Astros, Flames chase glory

The eighth circuit of the Pursuit Swim League concludes this week at British School of Kampala (BSK) Muyenga with Astros and Flames, who are a point apart, as favourites for the top slot.

Flames topped the first leg of this circuit on June 12 but Astros dethroned them last Friday to top the day and jump to nine points on the table.

This circuit is strictly for relays. Astros, who led the table on June 12, did not win any relay last Friday but finished second in the 5x25m butterfly and medley relays.

They also finished third in the 5x25m backstroke and freestyle relays but were disqualified in the breaststroke one.

Fortunately for them, four of the five teams got at least one disqualification so the standings were barely affected as they finished second on the night and kept top of standings with nine points.

Colts and Talons were disqualified in the same breaststroke relay while Jets and Talons were disqualified in the 5x25m fly relay.

Flames, which topped the night to move to eight overall points and second in the standings, had no disqualification and won the 5x25m fly, breaststroke, freestyle, and medley relays. They finished last in the 5x25m back relay.

Colts were second in the 5x25m back and third in the 5x25m fly relays. They also finished 4th in the medley relay and last in the freestyle one to finish third on the night and overall with six points.

Colts have a chance of topping the circuit but they need Flames and Astros to finish lower than third on the last day.

Jets are fourth now in standings after finishing second in the 5x25m breaststroke relay and fourth in the backstroke and freestyle ones. Jets finished last in the medley relay.

Talons, who are fifth on the table with four points were killed by the disqualifications but actually topped the backstroke relay, finished second in the freestyle one, and third in the medley relay. They are out of the race for top place as they cannot finish higher than Astros and Flames unless the two teams fail to turn up this Friday.

Military siege on Uganda’s Nation Media Group enters third day

Armed, masked military personnel have maintained a strict physical blockade on Nation Media Group Uganda (NMGU) premises for a third consecutive day, crippling the country’s largest independent media house.

The siege began at 1:00 AM on Sunday, June 28, when security forces raided and barricaded NMGU’s main headquarters in Namuwongo, alongside its broadcasting centers located at the Kampala Serena Hotel. The ongoing operation has forced major national outlets-including the Daily Monitor newspaper, NTV Uganda, Spark TV, KFM, and Dembe FM-completely out of print circulation and off the airwaves.

Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba has since confirmed that the shutdown of the media conglomerate was executed with the direct approval of his father, President Yoweri Museveni. Gen. Muhoozi noted that he is currently locked in talks with veteran journalist Andrew Mwenda, leader of the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU)-a pro-government political movement aligned with the CDF-to negotiate a potential reopening of the media house.

“The shutdown marks a significant escalation in tensions between the Ugandan government and the independent press, drawing widespread local and international concern over deteriorating media freedoms in the country.”

As of Tuesday morning, a heavy military presence remains deployed at both Kampala locations. Armed soldiers are actively enforcing a strict perimeter, waving off pedestrians, and denying all staff access to the buildings.

Despite its physical infrastructure being under military occupation, NMGU management stated that the company is adapting to the aggressive state restrictions. To circumvent the broadcast and print blackout, the media house is actively distributing breaking news, updates, and digital broadcasts through its various online channels.

Uganda has a documented history of state-led crackdowns on independent journalism, particularly targeting outlets like the Daily Monitor during politically sensitive periods. This latest escalation underscores the precarious environment for press freedom under President Museveni’s long-standing administration, as the military continues to control the premises of the nation’s leading independent voice.

Lumumba defends military blockade of Nation Media Group as ‘presidential probe’

The ongoing military blockade of Nation Media Group Uganda (NMGU) is part of a “security-led inquiry” instituted by President Yoweri Museveni, the Minister for ICT and National Guidance, Justine Lumumba Kasule, revealed on Tuesday.

According to a statement released by Minister Lumumba on June 30, the multi-agency probe involves the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF), the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID), and other security experts.

‘The events of 28th June 2026 that led to the disruption of operations at Nation Media Group were occasioned by a Security-Led Inquiry… Government will inform the public once the inquiry has been concluded,’ Lumumba stated.

The government’s justification comes as armed, masked military personnel maintain a strict physical blockade on NMGU premises for a third consecutive day, crippling the country’s largest independent media house.

The siege began at 1:00 AM on Sunday, June 28, when security forces raided and barricaded NMGU’s main headquarters in Namuwongo and its broadcasting centers at the Kampala Serena Hotel. The ongoing operation has forced major national outlets-including the Daily Monitor newspaper, NTV Uganda, Spark TV, KFM, and Dembe FM-completely out of print circulation and off the air.

Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba confirmed the shutdown was executed with President Museveni’s approval. Gen. Muhoozi noted he is currently locked in talks with veteran journalist Andrew Mwenda, leader of the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU), to negotiate a potential reopening.

Despite the physical infrastructure being under military occupation and staff being denied access, NMGU management stated that the company is adapting. To circumvent the broadcast and print blackout, the media house is actively distributing breaking news, updates, and digital broadcasts through its various online channels.

ULS petitions IGP, UPDF over Matembe’s whereabouts

The Uganda Law Society has petitioned the Inspector General of Police (IGP) Abbas Byakagaba, and the Head of Legal Affairs at the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) Moses Wandera, demanding the arraignment of veteran politician and former ethics minister, Ms Miria Matembe, who they say has been detained beyond the required 48 hours.

ULS Vice President Mr Anthony Asiimwe said on Monday that the IGP and UPDF legal Boss should ensure that Ms Matembe, whose arrest was confirmed by the army on Sunday, is produced before court.

‘The family of Mzee Matembe has petitioned the Uganda Law Society to give them all the legal support. Mzee Matembe has been unable to obtain any information regarding his wife. He went to the police, and he was not given any report,’ Mr Asiimwe said.

Ms Matembe went missing on Thursday, June 25, a few moments after security operatives raided her home.

But efforts to trace her whereabouts have been fruitless since then.

Mr Asiimwe said: ‘We have written directly to IGP Byakagaba, CID Boss Magambo, and the head of legal affairs at UPDF, Moses Wandera, seeking full disclosure of the allegations, immediate production in court, and adherence to due process.”

He added: ‘We are advocating for the release of Miria Matembe. If she is suspected of an offence, let her be produced to Court. You can’t deny personal liberty. We have written to the IGP, CID and UPDF.’

He further emphasised the legal timeframe for detention, quoting provisions of the Police Act.

‘We are demanding that she be given a bond. The Police Act says that if someone is arrested, she should be produced in court not more than 48 hours,’ Asiimwe added.

Mr Matembe, visibly distressed, expressed deep frustration over the lack of communication from authorities.

‘No one has communicated to me; everyone has the same sentiment. I have no idea where my wife is,’ he said. ‘I am glad I have not seen more arrests at home.’

He confirmed handing over all matters concerning his wife’s arrest to the Uganda Law Society after repeated unsuccessful attempts to obtain information from the police.

As of Monday evening, there was no official response from police or UPDF spokespersons on the petitions, as they neither picked up nor returned calls from this publication.

The ULS has vowed to pursue the matter through all available legal channels until Matembe is either formally charged in court or released.

Principal Judge flags off mediation drive to clear 500 land cases

The Principal Judge, Justice Jane Frances Abodo, has launched a two-week mediation exercise targeting more than 500 land-related cases at the Land Division of the High Court in a bid to reduce case backlog and promote faster resolution of disputes.

The exercise, dubbed the Land Settlement Fortnight, commenced on Monday and will run until July 19, bringing together judicial officers, mediators, lawyers and litigants to explore alternative ways of resolving land disputes outside the traditional courtroom process.

Speaking at the launch held at the Land Division in Kampala, Justice Abodo said the initiative comes at a critical time when the division is grappling with a growing caseload and a significant backlog of cases.

‘In the third quarter, 1,067 new cases were registered, bringing the total pending caseload to 7,279 cases as at March 31, 2026. While 1,363 cases were disposed of, including 58 mediation cases, the division still carries a significant backlog of 3,294 cases, representing 45.2 per cent of the total pending workload,’ Justice Abodo said.

She noted that the figures highlight the urgent need for innovative interventions to expedite the disposal of land disputes, which often have far-reaching consequences on economic development, investment and social stability.

‘Land disputes are not only complex and emotionally charged but often have profound implications for economic development, investment and social harmony. When these matters remain unresolved for long periods, they lock up land, discourage investment and erode public confidence in the justice system,’ she said.

Justice Abodo said the settlement fortnight is a strategic response anchored in the Judicature (Court Annexed Mediation) Rules, 2026, which provide a structured framework for resolving disputes through mediation.

‘With its 60-day mandatory mediation timeline, judiciary-supported mediation services and the enforceability of settlement agreements as court orders, we now have a powerful mechanism to deliver timely, cost-effective and sustainable justice,’ she said.

The Principal Judge acknowledged that prolonged litigation often leaves parties financially drained and relationships strained.

‘We must confront the reality that prolonged litigation in land matters benefits no one. Many parties enter the courtroom seeking total victory, only to come out years later exhausted, financially depleted and with fractured relationships,’ she said.

‘In land justice, time lost is an opportunity lost for families, investors and the nation at large. This is why we are promoting a shift from adversarial litigation to constructive problem-solving through mediation and other Alternative Dispute Resolution mechanisms.’

Justice Abodo urged judicial officers across the country to identify and refer suitable cases for mediation, particularly long-pending matters, as part of efforts to improve case management and reduce the backlog.

‘Let us intentionally prioritise the oldest cases and weed out inactive matters that inflate our statistics. Your leadership during this period will be instrumental in reducing the backlog and improving overall performance,’ she said.

She also called upon lawyers to embrace mediation and guide their clients towards practical and mutually beneficial settlements.

‘The great advocate of today guides clients towards practical, mutually acceptable solutions rather than prolonged battles. Embrace this fortnight as an opportunity to deliver better outcomes for your clients at lower cost and in shorter time,’ she said.

Justice Abodo said the initiative also seeks to address persistent challenges facing the Land Division, including staffing constraints and inefficiencies in case management.

The Executive Director of the Judicial Training Institute, Justice Andrew Khaukha, said the Judiciary is increasingly integrating Alternative Dispute Resolution into court processes as a means of tackling the growing backlog of cases.

He noted that mediation has proven effective in resolving disputes and reducing the burden on courts.

‘Up to 99 per cent of civil cases can be settled through mediation if parties are willing to engage in the process,’ Justice Khaukha said.

The Judiciary has in recent years intensified efforts to promote mediation as a faster, cheaper, and less adversarial means of resolving disputes, particularly in land matters, which account for a significant portion of cases before courts.

Paulo Kafeero and the DNA conundrum

Who knew that 19 years after the death of Prince Paul Job Kafeero; the legendary Kadongo Kamu genre singer (music played with a single guitar) would literally rise from his grave and make headlines?

It was all about a long running paternity dispute. Kafeero was a very charismatic, adroit, prophetic and captivating story teller of immeasurable dexterity.

He still had the exuberance of youth by the time he died at the tender age of 36. He had a huge fan base and a vast album collection that resonated with day-to-day aspects of life.

He spiced them up with idioms, self-deprecating humour, and relatable, empathetic anecdotes.

About relationships (Omwana w’omuzungu and Bisirikirwa), the adverse effects of alcohol (Dipo Nazigala), the intricacies of urban life (Kampala mu Kooti), and even paternity and family disputes (Nantabulilirwa and Buldina Ndi Bakooya).

He sung in the widely used Luganda language. A lot of his slang is now part of Kiganda lexicon.

He was the Elvis Presley of the provinces and like most super stars, he was a pot of honey that attracted the beautiful bees.

When he died many came forward with children they claimed were his. The ensuing battle for his vast estate has been running for almost two decades.

There have reportedly been a series of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) tests till it was decided on a comprehensive exercise with all the concerned children involved, at once.

With the gauntlet thrown, the list of 25 went down. When the results returned out of the 25 children who came forward only four were certified as Kafeero’s offspring.

A serious debate ensued. While some outrightly dismissed the culturally ‘alien’ DNA testing because many of the children resemble Kafeero, others set their sights on women in relationships.

They made a meal of them. That men are said to be cheats but DNA always nets the women! Others suggest that it is time to make DNA testing mandatory immediately the child enters the world.

If trivialised or sensationalised, an opportunity to interrogate an important aspect about the station of women in society is missed.

Granted a woman being human may also find a kick in having multiple relationships and for pleasure like men or even for economic reasons and conceive without being certain about the father. It happened to someone with a black African husband who gave birth to a half caste.

By the time you have a paternity dispute, it is highly likely that the woman is in multiple relationships.

Whereas multiple relationships for men are usually for pleasure seeking, for many women it is mainly two major factors which place a high mountain in their paths.

In most African cultures, women in marriage are expected to bear children if not, they are considered ‘useless’.

They endure ridicule and domestic violence for ‘fraudulently’ taking bride price and dowry and not delivering.

The blame for a childless marriage is placed on the woman even when the husband is sterile or infertile or has a low sperm count.

In fact, many men will not even accept to seek medical assistance to establish if they are the cause of the couple not having a child.

It is frowned upon as weakness and almost impossible for a man do. They may instead opt to take on a second wife.

In such circumstances, the married woman may seek ‘help’ outside the marriage to settle the issue of childlessness hence a DNA failure.

If the man starts another relationship for the sole purpose of getting a child, the new partner may also deceive him by conceiving from another able man. So that is another child on the DNA failure list!

In patrilineal societies, boy children are considered important and unfortunately in some case, more valuable than girl children for the sake of expanding the clan. When girls get married, they ‘join’ another clan.

Now if a woman in a relationship conceives multiple times but does not have a boy child, she may be tempted into infidelity to solve the issue of ‘giving’ the man an heir before he tries his luck elsewhere. Such children join the list of DNA failures.

Many girl children in African societies have the disadvantage of being at the bottom end of the pecking order.

They are likely not to go to school and therefore be short of skills for independent survival.

So in whatever relationship they contract, they hardly have a say on matters of contraception. If say a man paying her rent does not want to use protection she may have no option. There are cases of abandonment.

Or she may later discover that he told her lies and made false promises just to sleep with her. He may not have the economic means -to look after her and the child.

The next man of means especially if she signs up to another relationship immediately is likely to be assigned the fatherhood. Another DNA setback.

Similarly, it happens in cases of infidelity by a married man who wants to save his monogamous Chrisitan marriage or political standing in society.

One may be on the Father’s Union committee or a Minister and may not want to spoil his ‘pious reputation.’ It happened with a priest. He will conveniently accept to see the woman getting a man to accept the pregnancy.

The trouble with polygamy in a modern setting is one of the sources of the DNA conundrum. The basic structure of such relationships was that a man intentionally and not accidentally made the move.

He ensured that each wife had a proper home for her security and provided for her. He even had a timetable for matters of the bedroom.

In that way, the woman was not a ‘free agent’ who occasionally acted as a wife. She was secure and out of bounds to other men.

Now if she is not formally in a permanent relationship or is a side chick of an inconsistent man who is not present and does not provide housing plus all other help to run a home but occasionally turns up once in a blue moon for sexual healing, some amorous men occasionally ‘stand in for him.’

Even the children he does not father are usually tied to him. They will obviously crumble in under the weight of a DNA test.

Children failing DNA tests is not just a problem of unfaithful women. If men were biologically capable of conceiving children many of their offspring would also fail DNA tests.

This is especially if society disadvantaged them in many aspects making it at times necessary to stray out of a monogamous arrangement.

What I saw inside Mulago’s sickle cell ward

On World Sickle Cell Day, a visit to Ward 16 reveals the daily reality of children and adolescents battling pain, long queues and shortages, while also finding care, resilience and moments of hope at Mulago National Referral Hospital.

Children limp through crowded corridors. Others chase one another through the hallways as though they are anywhere but a hospital. Beneath a tent outside Ward 16 at Mulago National Referral Hospital, dozens of families wait their turn for treatment, relief and reassurance.

On World Sickle Cell Day, observed annually on June 19, I spent a day inside one of Uganda’s busiest sickle cell clinics, where pain, resilience and hope coexist every day.

Ward 16, also known as Ward 16A or Jelliffe Ward, is Mulago’s Paediatric Haematology Unit. It primarily admits and treats children with sickle cell disease and severe anaemia. Located near the left entrance before the Uganda Cancer Institute (UCI), it serves hundreds of patients each week.

By mid-morning, the clinic is already full. Children wait with their guardians under a tent, in corridors and outside consultation rooms. Some have yellowing eyes, a common sign of sickle cell disease, while others appear perfectly healthy.

Most caregivers are women, many of them grandmothers. Some cradle sleeping children on their laps, others clutch patient files worn from years of clinic visits. Their faces reflect exhaustion, resilience and the familiarity of a condition that demands lifelong care.

A mother’s journey

Among them is a mother who identifies herself only as Nalongo. She recalls a distressing morning when her five-year-old son experienced a painful episode and could not walk.

‘I carried him on my back while searching for a boda boda. People told me I was spoiling him because he was crying,’ she recounts.

When she finally found a rider and requested transport to Mulago Hospital, she still faced scepticism.

‘Are you so broke that you cannot go to a nearby clinic? If he is really sick, you will be stuck waiting in a long queue at Mulago,’ the rider said.

Nalongo says she has become used to such reactions but remains committed to bringing her son to Ward 16, where staff understand his condition best.

Patients who never leave

Although Ward 16 is designated for children, many adolescents and adults continue to return for care. Robinah Asaba, the ward in-charge, explains that many older patients prefer to stay with the doctors who first treated them.

‘We have treated them since childhood, so they feel we understand them better,’ she says. ‘They are supposed to go to the adult clinic at New Mulago on the fourth floor every Thursday, but they find it easier to come here since we are open Monday to Friday.’

According to Asaba, adults with routine needs are referred to the haematology ward, while those in painful crises are often managed in Ward 16.

One adolescent patient says the attachment runs deeper than convenience.

‘If you have a painful crisis, you will not get better until you are treated here. We have records of our medical history, but even if you take them elsewhere, the doctors there may not provide the same level of care.’

A clinic under pressure

Asaba says the clinic sees between 150 and 200 sickle cell patients daily, Monday to Friday.

On weekends, public holidays and after 5pm, cases are handled at the Acute Care Unit for children, while adolescents and adults are managed as medical emergencies.

‘We are understaffed, yet the number of patients keeps increasing,’ she says.

Despite the pressure, Ward 16 remains a lifeline for families from across Uganda.

Understanding treatment

Once a diagnosis is made, treatment begins immediately. Children receive monthly Fansidar to prevent malaria, since even mild infections can trigger severe crises. They also take daily folic acid to support red blood cell production.

Children under five receive penicillin V to protect against bacterial infections such as pneumonia.

‘Pen V is usually taken until five years, when the immune system is stronger,’ Asaba explains.

One of the most important advances in care is hydroxyurea. It improves red blood cell flexibility, reduces painful episodes and lowers the risk of complications such as stroke.

Awareness has also improved outcomes. Patients now understand the importance of avoiding stress, staying warm and rejecting myths about early death.

‘What is more important is screening,’ Asaba adds. ‘It should be required before marriage, so we reduce the number of children born with the disease.’

Uganda records about 2,000 babies born with sickle cell disease annually, with an estimated seven million people living with the disease or trait.

The debate around prevention

For many adolescents, lived experience shapes strong opinions on prevention.

One teenager, who requests anonymity, speaks emotionally:

‘Some parents should be more careful. Why keep having children when you can see the suffering of those already born?’

He adds: ‘In this era, people should not be giving birth to children with sickle cell disease when screening is available.

If you are a carrier, you should only have children with someone who is not.’

When essential medicine runs out

Despite its effectiveness, hydroxyurea is sometimes unavailable, forcing families to buy it.

‘Sometimes patients do not get it because numbers are high, so they buy it, which increases the cost of care,’ Asaba says.

Margaret Namanda, who cares for her eight-year-old granddaughter, has seen its impact firsthand.

Before treatment, the child had frequent crises and repeated admissions. The situation worsened when her mother struggled to accept the diagnosis.

‘When hydroxyurea was first prescribed, it was out of stock, and each tablet cost Shs1,500. I could not afford Shs45,000 on top of hospital bills, so I did not buy it at first. Later we got free capsules, and the pain reduced,’ she says.

Stigma and abandonment

Beyond physical pain, many patients face stigma, neglect and abandonment. Asaba says the impact is heartbreaking.

‘Some come without food or money for pain medicine. Some are abandoned here. Others are resorting to petty theft to survive,’ she says.

One case is difficult to ignore.

Near a bench sits a teenage boy, about 16, crying out for help to raise Shs60,000 for pain medication. He has bruises on his head, bandages and a cannula in his arm. Passers-by stop to listen and contribute what they can.

A nearby vendor later says the boy has both sickle cell disease and cancer and is also linked to alleged theft within the hospital. Asaba describes him as one of many abandoned cases struggling to survive.

Living with sickle cell disease

Among the patients is Timothy Wangi, an adolescent linked to the Sickle Cell Support Network. Of five children in his family, two have the disease and one is a carrier.

As a child, he was frequently ill and hospitalised before being referred to Mulago.

‘When I get a crisis, the pain is so bad I cannot walk. Painkillers from other clinics wear off, but I only get better after coming here,’ he says.

He explains that crises often begin gradually before intensifying.

‘If the pain increases despite painkillers at school, it may mean an infection, and it must be treated.’

To avoid stigma, he discloses his condition only to close friends and the school nurse.

‘I dread review days because of the queues, but I never miss them.’

As the clinic day ends, the waiting area remains full. New patients arrive while others prepare for long journeys home. Some leave relieved after treatment; others carry the uncertainty of chronic illness.

Yet amid long queues, medicine shortages and chronic pain, Ward 16 remains more than a hospital ward. For hundreds of families, it is a place of continuity and care, where suffering meets expertise and where, even in the hardest moments, hope is not lost.

A grandmother’s hope

Another grandmother recalls first noticing symptoms when her grandson was three months old. He cried constantly and had swollen joints. A diagnosis at Rubaga Hospital confirmed sickle cell disease.

‘The bills were too high, so we came to Mulago where treatment is free,’ she says.

When hydroxyurea was introduced at age seven, the change was significant.

‘He now takes two capsules from Monday to Saturday and one on Sunday,’ she says.

‘We can go an entire school term without a crisis. He drinks water and manages his medicine well, even though he is a picky eater.’

Fast Facts on Sickle Cell in Uganda

Sickle cell disease is among the most common inherited blood disorders in Uganda.

It is passed from parents to children through genes.

Painful ‘crises’ occur when sickled cells block blood flow in the body.

Early diagnosis and consistent care can reduce complications and hospital admissions.

Hydroxyurea is one of the key medicines used to reduce the frequency of painful episodes.

Many patients still face delays in diagnosis and interrupted access to treatment.

How Bishop Omoit is preaching prosperity through agriculture

On a quiet stretch of land in Aturuku Village, Tororo District, the sound of clucking chickens mingles with the grunts of pigs and the rustling of crops swaying in the breeze.

At first glance, it looks like any other thriving commercial farm. But at the centre of this enterprise is an unlikely farmer – a bishop.

Dressed casually and moving confidently from one section of the farm to another, Bishop Julius Omoit, the senior pastor of Tororo Worship Centre, is as comfortable discussing feed ratios and crop yields as he is preaching from the pulpit.

For many of his fellow clergy, this side of the bishop was a revelation. A recent visit by a group of senior born-again church ministers left them astonished.

The Christians toured Bishop Omoit’s crop gardens, piggery units and poultry houses, struggling to hide their surprise at the scale of his investment in agriculture.

‘We had heard that he was farming, but we did not expect to find such a well-established and diversified enterprise,’ one of the visiting Christians remarked.

Yet for Bishop Omoit, farming is not a hobby or a side business. It is part of his ministry.

Standing beside his poultry house, the bishop explains his philosophy with conviction.

‘I believe that one of the best ways to make the Gospel a reality in people’s lives is to help them improve their livelihoods and become self-reliant,’ he says.

To him, preaching hope is not enough if people remain trapped in poverty.

He believes faith should be accompanied by practical action that empowers families to earn a living and secure their future.

This conviction has shaped his pastoral mission. Over the years, Bishop Omoit has watched members of his congregation struggle with unemployment, low incomes and rising living costs.

He began to ask himself whether the church could do more than provide spiritual guidance. His answer was agriculture.

Today, he sees the farm not only as a source of income but as a demonstration site proof that with knowledge, hard work and determination, ordinary people can transform their lives.

The bishop’s journey into farming did not begin with a business plan or investment capital.It began with memories.

Growing up, he watched his parents labour tirelessly on small pieces of land, hoping for a harvest that was often uncertain.

‘I saw my parents struggle to make ends meet through subsistence farming. Those experiences never left me,’ he recalls.

As he rose through church leadership, the memories remained with him. Eventually, they inspired him to return to the soil – not in the traditional way he had known as a child, but with a vision of modern, commercial agriculture.

He started small, experimenting with poultry and piggery while learning new farming techniques. Gradually, he expanded into crop production and diversified his enterprises. Today, his farm stands as a testimony to perseverance and innovation.

Pastor David Omalla of Pentecostal Assemblies of God says the man of God’s experience challenged his long-held assumptions about the role of church leaders.

‘This is more than farming. It is a ministry of empowerment. The church should not only preach about prosperity; it should also demonstrate practical ways for people to achieve it,’ he said.

Pastor Ruth Kahawa of Smile Africa Ministries agrees that agriculture offers an opportunity for churches to address one of society’s biggest challenges – poverty.

‘We have seen that farming can create jobs, improve household incomes and restore dignity to families.Many of us are now inspired to take this path,’ she said.

But Bishop Omoit’s ambitions extend far beyond his own success.He dreams of turning the farm into a training centre where young people, church members and aspiring farmers can learn modern agricultural practices.

He also plans to venture into value addition, enabling farmers to earn more from their produce and access wider markets. His goal is simple: to create a model that others can replicate.

‘People need opportunities. If we can equip them with skills and encourage them to work hard, we can transform communities,’ he said.

He says it’s time religious leaders across Uganda embrace agriculture as a business and a tool for social transformation.

On the bishop’s farm in Aturukuku, sermons are not preached only from a pulpit. They are lived out in chicken houses, pig pens and fertile fields.

NTV Uganda, Spark TV forced off air as Daily Monitor shutdown on Gen Muhoozi order

NTV Uganda and Spark TV were forced off air by 5:00am local time on Sunday after an overnight security crackdown at Nation Media Group (NMG) Uganda premises in Namuwongo and Kampala Serena Hotel, following a shutdown order by first son and Chief of Defence Forces Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba against the media group’s outlets.

NTV Uganda and Spark TV viewers were met with blank screens displaying the message ‘video unavailable’, while uncertainty surrounded the operations of NMG’s other platforms, including the Daily Monitor, which Gen Muhoozi had also targeted in his late-night declarations.

The security operation began shortly after midnight, with personnel deployed at the NMG premises and staff reporting “that no one was being allowed to enter or leave the compound.”

The deployment followed a series of posts on X by Gen Muhoozi in which he declared that NTV Uganda and the Daily Monitor would be shut down amid a long-term ban from covering his father, President Museveni.

“NTV and Monitor are being shut down from today!” Gen Muhoozi wrote in a 1:07am post.

Gen Muhoozi followed with another post stating: “Both NTV and Monitor will not re-open without my permission.”

In another post earlier, he said: “In Uganda, I DO NOT believe in a free press! The press should be guided by cadres of the revolution.”

The remarks marked an escalation of threats made over the past week, during which Gen Muhoozi repeatedly claimed he was awaiting permission from his father, President Museveni, before moving against the media house that employs hundreds of people.

In Uganda, NMG owns the 20-year-old NTV Uganda, the Daily Monitor, The East African, Spark TV, 93.3 KFM, 90.4 Dembe FM, Ennyanda newspaper and the Nation Courier, among other media platforms and investments.

Spark TV and NTV Uganda remained on air even as an unprecedented attack on Uganda’s leading independent media house continued through the early hours of Sunday during a prolonged security operation.

At 4:45am local time, nearly four hours after the siege began, the broadcaster was still carrying an Al Jazeera simulcast despite the security presence around the media group’s premises.

Shortly afterwards, NTV Uganda and Spark TV went off air.

90.4 Dembe FM and 93.3 KFM also appeared to have gone off air during the operation with no reason immediately given by Ugandan authorities.

By daybreak, security personnel remained deployed at the NMG premises in Namuwongo and Serena Hotel, with staff inside reporting they were unable to move in or out as the operation continued.

Neither the Uganda People’s Defence Forces, the Uganda Police Force nor the Uganda Communications Commission had immediately issued a formal statement explaining the operation or announcing any legal order affecting the broadcaster or newspaper.

It’s not yet clear how long the State-enforced blackout will last and NMG Uganda, which employs more than 500 people in the country alone, had also not issued an official statement by the time of publication.

Not the first time

The latest operation is not the first time NMG Uganda operations have been targeted by State agents. In May 2013, police raided the Daily Monitor and Dembe FM over the publication of a letter allegedly linking senior government officials to a succession plan dubbed the “Muhoozi Project.”

The premises remained sealed for more than a week before the outlets were allowed to resume operations after signing police search certificates and other documents.

In February 2007, barely two months after NTV Uganda launched in December 2006, the broadcaster was forced off air by the government following accusations that its news coverage was negative.

Over the years, Museveni has also repeatedly criticised the Daily Monitor, at one point referring to it as an “enemy and evil newspaper” over its critical journalism.

Despite repeated confrontations with the authorities, NMG-Uganda has consistently maintained its commitment to independent, public-interest journalism, describing itself as “Uganda’s Bold Voice” ahead of the disputed January 2026 presidential polls.

Past raids drew widespread condemnation from local and international media freedom organisations and rights groups.

When Sejusa’s support to DP left him in a tight spot

Thirty-one years ago, then Commander of the Reserve Force, Maj Gen Caleb Akandwanaho, alias Salim Saleh, declared that Maj Gen David Tinyefuza would be required to answer for supporting the Democratic Party (DP).

Gen Saleh, who is also President Museveni’s younger brother, made the comments while speaking at a press conference on June 14, 1995, to debunk newspaper reports that he had called for talks between the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) and Maj Herbert Itongwa.

At the time, Maj Itongwa, a veteran of the NRM/A Bush War, who had fallen out with his former bush war colleagues amid accusations of theft and indiscipline, had in 1994 formed a rebel outfit, the Uganda National Democratic Alliance (UNDA) and declared war on the government.

Maj Itongwa’s rebels were said to have attacked several police posts and killed some police officers before making off with some guns. They were also believed to have kidnapped the Minister of Health, Dr James Makumbi, and held him hostage for five days in 1995.

Maj Itongwa’s rebel outfit was, however, crushed, forcing him to flee into exile in Germany via Kenya. He subsequently died in exile.

Bad light

According to a copy of The Monitor newspaper’s edition of June 16, 1995, Gen Saleh told journalists who attended the press conference that the press had portrayed him as being opposed to President Museveni.

However, he said it was impossible for him to oppose his Commander-in-Chief. He added that any soldier who went against the army’s line would face disciplinary action or be dismissed.

‘Like I hear in the newspapers, Maj Gen Tinyefuza is supporting DP. Sooner or later, he’ll have to sort that out,’ he said.

Gen Saleh’s comments were precipitated by comments Maj Gen Tinyefuza, now Sejusa, had made in a June 13, 1995, interview with The Monitor newspaper and were carried in the edition of June 14, 1995.

Ssemogerere resignation

Gen Tinyefuza appeared to be supportive of Dr Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere, who resigned from government on June 13, 1995, citing ‘ideological grounds’.

Dr Ssemogerere, who was also the President General of DP, had served as Minister of Internal Affairs, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and later Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Public Service in the NRM government.

He announced his resignation during a press conference held at the party’s headquarters at City House in Kampala. He was flanked by DP’s Secretary General, Mr Robert Kitariko, and lawyer and party executive Henry Kayondo.

He said he would contest for the office of President in the next general election.

‘I have called you to inform you that I have tendered my resignation as a minister in the government. I have written to the President,’ he said before reading to the press the contents of his resignation letter.

‘Your Excellency, I am writing to tender my resignation with immediate effect as a minister from Cabinet for personal reasons, in particular because I have decided to contest as a candidate in the forthcoming presidential elections,’ the letter read in part.

On why it had taken him so long to resign, Dr Ssemogerere said: ‘I didn’t feel so before. [Now] is when I thought I had to leave. For instance, I want tomorrow to be in the CA unencumbered as a minister during the debate in the draft constitution, which affects the basic human rights of individuals.’

Tinyefuza’s position

After news of Dr Ssemogerere’s resignation broke, Gen Tinyefuza said there was a lot of division in the country. He added that if no candidate capable of uniting the people emerged in the forthcoming elections, he would not rule out the possibility of contesting for the presidency himself.

‘I am, however, satisfied with the timely action of Dr Ssemogerere and my view as Tinyefuza is that Uganda today needs a non-confrontational and long-standing democrat, and I view Ssemogerere as that, and I have no problem with his candidature,’ he said.

He, however, stressed that the remarks reflected his personal views and not the official position of the army. At the time, the outspoken General was well known in the Constituent Assembly (CA) for often breaking ranks with the Movement side and fellow National Resistance Army (NRA) delegates.

He frequently took independent and sometimes controversial positions on issues where his superiors were expected to hold a different view.

Misunderstood

During the presser, Gen Saleh said the comments he made during that year’s Heroes Day celebrations in Mukono District were that since Itongwa was familiar with the NRA’s way of operating, he should surrender and face the law. He added that the army would guarantee him a fair hearing and trial.

‘This thing of opposing; you should oppose somebody that you are better than. And for me, I know that he [Museveni] is better than me,’ Gen Saleh said.

He, however, dismissed speculation that President Museveni had directed him to retract the Heroes Day statements.

‘I haven’t even talked about it with him yet,’ he told the press.

Gen Saleh said he only wanted to correct a mistake, for which many senior army officers were strongly criticising him.

‘Yesterday Col [Peter] Kerim was here, and two hours ago, Col Pecos [Kutesa] came here because of this report,’ Gen Saleh said.

Gen Saleh said he could only hold different views from the President if he kept them private and accepted the President’s decisions, since the President was his superior.

‘For example, on a family level, I think that my mother deserves a Benz from the State House, but he doesn’t,’ Gen Saleh pointed out.

He quoted other instances, including his wish for Uganda to attack Sudan when Sudanese fighter planes were bombing Ugandans.

He added that he had earlier wanted the NRA to hit back at Kenya for causing trouble at the common border in 1987, but that he had accepted the High Command’s decision not to do so.

He scoffed at politicians who thought they could exploit the inaccurate press reports of his speech to divide the NRA. He described all politicians as leopards in sheep’s skins and that recent events had shown that some of them were already taking off their false skins to show their real spots.

‘All of them. I think they are the same,’ he said when he was asked whether he included NRM politicians in his description. He, however, said despite his personal views about politicians and politics, a military man at his level had to be interested in the politics of his country.

NRM downplays resignation

Meanwhile, top officials in the NRM were quick to dismiss as ‘baseless’ the view that Dr Ssemogerere’s resignation from the NRM government would strengthen the multiparty camp in the CA.

The Deputy National Political Commissar and Director of Legal Affairs at the NRM Secretariat, Mr Jotham Tumwesigye, said: ‘I don’t think the balance of forces in the CA is going to change because of that. All CA delegates are mandated to support certain positions, and that is not going to change,’ Mr Tumwesigye said.

According to The Monitor’s edition of June 14, 1995, Mr Tumwesigye said despite Dr Ssemogerere’s resignation from the government, it remained broad-based.

‘It is not only Ssemogerere who was making the NRM current Cabinet, NRM still has many ministers who are representative of many shades of [political opinion],’ he said.

Others argued that the resignation would teach the NRM to accept compromises and stop making ‘fictitious’ claims of being broad-based.

Mr Kitariko said DP was approached in 1986 to nominate people who were later appointed ministers.

However, he said after some of them were removed from Cabinet, the party was never again asked to provide names to replace those who had been dropped.

‘So, what seemed to be a broad-based government ended in 1988,’ he said, adding that even then, UPC was never asked to nominate its people.