Category: Daily Monitor

Uganda’s tax-to-GDP ratio had for several years stagnated at about 11 percent, before rising to 13.7 percent about five years ago.

But despite the rise, the ratio is still too low to help the country achieve critical development targets.

The low ratio underscores persistent challenges in domestic revenue mobilization and heavy reliance on a narrow tax base.

Against this backdrop, Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) has unveiled an ambitious 2025/30 strategy that seeks to significantly boost revenue collection and raise the tax-to-GDP ratio to over 18 percent by the 2029/30 financial year.

According to the report, the strategy is largely anchored in the Domestic Revenue Mobilization Strategy and seeks to reverse years of subdued performance in revenue collection relative to economic growth.

Although the economy has expanded steadily, tax revenues have not kept pace, leaving Uganda below regional and continental averages.

The URA strategy is designed to support the Fourth National Development Plan and government’s Ten-fold Growth Strategy, which targets expanding the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) from $50b to $500b by 2040.

‘Key pillars and initiatives for the URA 2025-2030 strategy include digital transformation and data-driven enforcement, with a shift from reactive to predictive tax administration,’ the report states.

URA also plans to leverage Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Machine Learning (ML) to detect non-compliance early and improve enforcement efficiency.

Other measures include deepening the use of the Electronic Fiscal Receipting and Invoicing Solution (EFRIS) and expanding digital tax stamps to curb leakages in Value Added Tax (VAT) and Excise Duty.

The strategy also emphasizes data integration, including improved data sharing across government agencies, and the use of National Identification Numbers (NINs) as Tax Identification Numbers (TINs) to simplify registration and broaden the tax base.

Mr Bill Nkeeto, Dean of the Faculty of Business and Management at Victoria University, says that for URA to achieve its targets by 2030, it should focus on high-potential sectors such as oil and gas, tourism, agro-industry, and the ICT and creative arts sector.

He also notes that greater emphasis must be placed on bringing the informal sector into the tax net, which remains largely untaxed despite accounting for a significant share of economic activity.

The tax register, according to URA data, has about 3.5 million taxpayers, but more than 70 percent of Uganda’s tax revenue is generated from just about 1,000 taxpayers.

But to achieve the targets, URA Commissioner General John Musinguzi says they will need to boost staff numbers by recruiting about 1,500 new staff to strengthen enforcement and build specialised systems for monitoring compliance in the oil and gas sector. He also notes that there is need to build mechanisms to reduce legal disputes.

‘We shall strengthen the use of Alternative Dispute Resolution mechanisms to reduce litigation and speed up revenue recovery, and expand the URA Tax Academy to improve staff training and taxpayer education,’ Musinguzi says.

Despite the optimism surrounding the strategy, concerns remain over the high tax targets, which could increase pressure on already compliant taxpayers if the tax base is not sufficiently broadened.

The proposed use of National Identification Numbers (NINs) for tax registration has also raised data privacy and protection concerns, which the authority will need to address to maintain public trust.

Analysts note that while the strategy is ambitious, its success will depend on effective implementation, sustained economic growth, and the ability to transition Uganda from years of tax-to-GDP stagnation at around 11 percent to a more robust and inclusive revenue system.

The municipal and division mayoral elections in Kampala and its metropolitan areas on Tuesday marked the return of the Biometric Voter Verification Kits (BVVKs), two weeks after their controversial failure during the presidential and parliamentary elections held on January 15. While the election officers at various polling stations insisted that the technology functioned better this time, the polls were largely overshadowed by low voter turnout, delayed polling, logistical challenges, and renewed allegations of interference in several areas.

Across Kampala’s five divisions, Rubaga, Makindye, Kawempe, Central and Nakawa, as well as Mukono and Wakiso districts, polling officials waited for voters who never came on time, while candidates expressed frustration over apathy, technical glitches, and what they described as a shrinking public trust in the electoral process. Voting in Rubaga Division was characterised by a thin turnout, late opening of polling stations, technological challenges, and allegations of interference, as candidates and voters raised concerns about the integrity of the process.

The incumbent Rubaga Division Mayor, Mr Mbeeraze Zacchy Mawula of the National Unity Platform (NUP), cast his vote at Kampala University Polling Station in Mutundwe II, Kampala. Addressing journalists shortly after voting, Mr Mawula called on security agencies to execute their mandate professionally by protecting voters and safeguarding ballot materials. ‘There have been reports of ballot boxes allegedly being tampered with before reaching tally centres,’ Mr Mawula said. ‘This practice is unfair to candidates and threatens public confidence in elections.’

Biometric machines return

On the use of biometric technology, Mr Mawula acknowledged improvement compared to the presidential and parliamentary elections, saying the machines were largely efficient and time-saving. ‘When the biometric machines work as intended, they reduce the risk of ballot stuffing because all voters are digitally recorded,’ he said. ‘This enhances transparency and credibility.’ However, several polling stations across Rubaga South Division in Kampala struggled to begin voting on time.

At Kitebi Primary School, voting was delayed despite the timely arrival of materials, as officials failed to secure the minimum number of voters required by law to witness the opening of the polling materials. Mr Husein Waibi, a polling assistant, explained that the delay was procedural. ‘The law does not allow us to begin voting without the required number of witnesses,’ he said. ‘We are hopeful that more voters will come as the day goes on.’ Mr Siraje Kifampa, the People’s Front for Freedom mayoral candidate in Rubaga, said the situation could significantly affect the outcome.

‘Very few people have shown up to vote,’ Mr Kifampa said. ‘Low turnout directly affects candidates’ performance.’

Similarly, Mr Abdul Karim Kiggundu, a candidate for LC3 councillor in Mutundwe, blamed the apathy on limited voter education. ‘Many voters do not understand the importance of local government elections,’ he said. At Kasumba Zone, Kibuye Market Polling Station, voting began at around 10.30am after the BVVK machines failed to verify several voters.

The presiding officer, Mr Rashid Otete, later allowed those not verified biometrically to use the manual register. Even then, verification took between six and 10 minutes per voter, causing long queues. Ms Rita Nakanjako, one of the affected voters, said the process was frustrating. ‘I was rejected by the machine and had to rely on the manual register. It was stressful,’ she said. Opposition candidates also raised allegations of interference. Mr Moses Kasibante, the Democratic Front mayoral candidate, alleged that ballot boxes were taken and polling agents beaten by groups of goons in parts of Nateete and Namirembe.

‘These incidents, if not addressed, will undermine the credibility of the election,’ Mr Kasibante warned. Voters busy elsewhere? In Makindye West Division, particularly at Madiriza Zone, Kasawe Polling Station, polling officers and agents were seen seated idly, waiting for voters amid low turnout. Mr Deo Genza, the chairperson of the Makindye Division Urban Council boda boda stage, expressed concern over the low turnout. ‘Many people have gone to work. That is why the turnout is low,’ Mr Genza said. ‘The government should consider declaring election days public holidays,’ he added.

He added that Makindye West Division has 12 parishes, 436 polling stations, and more than 255,000 registered voters, yet turnout remained worryingly low. Ms Shamin Nassali, a polling assistant at the same polling station, said voting was proceeding smoothly despite the low turnout. ‘The biometric machines are working this time, so voting is moving well,’ she said. In Makindye East, voting was also delayed at several polling stations. A light morning drizzle affected voting in some areas, while in others such as Golden Eagle Junior School and Pantaleo Betty’s place in Kabalagala, materials reached in time but there were no voters.

By 1pm, about two voters had showed up in a 20-minute span at some polling stations. At Munyonyo Gardens Polling Station, voting was delayed until 11.30am after the Electoral Commission (EC) supplied the wrong ballot papers for Salaam A and B councillor positions. Mr Francis Sseguya, the NUP candidate for Salaam A, accused the EC of negligence. ‘Many of my supporters missed voting because ballot papers were not available until late,’ he said. ‘The 2026 elections have exposed serious weaknesses at the EC,’ he added.

In Kawempe Division, particularly at Makerere University’s Complex and Mitchell Hall, turnout appeared slightly better than during the presidential polls. ‘The turnout today is better than last week,’ Ms Samalie Isabella Kisakye, the presiding officer at Mitchell Hall, said. ‘People relate more with leaders they interact with daily,’ she added. Mr Martins Kato, a councillor candidate, credited grassroots mobilisation. ‘We called voters, sent messages, and physically visited them. That effort has helped,’ he said.

However, he accused rival parties of attempting to manipulate the process through bribery and intimidation. Presiding officers acknowledged that while the machines worked, they slowed the process. ‘With registers, it is faster. With machines, there are many steps,’ Ms Kisakye said. In Kampala Central Division, polling officially began at 8am across most stations, but voter turnout remained consistently low throughout the day, mirroring the apathy witnessed in other parts of the city.

Polling assistants and agents at several stations described a slow and uneven flow of voters, with long stretches passing without a single person turning up to vote. At Nakasero II Polling Station (A to L), Mr Emmanuel Kiiza, a polling assistant, said voting commenced on time but was characterised by irregular voter attendance. ‘Voting started at exactly 8am, but voter turnout has not been stable,’ Mr Kiiza said. ‘Voters are showing up at regular intervals, but the numbers are still low.’

Despite the apathy, Mr Kiiza expressed relief that the biometric machines were functioning better than during the presidential and parliamentary elections. ‘This time the voter verification machines have finally worked,’ he said. ‘We are optimistic that the turnout will be better than that of the previous elections.’ At Crested Towers Polling Station, voting proceeded calmly under tight security, with only a handful of voters appearing every 15 to 20 minutes. Polling officials relied on both biometric machines and manual registers for verification, particularly for voters whose fingerprints could not be detected.

In Nakawa Division, polling was slow, with some stations failing to meet the required minimum number of voters before voting could commence. Both incumbent Mayor Paul Mugambe and challenger Ali Bukeni, alias Nubian Li, cast their votes and outlined their agendas. Despite logistical challenges, voting remained largely peaceful.

Mukono District

Municipality-level elections in Mukono were marked by unusually low voter turnout, with several polling stations largely deserted throughout the day, raising serious concerns about voter mobilisation, civic education, and the EC preparedness. A visit to multiple polling stations across Mukono Municipality, including Mulago-Ggulu Ward, Maternity Ward, St Paul’s Catholic Parish, St Mary’s Noah Primary School, St Dunstan, and Butebbe Village, revealed a striking absence of voters, despite the timely delivery of electoral materials and the presence of polling officials.

Mr Moses Kizito, a voter, said some people did not turn up to vote because the EC announced two candidates for the position of LCV chairperson. ”Ten of my family members are not coming to vote because NRM members stormed the tally centre and rigged the election. The people we vote for are left behind and not given declaration forms, so what is the reason for voting?” he said. At some stations, residents who passed by appeared confused, with several expressing surprise upon learning that local government elections were taking place. Others said they had not received any official communication regarding the polls.

Sarah Ndagire, the presiding officer at Mulago-Ggulu Ward Polling Station, said the materials arrived a bit early, but no voters showed up despite candidates’ agents reporting to the station early. “The few voters who have turned out to vote are also asking us why we are using biometric machines this time round, actually, some had refused to vote, and we had to convince them,” she said. Mr Moses Nyombi Salongo, the chairman of Wantoni Cell in Mukono Municipality, said his area has approximately 1,800 registered voters. Despite this, a few people are turning out to vote.

He said some polling stations could even take 30 minutes without receiving a voter. Residents and local leaders also blamed the low turnout on poor public sensitisation, accusing authorities of failing to adequately inform voters about the elections. Some questioned whether sufficient civic education had been conducted to explain the role and importance of district-level leadership.

Wakiso District

In Wakiso’s Nansana Municipality, polling materials arrived on time, but turnout remained extremely low. Several polling stations failed to start voting early due to the absence of the legally required minimum of 10 voters. By 9am, voting had begun at only one of the three polling stations at Nabweru Playground Polling Centre in Nansana Municipality. At Benzima, two polling stations had not attained the required number of 10 people needed to start voting. The situation was similar at St Stephens Church of Uganda, Nansana, with three of the seven polling stations having failed to start voting by 11.30am.

Mr Steven Buule, an Independent councillor candidate for Nabweru North Ward, blamed the low turnout on ‘frustrations’ in the previous presidential and parliamentary elections. Mr Buule decried the use of biometric machines, claiming this also fuels the low voter turnout. “What logic is there in abruptly using biometrics machines that weren’t used in the previous elections? It’s intended to frustrate voters because the machines take too much time, and probably this is imposed to favour NRM candidates,” he said. The use of biometric voter identification machines caused slight delays, with each voter taking between four and six minutes to be processed.

A trainer was present at each polling station to assist officials with any challenges in operating the machines. Shortly after casting his vote at St Stephen’s Church of Uganda Polling Station, Mr John Bosco Sserunkuma, the NUP mayoral candidate for Nansana Municipality, criticised security personnel for allegedly sidelining the agents of the candidates. “We have seen a number of irregularities, including the RDC commanding a team of security personnel moving from polling station to polling station chasing away our polling agents. We don’t understand what his mission is.

Under the law, our agents are supposed to monitor the whole process, including making sure whoever comes to vote is eligible, but he has denied them that by ordering them to sit a distance away from the polling verification desk,” he said.

Biometric failure

The widespread failure of Biometric Voter Verification Kits (BVVKs) during the January 15 presidential and parliamentary elections was likely a result of Internet shutdown, according to highly-placed sources. The Electoral Commission (EC), a legal entity mandated to organise elections and referenda in the country, however, said the glitches had nothing to do with lack of Internet. EC spokesperson Julius Mucunguzi acknowledged that Internet connectivity was required for verification of voters’ particulars, but said other aspects of the devices could function while offline. “It was not expected that they would be working using the Internet.

The process of [the functioning of the BVVKs], save for the biometric verification, are all offline,” he noted. “So, the malfunctioning of the machines is not linked to the absence or presence of the Internet,” he added. In a demonstration to journalists last month, the EC showed that authentication of a voter’s particulars included an operator using BVVK to scan QR codes on a Voter Location Slip or National Identity Card to automatically pull up the profile of a duly registered individual from the National Voters’ Regigister.

Compiled by Damali Mukhaye, Isaac Ssejjombwe, Shabibah Nakirigya, Promise Twinamukye, Sylvia Katushabe, Sylvia Namagembe, Prossy Kisakye, Daphine Nakabiri, Juliet Kigongo, Michael Kakumirizi, Jessica Sabano, Barbra Anyait, Vincent Lusambya, Tony Abet, Jane Nafula, Moses Ndaye, David Walugembe, Micheal Sebalu, Abdul Nasser Stephen Otage and Karim Muyobo.

When Ugandan scholar and author Prof Mahmood Mamdani took to the stage in the Jain Bhavan Auditorium in Nairobi on the evening of January 23, 2026, he was flustered. He put his hand over his forehead and squinted into the fully packed hall, visibly overwhelmed by the sea of faces staring back at him. He later noted that audiences of that size do not usually show up to listen to intellectuals like him, especially for scholarly discourse on the state. Yet there he was, receiving the kind of excitement usually reserved for Afrobeats stars or high-stakes political rallies.

Prof Mamdani and Jahazi Press, the East African publisher of his latest book, ‘Slow Poison: Idi Amin, Yoweri Museveni, and the Making of the Ugandan State’, had stumbled into a storm of surprise. The Kenyan launch of the book exploded beyond expectations. After a successful run in the sleepy coastal city of Mombasa, the tour moved to Nairobi, where interest surged within hours of the announcement. Initially, the launch was planned for Cheche, a radical pan-Africanist bookshop in the Lavington suburbs (where big Ugandans own expensive homes), with organisers preparing for a maximum of 400 people.

Nearly 800 people registered almost immediately, forcing the organisers to hastily impose a KSh1,000 (UShs 28,000) cap on numbers. It made no difference. People paid anyway, leading to a shift to the 1,000-capacity Jain Bhavan Auditorium. Even that proved insufficient, requiring a second open event on Saturday, January 24.

Ghost of 1960s Kampala

Such demand is unprecedented for a paid book launch and represents a first at this scale for a scholarly work in Nairobi-and likely in Africa. This is all the more striking given that Prof Mamdani has never been a ‘Nairobi person’. He has not written extensively about Kenya. While Slow Poison touches on Kenya, it is not a motivational ‘how-to-get-rich’ book. That it sold out two nights suggests a more profound shift in the regional psyche and a relocation of the East African intellectual heart.

To grasp the weight of this moment, one must recall that in the 1960s, Kampala, not Nairobi, was the undisputed intellectual capital of East Africa. At the centre stood Makerere University, then a beacon of global and African scholarship populated by giants like Ali Mazrui, whose lectures were so packed that students skipped meals to secure a seat. This was the era of the ‘Makerere School’ of thought, where the continent’s most provocative ideas were incubated and the line between the university and the public square barely existed.

The public soul of this movement was TRANSITION magazine, founded in 1961 by the visionary Rajat Neogy. A journal of arts, culture, and society, TRANSITION became the most daring literary and political platform on the continent, publishing everyone from Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe to James Baldwin and Julius Nyerere. It offered irreverent, searching debate that held a mirror to post-independence society. That openness proved too much for the government of Milton Obote.

In 1968, Neogy and regular contributor Abu Mayanja were jailed for sedition after the magazine criticised Obote’s authoritarian constitutional reforms. Neogy’s imprisonment marked the beginning of the end for Kampala’s intellectual golden age. While TRANSITION later moved to Ghana and eventually Harvard, its model of fearless interrogation became the blueprint for many serious African intellectual journals that followed. As Kampala’s light dimmed under years of military rule and illiberal democracy, the flame crept across borders.

New intellectual, tech capital

After Idi Amin seized power in 1971, Dar es Salaam claimed the crown, attracting global scholars such as Walter Rodney. However, over the last 23 years, Kenya, despite periodic episodes of repression, has emerged as the freest political and ideas space in East Africa. Nairobi has also grown more diverse and internationalised. While Slow Poison is openly sold in Kenyan bookshops, several shops in Kampala are afraid to stock it, and those that do often sell it under the counter. As civil liberties shrink in Uganda and Tanzania, local activists increasingly channel their political debates through Kenya.

Environmental campaigners against the Eacop oil pipeline have shifted their advocacy bases to Nairobi after arrests in Kampala. Sources in Nairobi say at least three major regional human rights NGOs formerly headquartered in Kampala have moved their primary operational leadership to Nairobi in the last two months. Likewise, during Tanzania’s October 2025 election crackdown, in which some allege up to 3,000 people were killed, Kenyans took up global campaigning for the muzzled democracy movement in the country after its internet was shut down.

The digital pressure was so effective that President Samia Suluhu Hassan accused Kenyans of stirring trouble and meddling in Tanzania’s internal affairs. Nairobi’s rising intellectual dominance is mirrored in proxy indicators that map a country’s new age imagination. Take the green transition. Kenya now sits in the driver’s seat for electric mobility in the East African Community, with more than 10,000 registered electric vehicles and over 200 public charging stations.

Rwanda is the regional challenger; Kigali has implemented some of the continent’s most aggressive e-mobility policies, including a ban on registering new internal-combustion motorcycles for public transport. Rwanda has over 7,000 EVs and a dense charging network for its size. By contrast, despite promotion of the locally made Kiira EV, fewer than 200 fully electric cars ply Uganda’s roads today. The country has fewer than 20 public charging points, most of them in Kampala.

The transit hub paradox

The movement of people underscores Nairobi’s pull. Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) remains the region’s undisputed giant, handling more than 8,500 monthly flight movements-nearly triple Entebbe’s 2,800. This persists even as JKIA is criticised as ageing and inefficient compared to renovated terminals in Dar es Salaam, for example. Kenya plans a new JKIA, but even with leaking roofs, the airport remains the regional gateway. The diplomatic and expatriate class tolerates Nairobi’s chaos because of what lies beyond the terminal, which provides the audiences for jazz shows, symphonies, and scholarly literature.

Publishing may be the clearest measure of intellectual capital. Kenya releases an estimated 3,000 to 4,000 new titles annually, many in fiction and creative non-fiction. Uganda publishes fewer than 500, most of them educational textbooks rather than trade books. Using the Caine Prize for African Writing as a rough barometer, the gap is as wide as Lake Nalubaale (Victoria). Kenya has won it five times. Uganda has one win, through Monica Arac de Nyeko in 2007. This dominance rests on an ecosystem of around 50 bookshops and a reading public willing to pay for ideas.

This is the socket into which Prof Mamdani’s book plugged. His career has been devoted to understanding power. ‘Citizen and Subject’ (1996) analysed colonial ‘decentralised despotism’. ‘When Victims Become Killers’ (2001) examined the Rwandan genocide against the Tutsi. ‘Good Muslim, Bad Muslim’ (2004) challenged Western narratives on political Islam. More recently, the unsettling ‘Neither Settler nor Native’ (2020) reimagined the post-colonial state worldwide. Nearly 20 books across five decades have cemented his standing as a thinker whose reach crosses borders.

Slow Poison is his most accessible work yet, a ‘man-on-the-street’ effort to reconcile the legacies of Idi Amin and Yoweri Museveni-a potentially risky endeavour in Kampala. Still, one debated openly with academic rigour in Nairobi. That willingness to interrogate the present through history may partly explain why a 1,000-strong crowd filled Jain Bhavan two nights in a row. Another bit is to be found in the fact that Nairobi’s cultural infrastructure is now way ahead of its neighbours’. The city has over 400 cafés compared with Kampala’s 150.

In theatre, Nairobi’s eight active venues stage up to 15 plays a month, while Kampala’s four stage about half that many. Musically, Nairobi hosts more than 30 jazz shows monthly and supports three symphony orchestras. Kampala, though rich in talent, has one symphony and roughly a dozen jazz events. This ecosystem supports a large international community. Data indicates that Kenya hosts close to 80,000 expatriate and diplomatic households, nearly four to seven times Uganda’s estimated 12,000 to 18,000.

That demographic sustains 90 international schools in Kenya, compared with about 30 in Uganda. These are the numbers of a regional hegemon, one that supplies the oxygen for ideas suffocating elsewhere. The Nairobi launch of Slow Poison was, therefore, more than about Prof Mamdani only, but his encounter with a city. It marked a Nairobi that is becoming a sanctuary for the African mind, much as Kampala was in the age of Neogy and Mazrui.

Kampala still offers cultural goods like fresh food, and a crazy party scene. Still, it has lost its edge as a place where power is publicly interrogated. For now, that vibrant space exists across the border in Nairobi and other cities like Kisumu. The slow poison of political stagnation in one capital has become one of the fuels for an intellectual surge in another.

Vipers retained their three point advantage at the top of the Startimes Uganda Premier League (UPL) heading into the final first round games with a 4-1 hammering of Police at the St. Mary’s Stadium in Kitende on Tuesday evening.

The reigning champions turned what was a top of the table clash into a one-sided contest as they played arguably their best 45 minutes since Ivan Minnaert was appointed head coach in July last year.

They led 3-0 at half time against a shell-shocked Police side with AbdulKarim Watambala again running the show.

The midfielder who ironically seems liberated by the departure of close friend Allan Okello created the opener for Milton Karisa with a fine through ball.

The latter obliged, toe poking the ball past an out of position Mathias Muwanga for a 32nd minute lead.

Watambala then added the second goal on 41 minutes with a goal of the season contender.

The midfielder received a pass from Enoch Ssebagala and with the Police defence backing off sent an unstoppable drive that flew in off the underside of the crossbar. The goal was his third in two games after scoring a brace in saturday’s 3-0 win over URA.

The game was then ended as a contest on 45 minutes when Odili Chukwuma headed in Usama Arafat’s cross after nutmegging Richard Matovu.

Police, who up to that point had offered little threat going forward then pulled a goal back through Saidi Kyeyune who scored with a low shot four minutes after the break.

But Vipers restored their three-goal advantage on 77 minutes when substitute Yunus Sentamu set up Usama for the fourth goal with a header.

The result lifts Vipers to 33 points while Police dropped to third on 27 points. KCCA are back into second position after a comfortable 4-0 win over UPDF.

Sammy Ssebaduka was the star of the show scoring a brace while there were also goals from Joel Sserunjogi and substitute Alpha Ssali.

UPL results

KCCA 4-0 UPDF

Vipers 4-1 Police

Lugazi 2-1 Bul

Calvary 0-0 URA

The Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) have elected their 10 representatives in Parliament at a function held at the UPDF Land Forces Headquarters in Luweero District today.

The representatives were elected through the Army Council meeting chaired by President Yoweri Museveni, the Commander-in-Chief.

They include Deputy Chief of Defence Forces Lt Gen Sam Okiding and Chief Executive Officer of National Executive Committee (NEC) Lt Gen Sam Mugira.

The exercise, like any others is managed by the Electoral Commission and is conducted in line with the regulations that guide the election of Special Interest Groups.

“I KATEEBA TUMUSIIME DIANA being the Returning Officer for Election of Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF) Representatives to Parliament having added up the number of votes cast for each candidate in accordance with Section 72 of the Parliamentary Elections Act, Cap. 177. I declare the following who have obtained the largest number of votes as the elected Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF) Males Representatives to Parliament,” the declaration form reads in part.

LIST:

Lt Gen. Sam Okiding – 346

Col. Sylvia Meeme – 314

Col. Night Ikiriza – 307

Lt. Gen. James Mugira – 303

Lt. Gen. Sam Kavuma – 282

Brig. David Gonyi – 266

Maj. Gen. Henry Masiko – 261

Col. Victor Nekesa – 261

Maj. Gen. James Kinalwa – 241

Brig. Joseph Semwanga -198

Lt. Gen. Sam Kavuma, is the Deputy Coordinator of Operations Wealth Creation, Brig. Gen. David Gonyi, is the Chief of Staff of the Air Force, Maj. Gen. Henry Moses Matsiko, is the Joint Staff Political Commissar, while Maj. Gen. James Kinalwa, is the Joint Staff of Human Resource Management.

Maj. Gen. Joseph Ssemwanga, is the Deputy Commander of Land Forces, Col. Night Ikiriza is from the Special Forces Command, Col. Sylvia Meeme is from the Military Police, and Col. Christine Nekesa is from the Air Force.

Only Lt Gen Mugira, Maj Gen Matsiko, and Maj Gen Kavuma had served in the 11th Parliament.

The newly elected army MPs are expected to be formally received by Parliament for swearing-in, after which they will assume their legislative roles in the House.

These will replace the following:

Gen. David Muhoozi – Former Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) and current Minister of State for Internal Affairs.

Gen. Edward Katumba Wamala – Former CDF and current Minister of Works and Transport.

Gen. Wilson Mbasu Mbadi – Former CDF and currently serving as the Minister of State for Trade.

Lt. Gen. Peter Elwelu – Former Deputy CDF and currently a Senior Presidential Advisor.

Lt. Gen. James Mugira – Managing Director and CEO of the National Enterprise Corporation (NEC).

Maj. Gen. Henry Matsiko – UPDF Chief Political Commissar.

Maj. Gen. Sam Kavuma – Former Deputy Commander Land Forces.

Col. Dr. Victor Nekesa – One of the three female representatives.

Lt. Col. Charity Bainababo – One of the three female representatives.

Maj. Dr. Jennifer Alanyo – One of the three female representatives.

During the constitutional assembly, some legislators opposed military representation in Parliament, but government ministers argued it would allow the armed forces to keep a finger on the pulse of national politics.

On January 30, 2021, President Museveni told UPDF representatives that their role in Parliament was to act as a ‘conveyor belt of national issues and a listening post.’

Unlike public elections for MPs and other groups, the UPDF vote is an internal process chaired by the Commander-in-Chief, with a requirement that at least two female officers be included.

The Army representatives are elected in line with the 1995 Constitution, which reserves 10 seats in Uganda’s Parliament for the UPDF.

Former Defense Minister Vincent Ssempijja’s second attempt to get back to Parliament has suffered a setback after his application for a vote recount in Kalungu East Constituency was dismissed.

This came after Masaka Chief Magistrates Court, where Mr Ssempijja, last week, through his lawyer, Mr Simon Kasangaki, dragged his opponent and National Unity Platform (NUP)’s flag bearer, Yusuf Kiruluuta Nkeretaanyi, to secure a vote recount, discovered that some ballot boxes were tampered with before the recount that had been scheduled by the court yesterday.

Mr Sempijja, who was the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) flag bearer in the January 15 polls, argued that vote counting and tallying were marred by irregularities, which denied him victory.

On Tuesday, Masaka Chief Magistrate Abert Asiimwe after granting the recount rushed to Kalungu District Electoral Commission offices to supervise the exercise. However, after sorting the ballot boxes from Kalungu East Constituency , he was shocked to discover that five of them had been tampered with -prompting him to halt the exercise .

Nkeretaanyi’s lawyer Samuel Muyizzi in his submission, told the magistrate that since it was evident that the exercise could not go on following discovery of broken ballot boxes seals, court should clear his client to get gazetted as the duly elected legislator for Kalungu East.

‘Having found out that five out of the ballot boxes presented by the returning officer have improper seals, we submit that the purpose of the recount is not achievable .In such circumstances, a recount should be avoided and that you proceed to confirm that the respondent was duly declared as the duly elected member of parliament for Kalungu East,’ he said.

In his submission, Mr Ssempijja’s lawyer Mr Kasangaki said his client was disappointed that the process of the vote recount had been frustrated.

‘We maintain that our client is aggrieved. We reiterate our submission that there was vote inflation, which we hoped to discover through the process we had undertaken. Unfortunately, that has not been successful. Our only recourse shall be to pursue the next available remedy so that Hon. Ssempijja Vincent gets justice.’

When the magistrate gave Mr Ssempijja a chance to speak about the exercise, the latter said: ‘Certainly, God did not break these box seals, but He must have seen the one who broke them. Personally, I have not seen justice done, because I wanted to know how it was cheated which has not happened. In my mind, I have to find a way to satisfy myself on what I complained about.’

His ruling Asiimwe said: ‘.the law is that once the ballot boxes are tampered with, the purpose of recount is frustrated and court cannot continue with vote recount and both parties have admitted this, indeed the process well organised couldn’t be concluded due to broken and tampered with ballot boxes this notwithstanding that the main seal on the store was still intact. I therefore call off the vote recount for the directly elected MP in Kalungu East Constituency because the process has been frustrated.’

He advised the applicant to seek redress in the High Court, where a full election petition can be heard.

According to results announced by EC returning officer, Teddy Nabukenya, on January 16, Kiruruuta (NUP),a newcomer in Kalungu politics polled 15,473 votes while Mr Sempijja polled 13,219 votes, representing a margin of 2,254 votes.The incumbent MP, Francis Katabaazi, got 649 votes, independents Deogratious Katongole ( 637 votes) , Irene Nanyanzi (485 votes), Democratic Front’s Mathias Kintu (189 votes) and Democratic Party’s Asuman Kabonge ( 90 votes). This is not the first time Mr Ssempijja has demanded a recount after a defeat in a parliamentary contest.

During the 2021 General Election, Mr Ssempijja also went to court and secured an application for a recount of votes in the same constituency after Francis Katabaazi, who had the NUP ticket then defeated him. Katabaazi had polled 12,198 votes while Mr Ssempijja garnered 10,865 votes, indicating a margin of 1,333 votes. However, when the recounting of votes exercise kicked off at Masaka Chief Magistrates Court premises, it was discovered that some of the seals on the ballot boxes had been broken, forcing the then chief magistrate Charles Yeteise to call off the exercise.

Mr Ssempijja has previously served as area MP and Minister for Agriculture .Before joining Parliament, he served as deputy Mubende District administrator (1992-1993), Resident District Commissioner -Masaka (1995-1998) and later Masaka District chairperson (1998-2011).

For years, East Africa’s financial story has been dominated by scale: Kenya’s deep capital markets, Ethiopia’s bold forex reforms, and Rwanda’s rapid institutional experimentation.

Yet the Absa Africa Financial Markets Index released yesterday reveals a quieter but more disruptive shift.

Uganda has emerged as East Africa’s strongest all-round performer, ranking fourth overall in Africa, ahead of Kenya and Tanzania, and behind only South Africa, Mauritius, and Nigeria.

The rise reflects a combination of macroeconomic stability, legal certainty, and policy predictability, attributes investors increasingly prize in an era of global financial volatility. While several countries have pursued rapid liberalization, Uganda has quietly built credibility through consistency.

Within East Africa, Uganda now outperforms its peers on overall financial market quality. Kenya remains the region’s most liquid and sophisticated capital market, but trails Uganda on macroeconomic stability and legal enforceability.

Tanzania has made steady progress but continues to lag in transparency and market sophistication, while Rwanda has advanced in ESG integration, but its financial ecosystem remains comparatively narrow.

The index indicates that Uganda ranks highly in Africa for macroeconomic stability and transparency, and has avoided boom-and-bust cycles, contained inflation, and maintained fiscal discipline.

This stability has been reinforced by relative foreign exchange resilience at a time when currency volatility has emerged as a major risk facing investors across Africa.

While Ethiopia and Nigeria have implemented sweeping currency reforms, Kenya has faced reserve pressure, and Egypt has undergone sharp devaluations; Uganda has avoided forex shortages and shocks.

The index also highlights Uganda’s institutional and legal strength, placing the country among Africa’s top performers for legal standards.

It also notes that the launch of TradeClear in 2024 has enabled repurchase agreements and derivatives under internationally recognised frameworks, aligning Uganda’s markets more closely with global norms.

Speaking at the launch of the index in Kampala, Secretary to the Treasury Ramathan Ggoobi said Uganda’s improved ranking reflects deliberate policy choices, but warned that structural weaknesses remain.

‘To move Uganda further up the index and deepen our markets, we [need] to expand long-term debt and equity financing for small and medium enterprises, attract venture capital, and lower collateral,’ he said, noting that when the index was first published in 2018, Uganda ranked 10th with a score of 50.

Since then, he noted, improvements in these areas have lifted the country into the top tier of African markets.

Absa acting head of financial markets, Catherine Kijjaggulwe, said Uganda recorded notable gains in domestic investor participation, particularly through pension funds.

The country’s score on the domestic investor pillar rose by seven points, driven by increased pension fund investment in locally listed assets, although she noted that significant room for improvement remains.

NSSF deputy managing director Gerald Paul Kasaato said the pension sector has grown rapidly, with NSSF’s portfolio now standing at Shs28.8 trillion and membership at 3.4 million, though only about 800,000 members are active contributors.

Low capital markets participation

However, he acknowledged that the capital market remains small, limiting meaningful participation by pension funds and other institutional investors.

Despite Uganda’s strengths, the index notes that market depth and liquidity remain shallow, listings are limited, and secondary market activity is thin, well behind Kenya and far below Africa’s heavyweights such as South Africa and Mauritius.

As a result, Uganda attracts conservative capital such as development finance institutions, sovereign investors, and long-term bondholders, but struggles to draw equity investors, venture capital, and higher-risk portfolio flows.

Thus, the challenge remains in converting stability into deeper, broader, and scalable markets that support long-term growth.

The government is looking for relatives of a Ugandan who was pronounced dead in a hospital in Kigali, Rwanda, where he was taken after he suffered health challenges while the plane was en route to Uganda from South Africa.

The deceased, identified as Ali Mubiru, was travelling on RwandAir when he suffered health issues. He was carrying a Ugandan passport number B148502.

A Ugandan diplomat in Kigali confirmed the death of the Ugandan, but he referred us to his superior in Kampala for an official comment.

‘It is true we have lost one of the nationals. The details are with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Kampala,’ the diplomat said on Wednesday.

However, both the Rwandan and Ugandan authorities haven’t yet located any of the deceased’s relatives.

In the Ugandan community social media groups, the members sought help from the members of the public to locate his relatives to enable the repatriation of the body to Uganda.

‘In light of this, we kindly request that anyone with information regarding the deceased’s family members contact the High Commission in Kigali at their earliest convenience. This will help us to urgently facilitate the necessary arrangements for the repatriation of his remains and prevent the ongoing accumulation of hospital-related expenses,’ a statement from one social media group reads.

President Yoweri Museveni is set to preside over the election of the 10-army representatives in Parliament at a function scheduled at the UPDF Land Forces Headquarters in Luweero District today.

The 10-UPDF representatives elected through the Army Council meeting and managed by the Electoral Commission are conducted in line with the regulations that guide the election of Special Interest Groups.

The elected representatives join the Members directly elected to represent constituencies including a Woman District representative from each of the districts in Uganda.

The other special interest groups include the workers, youth and Persons with Disabilities that will constitute the 12th Parliament after the official swearing in ceremony in May 2026.

Unlike the elections for directly elected MPs and the other special interest groups conducted in public spaces, the UPDF election is conducted under an internal Army process where the Commander -in- Chief and President of Uganda chairs the Army Council meeting. The composition of the army representatives must have at least 2 female representatives.

In 2021, the 10-elected UPDF representatives at the 11th Parliament included Gen Edward Katumba Wamala, Gen David Muhoozi, Lt Gen Wilson Mbadi, Lt Gen Peter Elweru, Lt Gen James Mugira, Maj Gen Sam Kavuma, Maj Gen Henry Matsiko, Col Dr Victor Nekesa (female) representative, Lt Col Charity Bainababo (Female) representative and Maj Dr Jennifer Alanyo.

The Army representatives are elected in line with the 1995 Constitution that allocated 10 seats in the Uganda Parliament reserved for the UPDF.

This publication could not independently verify if any of the names officers representing at the 11th Parliament will find their respective names back in Parliament after the election process conducted at the Land Forces Headquarters in Bombo, Luweero District on January 28, 2026.

Uganda’s television industry is facing a significant regulatory shift after the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) ruled that split-screen advertising, including the popular “squeeze back” format, is prohibited during news and current affairs programs.

The decision, delivered by UCC Executive Director, Mr Nyombi Thembo, means broadcasters can no longer run commercial visuals alongside live or recorded news content, forcing stations to separate editorial programming from advertising.

The ruling stems from a complaint filed by Adlegal International Limited against one of the local Television Stations, which had argued that squeeze backs were less intrusive and didn’t pose a risk of biased reporting.

However, UCC rejected this distinction, citing the Advertising Standards 2019, which define split-screen advertising as “the simultaneous presentation of editorial content and commercial information on the same screen.”

The regulator concluded that the law doesn’t recognise a meaningful difference between squeeze backs and split-screen advertising, emphasising that what matters is the viewer’s experience.

The decision is expected to have far-reaching commercial implications, as news and current affairs programs are some of the most valuable items on the Ugandan television.

Broadcasters will need to adjust production workflows, sales strategies, and sponsor expectations to maintain a strict separation between editorial and advertising content in restricted programs.

Mr Aziz Kitaka, Adlegal’s founder, argues that the decision protects viewers from distraction and maintains editorial integrity.

“As a matter of law, current affairs programs provide sensitive information nationals so badly want and they benefit them a lot,” he said. “Broadcasters should not exploit this content commercially because doing so divides viewers’ attention and may cause them to miss critical information.”

UCC has directed all television stations in Uganda to align their operations and immediately stop the practice, transforming the ruling into an industry-wide compliance benchmark.

The commission’s stance is consistent with international best practices, reflecting principles found in jurisdictions such as the UK, the US, Kenya, and parts of Europe.

The regulator acknowledged the economic pressures facing broadcasters but emphasized that it is bound to apply the law “as it is today, and not how it ought to be.”

The decision is likely to reignite debate over whether the Advertising Standards should be reviewed to reflect changing commercial realities.