Category: Daily Monitor

After nearly two decades of persistence and resilience, professional teachers Eunice Namatende, a resident of Bugiri District, and Mr Grace Kiirya Wanzala of Butembe County in Jinja District, have finally secured parliamentary seats, each winning on their fifth attempt.

Mr Wanzala won the Butembe County seat after four unsuccessful bids, while Ms Namatende also clinched the Bugiri District Woman MP seat following repeated electoral defeats spanning 20 years.

Early political beginnings

Immediately after university, Mr Wanzala joined active politics as the youth chairperson of Busedde Sub-county, a role that helped shape his leadership skills and commitment to public service. His political career began in the Opposition, where he became actively involved with the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC).

He later served as a district councillor for Jinja District for three consecutive terms, a period he says enabled him to build lasting connections with voters and understand the workings of local government. ‘Starting as a youth leader taught me how to listen to people and organise at the grassroots. Serving three terms as district councillor gave me experience in governance and showed me that leadership is about consistency and presence,’ Mr Wanzala said.

First steps

His ambition to represent Butembe County in Parliament first took shape in 2001, when he contested against then Energy minister Daudi Migereko. He lost by about 4,000 votes but says the defeat laid the foundation for his future political growth. ‘That first loss did not discourage me. It humbled me and helped me understand that politics is built slowly. I went back to the people to learn, not to complain,’ he said. Mr Wanzala returned to the race in 2006, narrowly losing by 600 votes, and again in 2011, when he lost by 700 votes-both times against Mr Migereko, who also served as Minister for Lands. He says these close defeats only strengthened his resolve.

Narrow defeats and lessons

In the 2016 parliamentary elections, Mr Wanzala suffered another setback, losing by 2,000 votes to Mr Nelson Lufafa, a first-time contender representing the National Resistance Movement (NRM) party. The 2021 parliamentary election proved to be the most painful yet transformative moment of his political career, as he lost to fellow newcomer Mr David Livingstone Zijjan by just 16 votes. ‘Losing by 16 votes was a bitter lesson. It made me re-evaluate my team, strategy, finances and every structure I had in place. That experience changed the way I planned for subsequent elections,’ Mr Wanzala said.

A professional teacher by training, he said the steady increase in his vote tally reflected growing trust in his vision and commitment. His persistence was rewarded with victory by a margin of more than 900 votes. ‘This victory did not come overnight. It is the result of years of sacrifice, learning from defeat, and standing with the people,’ he said. He has championed social causes, including providing condolence support, helping more than 100 youth to find jobs, and holding five years of consultative meetings to engage with his community.

One of the biggest challenges in Mr Wanzala’s 20-year political journey, he admits, was dealing with untrustworthy mobilisers, some of whom allegedly mishandled his campaign funds. In the just concluded polls, Mr Wanzala (FDC) garnered 6,215 votes, followed by Mr Jacob Kabondo (NRM) with 5,799 votes, while Independent candidate Mr Okum Shaban received 4,798 votes.

Eunice Namatende journey

Similarly, Ms Namatende, who has repeatedly contested the Bugiri District Woman MP seat, finally won after a 20-year political journey marked by setbacks and renewed determination. Her victory reflects sustained grassroots mobilisation and growing voter confidence. Ms Namatende first contested the seat in 2006 as an FDC flag bearer but repeatedly lost to the NRM candidate, Ms Agnes Taka Wejuli. She later joined the NRM party in 2024. She also contested the Bugiri Municipality MP seat during the 2018 by-elections but lost to Jeema’s Asuman Basalirwa. In 2025, Ms Namatende contested the NRM primaries for the Bugiri District Woman MP seat against Ms Taka Wejuli and won, becoming the party’s flag bearer.

Advocacy and vision

Ms Namatende said her long pursuit of parliamentary office was driven by a desire to improve service delivery, particularly for women and children. ‘I wanted to ensure these vulnerable groups receive better service delivery, improve their household incomes, and also have access to quality education,’ she said. A secondary school teacher by profession, she pledged to improve education by lobbying for better policies and advocating for increased teachers’ salaries.

Ms Namatende said her campaigners had advised her to join the ruling NRM to improve her chances of winning. She said sympathy votes came after contesting several times.

‘ I will ensure I fulfil their expectations. I will hold meetings every month and talk to my people as a way of maintaining a good relationship,’ she said.

Party wrangles and challenges

She also cited internal party wrangles as a major challenge during her campaigns, saying some NRM leaders worked against her. ‘I would have received more votes if not for the internal party wrangles, which reduced support. Some NRM leaders were even backing Opposition candidates,’ she said. Ms Namatende (NRM) won the Bugiri District Woman MP seat with 50,020 votes, defeating Ms Rebecca Namumbya (NUP), who garnered 46,559 votes. Ms Angelina Chekwemboi (FDC) trailed with 1,588 votes. Other candidates included Ms Nabutanda Zubeda (PFF) with 740 votes, Ms Alima Hamed (JEEMA) with 727 votes, and Independent candidate Moureen Juma Namanda, who got 736 votes.

In several suburbs of Kampala, quiet residential streets are fast disappearing under concrete and steel. Bungalows that once sat behind hedges now stand shoulder to shoulder with multi-storey apartment blocks, office buildings, bars and arcades.

Heavy trucks squeeze through narrow access roads, generators hum day and night, and compounds once meant for family life have turned into busy commercial corridors. The residents say high-rise and commercial buildings are steadily encroaching on neighbourhoods originally planned for low-density housing-often without consultation or regard for zoning laws.

What is unfolding in the capital is increasingly being replicated in other Ugandan towns and cities, including Mbale, Mbarara, Gulu and Fort Portal, raising fresh concerns about the enforcement of physical planning laws and the future of orderly urban growth.

Mr Willy Nangosyah, a retired government engineer, explained that the Physical Planning Act of 2010 designates the entire country as a physical planning area. Under this law, every local government must have both a physical planning committee and a building committee.

No building can be constructed without the approval of these committees, which regularly convene to review and authorise plans. Committees exist at the town council or sub-county level, as well as at district and city levels. All building plans must be approved before construction begins. While the law is clear, the major challenge is that there are no comprehensive physical plans covering the entire country. Efforts were made through three projects in Bududa and Bundibugyo, aimed at developing physical plans for all districts in Uganda. Mr Nangosyah emphasised that any building not approved and supervised poses serious risks. Environmentally, such structures may collapse, endangering lives and causing harm to the surrounding environment.

The court case that has pitted Justice Julia Sebutinde of the International Court of Justice against her neighbours in Bugolobi, Kampala, including Secretary to the Judiciary, Pius Bigirimana, where a multi-storeyed apartment block is shooting up, underscores other fears. Mr Bigirimana, together with residents Lerry Kato Ssempala, Grace Natukunda and Loretta Umutesi, dragged justice Sebutinde and her husband, John Bagunywa Sebutinde, to the Civil Division of the High Court, seeking to stop the construction. The suit also lists Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) and another individual identified as Joseph Wamala as defendants. The Sebutindes insist that they got the all clear from relevant authorities.

Getting approvals

The Ministry of Works and Transport spokesperson, Ms Suzan Kataike, said people should get building permits from the respective local governments before they construct. ‘If your building is in Wakiso District, go to the Wakiso Local Government to get permits before you start constructing buildings,’ Ms Kataike told Saturday Monitor.

Under Uganda’s Physical Planning Act, 2010, every district and city is required to have an approved physical development plan that zones land for residential, commercial, industrial or mixed use. Any change of land use, from residential to commercial, must be approved by the relevant Physical Planning Committee.

A member of a District Physical Planning Committee explains that approvals are not automatic.

‘We assess traffic flow, environmental impact, sanitation, parking and the views of neighbours,’ the official says.

‘Constructing a commercial building in a purely residential zone without approval is illegal.’ Timothy Chemonges, a legislative analyst specialising in governance, explained that physical plans are designed to clearly separate low-density residential areas from mixed-use and commercial zones, with strict limits on building height, density, and permitted activities.

‘While the legal framework exists, the challenge lies in enforcement. Political interference, weak institutional capacity, and corruption often result in developments that contradict approved plans being irregularly approved or simply ignored,’ Mr Chemonges said.

He noted that a development becomes illegal once it violates approved plans, zoning regulations, or safety standards. However, enforcement is typically reactive.

Mr Chemonges warned that if this trend continues, cities will become increasingly congested, unsafe, and environmentally fragile. ‘Infrastructure will deteriorate, disaster risks will escalate, and communities will lose trust in planning institutions-ultimately making cities harder and more expensive to govern.’

Digitalisation

In 2023, the National Building Review Board (NBRB), the regulatory body for the building sector, embraced digitalisation through the introduction of the Building Industry Management System (BIMS) by providing building permits online. Developed by local talents from NBRB and the National Information Technology Authority-Uganda (Nita-U), the BIMS was launched in December 2022 to digitise all building control processes in Uganda. The BIMS offers a comprehensive solution to improve the supervision, monitoring, and enforcement of building laws. Its implementation seeks to address the frequent building accidents that have resulted in the loss of lives and property.

Through BIMS, developers can now apply for building and occupation permits, engage registered professionals, schedule routine building operation inspections, and receive instant feedback on their online requests. Additionally, all prescribed building control fees can be paid online as the system is integrated with other online payment platforms. This level of scrutiny helps eliminate non-professionals and middlemen who have been involved in issuing incorrect building plans and designs for many collapsed buildings.

The BIMS also automates the payment of building control fees. These fees are calculated based on the floor area in square metres, considering the classification and location of the building. Once all other requirements are fulfilled, developers can generate a payment reference number indicating the applicable fees. The payment can then be made using any preferred payment system. The BIMS ensures efficient, transparent, and predictable collection of building control fees by the government.

The numbers

Since its launch, BIMS has been fully operational in 11 cities, 31 municipalities, and several local governments, including Wakiso, Mukono, and Jinja. Operating under the Ministry of Works and Transport, it is mandated to monitor building developments and ensure the design and construction of buildings are accessible to persons with disabilities. According to planners, some developers exploit loopholes in the approval process. In several cases, approval is granted for residential houses, only for developers to alter designs mid-construction.

Ms Lydia Nekesa, an environmental expert, said: ‘By the time enforcement teams intervene, the building is complete, and the political pressure begins.’

She said in other instances, construction starts before approvals are granted, with developers betting that authorities will later regularise the structures rather than order demolition. According to a Uganda Bureau of Statistics (Ubos) report of 2016, the total number of plans submitted in 2015 was 6,539. This represented a 47 per cent increase from 4,432 plans submitted in 2014, containing 2,146 commercial plans submitted, up from 1,360 in 2013.

Of the submitted applications in 2015, 5,777 were approved, registering a 30 per cent increase in comparison to the previous years. During 2019, the majority of Building Plans submitted were for residential structures (59.1 per cent), followed by commercial structures (28.8 per cent) and institutional structures (3.7 per cent), while other building categories registered less than 2.0 per cent. Statistics of building plans approved in 2019 show that 58 per cent were residential buildings, 29.7 per cent were commercial buildings, 5.4 per cent were mixed-use and 4.0 per cent were Institutional buildings.

Comparing plans approved in 2018, 57.7 per cent were residential buildings, 29.5 per cent were commercial buildings, 5.3 per cent were for mixed-use, while 4.0 per cent were institutional plans. The Industrial building categories registered less than 2.0 per cent in both 2019 and 2018. In 2019, 77.0 per cent of all the occupation permits were for commercial buildings, almost nine per cent were for residential buildings, while four per cent were for Industrial buildings.

The electoral season is almost over. The victors are in celebration. The losers are counting their losses. It’s more difficult for the losers. This is largely due to the nature of investment, both financially and emotionally. The biggest problem with African and, indeed, Ugandan political actors is conceding defeat where it is clearly deserved. It is indeed hard for those who did not have it in their favour. Some might even develop a mental breakdown. Others might withdraw from society to first recover from the shock. However, the earlier they recollect themselves and move on, the better. After all, in this exercise, winners and losers were inevitable.

The attrition rate for the sitting Members of Parliament (MPs) is way above 70 percent and to most Ugandans, this was meant to happen. President Museveni has warned MPs on several occasions not to use money or give unsustainable promises to the voters. However, the desperation of the contesters to win the election makes them go overboard and give false promises that they later fail to achieve. The result is that they get voted out in the next round of the election. Therefore, reading MPs Medard Sseggona and Ibrahim Ssemuju’s concession of defeat in the just concluded parliamentary elections sounded rare and shocking.

Comments on why they lost elections were mature, something that is not common in Uganda. They conceded defeat honourably and congratulated the victors. The two MPs were quoted by several media houses as accepting the outcome of the parliamentary elections. Competing for political office, however rewarding it can be, should not make people look at each other as enemies. There is always more to live for beyond the rewards that come with such positions. In any case, those positions are not permanent; the very reason they are competed for every five years.

To such bad losers, an election is a zero-sum game where the participant expects nothing short of victory. It is a do or die affair. Indeed, in such circumstances, the losers end up losing their heads as well, and if not restrained, can end up with suicidal thoughts. Accepting a political loss after a hot, intensely contested election-often characterised by a public concession speech-is a fundamental, though non-legally binding tradition in healthy democracies. It represents a “graceful celebration of democracy” that signals the end of electoral “warfare,” promotes national stability and facilitates the peaceful transfer of power. Conceding defeat is not cowardly or showing you weren’t the best candidate; to the contrary, it shows humility and maturity.

It is a moment to place the country above personal disappointment. It encourages supporters to accept the results, ensuring that the winner can govern effectively. Both MPs Ssemujju and Sseggona had represented their constituencies for not less than 15 years. They had offered all they could to their voters. True, they felt they still had some energy to represent their constituencies, but the majority of voters felt they were more convinced by their opponents. This is not to say that they had not represented their constituencies well enough.

Far from that. Graceful acceptance of defeat reinforces the democratic norm that “partisan feeling must yield to patriotism”. As a people, we must encourage such a culture if we are to advance our democratic gains. A prompt concession signals that the electoral system, despite a heated contest, is legitimate. In contentious elections, refusing to concede defeat can cause deep political divisions and threaten social order. As I write, one of the losers in the last presidential election, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, has denied conceding defeat and gone into self-imposed hiding.

Refusing to concede defeat won’t change the results the Electoral Commission announced. The only remedy available can only be the courts of law, which Mr Kyagulanyi is reluctant to engage. Elections come and go. The 2026 General Election is literally done. It is time to heal, and we move on with our lives. It is time to allow peace to return to our towns and villages. Work that propels self-improvement had stalled because of the political season.

Mr Erias Lukwago, the outgoing Lord Mayor of Kampala, has accepted the outcome of the 2026 Kampala City Lord Mayorship polls, conceding defeat to Mr Ronald Balimwezo of the National Unity Platform (NUP).

In a statement released on Saturday, Mr Lukwago expressed gratitude to the people of Kampala for the opportunity to serve as their leader since 2011, citing his impact on integrity, accountability, and serving the city’s urban poor and indigents.

‘Notwithstanding the flaws that have marred this process as an integral part of the entire 2026 General Elections, I do hereby accept the outcome of the Kampala Lord Mayorship polls,’ he said in a statement

“I will sign out of the Lord Mayor’s Parlour with a great sense of pride and elation having offered an indisputably immaculate city stewardship,” Lukwago added.

He highlighted his achievements, including providing principled leadership, addressing the needs of the urban poor, and protecting the city’s assets from cartels and mafias.

‘I will eternally treasure the strong social bond, trust and love that I have shared with the People of Kampala and beyond over the years and I wish the best of luck to the newly constituted leadership,’ Mr Lukwago signed out, promising to; ‘remain focused on the protracted struggle for social justice, rule of law and a non-violent transition from a family and gun rule to a Constitutional and political order or dispensation that guarantees the sovereignty of the people.’

Lukwago’s 15-year tenure as Lord Mayor has been marked by persistent advocacy for decentralised governance and clashes with central government authorities.

Balimwezo, who secured 141,220 votes, has been declared the winner, beating Lukwago’s 41,915 votes.

Other contenders included Moses Kizito Nsubuga of the ruling NRM party, who finished second with 43,615 votes.

Balimwezo, a trained civil engineer, has pledged to make Kampala great and sought the wise counsel of Lukwago, describing him as a “great pillar in the city”.

“I will knock on your doors because you are experienced and you have done a lot for this city. I also thank you for the great service you have offered to this city,” he said.

He thanked his party and the people of Kampala for their support, paying tribute to NUP president Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (Bobi Wine) for backing his candidature.

“I particularly thank our president Bobi Wine for believing in me and giving me a chance to represent the National Unity Platform,” he said.

Kaloli Dhizaala has secured a landslide victory in the Kamuli District chairperson race, polling 47,559 votes on the NRM ticket.

This marks his fourth attempt at the seat, having previously contested three times as an independent under the “Pot” symbol.

Dhizaala’s closest challenger, independent candidate Robert Kalulu, garnered 29,828 votes, while other contenders trailed behind. Mubarak Ndhegwe, an independent, secured 3,167 votes, and FDC’s Francis Mutebe Tayoleke trailed with 1,425 votes.

The win is attributed to Dhizaala’s campaign anchored on community service, dubbed “Bulungi bwansi”, which resonated with voters.

Dhizaala had worked with locals to open impassable community roads, urging communities to act where they could rather than wait for the government.

“This marks a new dawn for Kamuli and an opportunity for me to serve with all my abilities, guided by God’s gift of wisdom, courage, and protection. Let us all be leaders through me,” Dhizaala said in his victory speech.

Political analysts attribute Dhizaala’s win to his principled and self-made image, contrasting with his opponent’s reliance on external forces and divisive tactics.

“Dhizaala has stood for the common man, remained consistent and calm, and bridged the gap between people, politicians, and civil servants. His win is well deserved,” said Tito Ikanga, a local analyst.

FDC candidate Francis Mutebe praised Dhizaala’s campaign team for being strong, committed, and credible, with well-researched, public-driven issues that won over voters.

“Dhizaala had a strong, committed, articulate, and credible campaign team, presenting well-researched, public-driven issues that won over the voters,” Mutebe said.

The newly elected chairperson has pledged to work with everyone, including rivals, to deliver development. Robert Kalulu, one of his closest rivals, conceded defeat, calling for unity, reconciliation, and constructive collaboration for the community’s progress.

“Though we didn’t win, we competed honorably. We accept the outcome with grace and urge our people to work constructively with our leaders,” Kalulu said.

Youth activist Violet Promise Aliyinsa expressed optimism about the new leadership.

“Congratulations on your new role as LCV. We are excited about the positive change in your resilience and dedication,” she said.

Dhizaala takes over from the late Maxwell Kuwembula, who died in a road crash in June 2025.

I got involved in a social media debate on the call for protests against the recently concluded presidential elections. Someone accused Diaspora Ugandans of urging ‘our children’ to face the military people on the streets of Kampala. In what seems to be a case of emotional blackmail, some Opposition leaders are accused of moving members of their immediate families out of the country.

‘Yet they are now calling on our children to face Museveni’s army on the streets.’ My dispassionate comment was: In most wars, the person and life of leaders (and immediate family members) are protected from harm’s way. They are always removed from the theatre of violence.

ICYMI: I’m not happy with the continued detention of Besigye, says Museveni

Museveni, Besigye: Please pull back from the brink

I think this feeds into the military operational concept of keeping headquarters and sickbay away from operations. Dear Ugandans who choose to protest, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi and his children don’t have to be at the forefront. Remember (as Mr Abraham Luzzi would say), this is about you; not Kyagulanyi and his children. But I must confess, I am not joining anyone protesting Kyagulanyi’s loss. My demand has always been that Mr Kyagulanyi apologises for the negative remarks he (and his supporters like Abed Bwanika, Eddie Mutwe etc) made against Dr Kizza Besigye in the lead up to the presidential elections of 2021. And this brings us to the twin fate of Dr Besigye and Mr Museveni.

The Prisons spokesperson said Dr Besigye was well; and that he had visited a clinic outside the prison for routine checkup. A day or so later, the same prison services said they could not produce Dr Besigye because he was critically ill. The irony! Without prejudice to the accusations levelled against him, Dr Besigye is a human being. Minus his intense activism as a political leader, he is human. He is a citizen. He is a Ugandan citizen. That is why his physical frailty in photos that appeared on social media left many teary. His frail appearance always attracts more sympathy than the gravity of the accusations labelled against him by the State. That’s why I am also concerned about Mr Museveni’s legacy.

How can a man of Mr Museveni’s level of appreciation of public affairs be blinded as to tie his legacy to the fate of Dr Besigye. Why is he making a martyr of Dr Besigye? Of what strategic value is Dr Besigye’s fate to the vision of a better Uganda and African in general? The people who advise Mr Museveni don’t seem to appreciate the gravity of the psychological effect of Besigye’s frail body on Ugandans. Right now, it is no longer the serious offences Besigye may have committed. It is no longer the NKI (Nairobi Kidnap Incident). No one mentions it anymore. It is the life of Besigye. What is required now (from the State) is simple: Get Besigye to a health facility outside prison.

On social media, a lady urged Ms Winnie Byanyima to lead a protest march against government’s insensitivity to the health of Dr Besigye. I support the idea of a protest march. And I swear upon my ritual circumcision that I would bring all the 60+ years of my Ugandan citizenship to the protest march. Mr Museveni is clearly visiting unto himself the Janani Luwum situation to wit: creating a martyr likely to cancel out all the 40 years of protected (and not-protected) gains. I am willing to walk behind Byanyima in the protest march for Besigye. Not the march for kubanjaring the lost or stolen votes.

The people of the Kigezi region have welcomed with joy and pride the appointment of Dr Flavian Zeija as the new Chief Justice of Uganda.

Justice Flavian Zeija, who previously served as Deputy Chief Justice, was elevated by President Yoweri Museveni after the retirement of Chief Justice Owinyi Ddolo.

He has been widely praised by educationists, legal professionals, and leaders from his home region for his integrity, competence, and exemplary service to the judiciary.

At St. Mary’s College Rushoroza in Kabale District, where the new Chief Justice studied for six years and served as head boy, the news was received with excitement.

Ms Margret Twebaze, the Deputy Head Teacher of the school, told the Monitor on Saturday that the institution is immensely proud to see one of its Old Students rise to the highest judicial office in the country.

Twebaze who studied at the school during the same period as Justice Zeija, described him as a disciplined and principled student whose leadership qualities were evident even then. She noted that as head boy, he stressed academic excellence and discipline among students.

‘He was a student with integrity, well behaved and focused. During his leadership, he encouraged students to concentrate on academics and maintain discipline. He was a unique leader, and many of us knew he would become a great and prominent person,’ Ms Twebaze said. Mr Eric Sunday, the Deputy Town Clerk of Kabale Municipal Council and a resident of Rukiga District, also applauded the appointment, describing the Chief Justice as a highly respected judicial officer who rose through the ranks on merit.

‘I have known him since my early years. His strong voice and professionalism in the judiciary should be a guiding light to other officers. He should serve as an example to young lawyers in this country to uphold ethics and integrity,’ he said.

Mr Justus Muhangi of Muhangi and Partners Advocates in Kabale said Justice Flavian Zeija has been his professional role model. He added that Kigezi has consistently produced brilliant minds who have served the nation with distinction.

‘Kigezi has always produced outstanding leaders, and his appointment proves that once again. He will be a great asset to the judiciary and the country at large,’ he said.

As celebrations continue across the region, many see the appointment of Chief Justice Zeija not only as a personal achievement but also as a source of inspiration for young people, especially those aspiring for careers in law and public service.

In 2021, when the National Resistance Movement (NRM) polled 35.91 per cent in the national vote, no one could have anticipated a performance in the next election cycle that would garner 49.25 per cent.

‘The losses suffered by the NRM party in Buganda Sub-region in 2021 during the election cycle were big, but we quickly diagnosed the problem by first of all accepting the defeat,’ Ms Rose Namayanja Nsereko, the ruling party’s deputy secretary general and a key architect of the ‘Buganda for Museveni’ campaign strategy, told Saturday Monitor. ‘The truth was that voters had issues that partly informed their decision to deny us the vote on top of the Opposition propaganda machinery of the time,’ she added.

The improvement by nearly 14 percentage points in the bastion of the National Unity Platform (NUP) was down to, reckons Ms Namayanja, a change of tack. For the first time in the history of the NRM, the party did not seek the services of an appointed national taskforce for the 2026 campaign but instead went for a grassroots mobilisation strategy. Planting its roots in villages, the teams that were stitched together had non-candidates, including ex officio members, former Resident District Commissioners (RDCs) from the respective areas and party cadres. ‘We are talking about more than 300 people actively mobilising for the NRM party at the grassroots in a particular area.

These people had earlier been briefed about the service delivery programme and were equipped with the right messages as feedback to the voters, but we also had the Parish Development Model (PDM) as a magic bullet,’ Ms Namayanja revealed. The ruling party also managed to hit the jackpot by convincing a number of Independents aligned to it to step down in favour of NRM flagbearers in Buganda. As many as 128 Independents stepped down following the intervention of Yoweri Museveni, the party chairperson. This was further augmented by the palpable divisions within the Opposition’s ranks, per Mr Godfrey Kiwanda Ssubi, the former NRM party national vice chairperson for Central Region.

No pandemic blues

Mr Kiwanda, a key party national mobiliser for Buganda region, added: ‘We swallowed our pride as the top party, and went back to the drawing board to identify the key challenges that possibly affected the NRM party performance in 2021.’ Among the key issues that rocked the NRM, noted Mr Kiwanda, were ‘the rampant land evictions and land grabbing, poverty-related changes.’ The panacea to those, heading into the 2026 poll, was ‘the PDM, Emyooga, among other wealth creation programmes.’

‘Unlike the 2021 General Election cycle where the country was fighting the Covid-19 pandemic-related challenges, including the lockdown that angered a big percentage of the citizens, the year 2026 has been different,’ Mr Kiwanda reasoned. As the country’s business arm, Buganda was bound to be imperilled by the pandemic curbs. Residents of Buganda, Mr Kiwanda further offered, had no other way to vent their anger than to vote against the sitting government for the restrictions and the attendant impacts.

‘Many people who lost their respective businesses turned their anger against the government and the ruling NRM party. There is a possibility the angered population carried their frustration to their respective polling stations with an aim of voting out the NRM government,’ Mr Kiwanda told the Saturday Monitor, banking largely on anecdotal evidence that this publication could not independently verify.

Youth factor?

Sheikh Kassim Kamigisha, a former Resident City Commissioner (RCC) attached to Nakawa Division and Member of the Patriotic League of Uganda, believes that NRM party has since evolved into a stronger and focused political party. He added that it has managed to adapt to the country’s pro-active youthful population. ‘In 2021, the NRM party did not have an active youth wing, a factor that had previously left the youthful population almost lost. When we talk about Buganda and the other urban areas, the NRM party has brought on board the youth with strong structures at different levels.

The youth have clearly grasped the well packaged message on the skilling programme with the assurance that they can become entrepreneurs and self-employed.’ But Mr Peter Kahindi, a lawyer, public policy analyst, believes that the NRM party of 2021 is possibly not the more vibrant and pro-active party that has realised that the voters have real genuine issues that need to be resolved. When you figure out the ‘Buganda for Museveni’ arrangement that brought together different stakeholders to explain the different government programmes and respond to the emerging issues, the voters felt their unanswered questions had finally got to the right people, he told Saturday Monitor.

‘When you allow the village based structures to freely engage with the voters from their respective areas, the people will freely air out their concerns and perhaps get to find the solutions. For the service delivery programs, the respective local government officials are put to task to explain the service delivery gap and possibly get to the solution. This created a big impact. The fact that the NRM party learnt how to build cohesion and work as a team worked against the Opposition,’ he said.

Opposition reacts

Mr Denis Ssekabira, the Member of Parliament for Katikamu North Constituency in Luweero District, however, is quick to dismiss the alleged NRM party gains. He told Saturday Monitor that the ruling party has failed to differentiate between the government programmes and the party activities. This, he adds, is to the disadvantage of the vulnerable population. ‘When they the government through the Ministry of Agriculture Animal Industry and Fisheries recently procured the hand hoes to be distributed to the different households under the District Local government structures, the programme was hijacked by the NRM party. The hoes ended up in the hands of the NRM candidates as campaign tools for vote hunting.

This is unfortunate,’ he opined. Ms Catherine Nabawanuka, a resident of Bombo Town Council in Luweero District, attributed the ruling party’s success to luck. She agreed with Mr Kiwanda’s observation that Opposition political parties, mostly NUP, have become disorganised and do not have leadership units in place to handle internal disunity in a more mature manner. ‘I don’t believe that the NRM has really worked hard as far as service delivery is concerned, but we have a weak Opposition. Some of the voters in the Luweero now believe that the Opposition has no future and have turned back to the NRM party. We have patiently tested the Opposition but the results are not any better. It is better to rely on the government side,’ she told the Saturday Monitor.

The 2026 gains Yet the inroads the NRM has made cannot be contested. In 2021, NUP, the leading Opposition party, swept the three legislative positions for Bukomansimbi District. But the 2026 General Election saw the ruling party win the three seats back, including that of the District Woman Representative (DWR), Bukomansimbi South and Bukomansimbi North. In Nakaseke District, the NRM party took the Nakaseke South and Nakaseke Central seats that had been in the hands of NUP. Ms Namayanja said the NRM party strategic mobilisation is not only reflected in the number of MPs that the party has gained in Buganda but that the rise in the voter percentage is a clear indication that the party is ‘a people’s party.’

While the NRM party struggled to get Members of Parliament in the Kampala area, with all the positions falling back to the Opposition in 2021, the 2026 election cycle brought slightly better dividends. ‘We have three Parliament seats in Kampala and we expect to harvest more leadership positions. The people of Kampala are rejecting the Opposition lies, long fed to the population,’ Ms Rosemary Sseninde, who is in charge of national mobilisation at the NRM secretariat, told the Saturday Monitor.

She discloses that some of the strategies employed included engaging the voters using the village based committees. The party’s youth mobilisation drive hit the bullseye as did the PDM. In Buganda, 514,000 households had by December 2025 accessed the PDM funds through their respective Saccos. The land related challenges have reportedly been given a priority through the different offices. The Opposition, however, says that, with anecdotal evidence pointing to many bribery and intimidation cases, there is more than meets the eye.

There are half a dozen traditional practices from Uganda that are inscribed on the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco) Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Last year, the practices were the first National Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) exhibition.

What are the practices?

They include: Bigwala gourd trumpet music and dance; barkcloth making; male child cleansing ritual; the Koogere oral tradition; the Madi bowl lyre instrument and music; and the Empaako naming system. Bigwala gourd trumpet music and dance is special because it is a royal musical heritage of the Basoga, performed during installation ceremonies and symbolising unity and authority. A set of five or more monotone gourd trumpets are blown in combination, accompanied by drum players, singers and dancers. Song lyrics narrate the history of the Basoga, focusing in particular on their king. The five gourd trumpets are: empla, enana, endasasi, endesi, and endumilizi.

‘These trumpets represent Busoga royal music. Today, the music is performed at royal events, weddings and many others. These five trumpets represent the different sounds of this music from the endumilizi with the lowest sound to the empla with the highest sound,’ Mr John Lugolole, chairman of the Bigwala Cultural Group based in Namalemba Sub-county, Bugweri District in eastern Uganda, tells Saturday Monitor. He adds:’Our biggest challenge we are facing is that when we plant the gourds they are attacked by pests when they are at the flowering stage. We are getting rid of the pests by spraying pesticides on the plants.’

What is bark cloth making?

This centuries-old practice of crafting cloth from the Mutuba tree (Ficus natalensis/Fig tree) is deeply embedded in Buganda’s rituals and artistic expression. ‘We use the knife (omwambe) to carefully harvest the outer bark of the Mutuba tree. The banana stalk (omuzingonyo) is then used to remove the bark so as not to damage it. We then cover the tree with banana leafs to protect it from the sun or rain for three days,’ Mr Thomas Lubega, the head of the cultural and tourism office in Mutuba Mukaga, says. He adds: ‘The top of the outer bark is removed. We may then boil the bark to get the best bark cloth. We then embark on the process of gently beating the inner bark with grooved mallets known as omukomagiro and ensaamo to make it thin and flexible.’

The material is dried and later decorated, ready to be used for cloth and various purposes.

‘We you start this process of making bark cloth in your home, some members of the public falsely perceive it as a religious shrine. Bark cloth making is not satanic at all. Today, bark cloth is expensive, and it is used to make handicrafts, modern garments, and traditional ceremonies,’ Mr Lubega clarifies. He adds: ‘Our biggest challenge today is that the Mutuba or Emituba trees are scarce. The trees do not have a market so people cut them down for firewood and burning charcoal.’

What does the male child cleansing ritual entail?

A practice among the Lango people in northern Uganda, the ritual cleanses young males, marking their transition to adulthood. ‘This ritual is the cleansing ceremony for the boy child whose genitals were accidentally touched by his mother while still in house immediately after birth which rendered him impotent,’ Mr Benjamin Okii, the leader of Okii-Bua Clan in Lango, discloses. He adds:’Tradition dictates that when a boy is born he should be kept in the house for three days before being brought out in the sunshine. Within those three days the mother has to be careful not to touch the genitals of the boy. Otherwise, the boy may be rendered impotent.’

Traditional shoes made from buffalo or cow hides known as waro are worn. Today, Mr Okii reveals, ‘the shoes are made from car tyres’. He also discloses that the odero (winnower) is used to cover the head of the boy and mother when they are coming out of the house to ease themselves during the three days of the ceremony. The gwata (calabash) is used for eating food and drinking water. The tol kworo (rope from the Kwoto tree) is tied around the hands of the boy.

‘We used to tie the umbilical cord around the hands of the boy in the past, now we use the tol kworo rope.’ There was the nyig itodi necklace made from the seeds of the itodi wild banana species tree. ‘The seeds represent the boy who is a human seed, and he should flourish in life. The necklace is dressed around the neck of the boy while in the house for three days,’ Mr Okii notes.

What about the Koogere oral tradition? It’s a cycle of narratives from the Basongora, Banyabindi, and Batooro communities of western Uganda, celebrating female leadership, wisdom, and moral values. At last year’s maiden National ICH exhibition, the artefacts were presented by the Kagore Community Museum under the Kogere Foundation Uganda (KFU) in Fort Portal City. They included: ekyanzi, ebisayi, engata, akaibo k’owwani, , entebe, and omukeeka, among others. The foundation derives its name from Koogere Rusiijamiryango Atwooki, a renowned female leader in pre-colonial Bunyoro-Tooro history.

Appointed as county chief of Busongora, she exemplified leadership, hard work, and peace, leaving a lasting legacy in the region. KFU continues to promote cultural preservation and community empowerment. It is dedicated to safeguarding and harnessing cultural resources, both tangible and intangible for development. The Curator of the Kagore Community Museum, Ms Gertrude Kabaganda, says: ‘Koogere was the first female Saza Chief of Busongora. She was the first female leader 1,500 years ago. She was so famous and ruled from Busongora up to Bukedea in eastern Uganda, stretching to Ituri in Democratic Republic of Congo and Karagwe in Tanzania. What we are displaying are cow hides and milk items because Koogere was very wealthy with a lot of cattle.’

What makes the Madi bowl lyre instrument and music noteworthy?

It’s an emotive, poetic musical form among the Madi people of West Nile, often played in communal gatherings to pass down wisdom and cultural memory. The Manager of the Madi Community Museum, Mr Jonathan Agwe Aliko, says the odi (bowl lyre) is normally played during the naming ceremonies, traditional marriages, good harvest celebrations, and political rallies. ‘The tumi-aco (traditional hoe) is used to clean around our traditional altar. A three-legged stone called tumi. This hoe is among the items for bride price,’ Mr Aliko tells Saturday Monitor.

The utu traditional sieve is used for making traditional brew. The ebu (iron ore) is used to make traditional hoes. The biri traditional music instrument is used during the Mure traditional dance. The aula is worn on the left hand when performing the Mure. ‘The Mure is a very important dance through which the Madi can be identified. The dance is used to pass on important messages. It is also performed after the burial of an elder of 70 years and above,’ Mr Aliko further reveals.

What about the Empaako naming system?

According to Engabu Za Tooro (Tooro Youth Platform for Action), Empaako is a naming system whereby children are given a special name called Empaako from among the twelve names shared across the communities of the Batooro, Banyoro, Batagwenda, Batuku and Banyabindi found in Western Uganda in addition to their given and family names. The Empaako include Okaali that is reserved for a king, Apuuli, Araali, Bbala and Acaali exclusively for men while Akiiki, Adyeri, Amooti, Ateenyi, Atwoki, Abbooki and Abwoli are shared among both sexes. Addressing a person by his or her Empaako name is a positive affirmation of social ties.

Engabu Za Tooro says Empaako plays the following three important roles in one’s life; (1) Greeting. In greeting, the two address each other using Empaako. One asks Empaako only on first interaction. (2) Neutralising anger and tension. Greeting or addressing by Empaako to a person one is in conflict with, sends strong message of compromise, peace and reconciliation. The members of the bearer communities believe that Empaako mysteriously evaporates from the memory of the two people whose relationship gets strained, only to be recovered at reconciliation.

(3) A form of address in all positively subjective conditions of human interactions like; expressing respect and honour to a parent, an elder, a leader, spirit medium and gods; expressing affection to a companion, a lover, a tender minor, a sick or suffering, a missed or dead dear one; appealing for favour from human or superhuman powers; and expressing thanks and bidding farewell. Therefore, while Empaako is given along with surname, the two serve completely different roles. The surname is only for official and impersonal address.

Are the cultural practices still alive and well in Uganda?

According to the Uganda Community Museums Association (UCOMA), once thriving and widespread, many of these traditions had reached near extinction, surviving only through a few remaining knowledge bearers. As a result of the safeguarding efforts supported by Unesco, these elements are being revitalised, though they remain fragile and not widely understood by the wider public.

Does Uganda pride in any other significant but non-inscribed practices?

Yes, it does. From the Bagisu of eastern Uganda there is the Imbalu male initiation rite as well as their indigenous food preparation (Malewa), traditional governance, and worship systems. Amongst the Baganda in central Uganda there are drum-making processes, clan systems, and spiritual beliefs.

Elsewhere, from the Kigezi highlands the best bits include: music and dance traditions like Ekizino and Kakitaari, local beer-making, and healing practices.

National Unity Platform (NUP) president, Robert Kyagulanyi’s wife, Barbra Itungo Kyagulanyi, is admitted after she was reportedly assaulted by military officers who raided his home in Magere, Wakiso District last night.

Detailing events of the Friday night raid, Mr Kyagulanyi, who is currently in hiding, said on Saturday afternoon that the intruders, whom he claimed were in hundreds, broke doors and forced themselves into his house, hit walls, window glasses, and doors using the hammer before ransacking the house as they searched for him.

‘Most were dressed in SFC uniforms, while others were in regular UPDF uniforms and others in plain clothes. Many of them were drunk. They came with ladders, ready to climb upstairs. They broke down our doors and forced themselves into our house. Using hammers, they hit walls, window glass, and doors. They put my wife at gunpoint, asking her to reveal my whereabouts. They stole money, numerous valuable documents, and all electronic gadgets. They took phones, laptops, chargers, our internet system, our CCTV system, speakers, and any electronic gadget they could lay their criminal hands on,’ Mr Kyagulanyi who contests the results of the January 15, 2026 General Election, posted on X.

Following the tense election marred by arrests of opposition supporters and polling agents, President Museveni was declared the winner with 71.65 per cent of the votes cast, while Mr Kyagulanyi came second with 24.72 per cent. The musician turned politician escaped from his home on January 16 following a night raid by the military, and his whereabouts are still unknown.

In the second such operation, Mr Kyagulanyi said the soldiers entered every part of his house, including the ceiling.

‘They grabbed my wife’s phone, forced her to sit down, and ordered her to remove her password. She refused. They strangled her and insulted her. They forcefully removed her blouse and took pictures! Speaking Runyakore, they asked why she would get married to a muganda, and why we would dare challenge Museveni. They beat up our askari (security guard) and housemaid. They ordered the askari to show them where the basement is, where I was hiding. These criminals asked where my children were! My wife was rushed to the hospital where she remains admitted, dealing with all the physical and psychological trauma. Yet in all this, we remain firm in our belief that Uganda will be free,’ he said.

Neighbours reported seeing several military cars snake through the neighbourhood as they made their way to Mr Kyagulanyi’s home at around 10 pm.

‘There were several heavily armed soldiers, mostly from the elite Special Forces Command, aboard the military vehicles. Most of them wore face masks. There were also others in civilian clothing but heavily armed. There were about eight vehicles. Most of the military cars didn’t have license plates,’ one of the neighbours said.

The development comes amid an intensified security crackdown on the opposition following the disputed January 15, 2026, polls in which Yoweri Museveni of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party was declared the winner with 7,946,772 votes cast.

Mr Kyagulanyi, who was declared second with 2,741,238 votes, said several of his supporters have been killed or arrested by the military and police following the elections.

He and other opposition members rejected the results as “fake,” citing allegations of massive ballot stuffing and intimidation.

President Museveni’s son, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who acts as the country’s military chief, said on Friday that authorities had detained 2,000 opposition supporters, killed 30, and were hunting for more following the elections in which his father won a seventh term.

Mr Museveni, 81, has led Uganda for nearly four decades. He was declared to have resoundingly defeated Mr Kyagulanyi in the January 15 polls, held during an internet blackout.

In a series of overnight social media posts, Gen Muhoozi gave the first details of the arrests and killings of NUP supporters, describing them as hooligans and terrorists.

“So far we have killed 30 NUP terrorists,” Gen Muhoozi said on X, without explaining the circumstances of the deaths. “Most NUP terrorist leaders are in hiding. We shall get them all,” he said in another post.

The government has accused Kyagulanyi’s supporters of violence during the election, while the opposition says its members were attacked by security forces. Some of the detainees were NUP polling agents, either picked at polling stations where they were deployed or at their homes.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres expressed concern on Thursday over the arrests and violence involving opposition figures and supporters.

“He (the Secretary General) notes the importance of restraint by all actors and respect for the rule of law and Uganda’s international human rights obligations,” his spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said.

Mr Kyagulanyi, who is in hiding after he escaped from his home following a January 16 night raid by the military, has alleged that hundreds of his supporters have been illegally detained in recent months for their political affiliation, and accused authorities of intimidation.

Uganda’s opposition parties and rights activists say some of those arrested are held in unofficial detention centres where some are tortured.

The crackdown intensified with the detention of Muwanga Kivumbi, a lawmaker and Mr Kyagulanyi’s deputy in charge of the Buganda region.

Two other senior NUP figures have been reported missing for days. They are: Dr Lina Zedriga Waru (Deputy President for Northern Uganda), who was reportedly abducted by security forces from her home on January 15, 2026 (Election Day). Her exact whereabouts remain “shrouded in mystery,” with security forces neither confirming nor denying her custody.

Ms Jolly Jacklyn Tukamushaba (Deputy President for Western Uganda) was reportedly arrested or abducted in Rukiga District on the eve of the elections (January 14, 2026). Like Zedriga, she has reportedly been held for over a week without being formally charged or arraigned.

On Friday, Mr Kivumbi appeared in court in Butambala to be charged with terrorism. He was remanded in custody until February 3.

Mr Kyagulanyi, 43, has said he fled his residence after a raid by security personnel shortly after the election.

Mr Museveni is widely believed to be grooming Muhoozi, who has expressed presidential ambitions, as his successor.