One of the most pressing concerns is the risk of dynastic or hereditary rule. When leadership appears to pass within a family rather than through open, competitive elections, democratic principles are weakened. Citizens may begin to feel that political power is inherited rather than earned, discouraging participation and eroding trust in public institutions. Over time, this perception can hollow out democracy, even if elections continue to be held.

Closely linked to this is the growing militarisation of politics. A serving military commander playing an overt political role blurs the crucial line between civilian authority and military power. An apolitical, professional military is a cornerstone of national unity and constitutional order. When that neutrality is questioned, it can intimidate opponents, distort political competition, and undermine confidence in the armed forces as a national, rather than partisan institution.

Uganda has also experienced a steady shrinking of democratic space. Long-term rule often goes hand in hand with weakened checks and balances, constrained opposition, restricted media, and pressure on judicial independence. For many citizens-especially young people-this creates a sense of exclusion from decision-making. Such exclusion does not simply produce apathy; it can fuel unrest, disengagement, or the search for opportunities beyond the country’s borders. The youth question is particularly urgent. Uganda has one of the youngest populations in the world, yet political and economic power remains concentrated among an aging elite.

If young people continue to see limited pathways to leadership, employment, and influence, frustration will grow. A demographic dividend can quickly turn into a demographic burden if aspirations are consistently blocked. Supporters of continuity often argue that it guarantees stability. In the short term, this may be true. But history across Africa and beyond shows that systems built around individuals rather than strong institutions are inherently fragile. When succession is unclear or perceived as predetermined, uncertainty increases. Elite rivalries intensify, public confidence declines, and the risk of abrupt political crises rises.

Uganda’s future, therefore, is not predetermined. There are constructive paths forward. Strengthening independent institutions such as the courts, parliament, and electoral bodies would help restore public trust. Ensuring that the military remains professional and firmly outside partisan politics is essential. Expanding political space, encouraging genuine dialogue, and allowing peaceful, constitutional transitions of power would signal a commitment to long-term stability. Equally critical is addressing youth unemployment and inclusion, so that the country’s largest generation sees a stake in its future.

Uganda stands at a crossroads. One path leads toward deeper militarisation and dynastic politics; the other toward institutional strength and democratic renewal. The choice made today will shape the nation for generations. Ultimately, sustainable progress will depend not on who holds power, but on whether power is accountable, lawful, and grounded in the consent of the governed.