Category: Daily Monitor

Uganda’s national football team, the Cranes, does not suffer from a lack of talent, patriotism, or public support. What repeatedly undermines the team is something far more difficult to confront: a web of governance weaknesses, policy contradictions, and informal power dynamics that surface at the worst possible moments usually just before decisive matches. The contrast between Uganda’s recent Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) campaign in Morocco and its African Nations Championship (Chan) performance closer to home offers a revealing case study. On the surface, the explanation appears technical: tougher opponents at Afcon, better familiarity at Chan. Yet a closer examination shows that the Cranes’ most persistent obstacles are not tactical but institutional.

This is not a story unique to Uganda, but Uganda’s case illustrates how national teams can become victims of the systems meant to support them. The Uganda Cranes operate within a football governance structure that is reactive rather than strategic. Leadership changes, shifting technical visions, and inconsistent administrative practices mean that each tournament is treated as a fresh project instead of part of a long-term sporting plan. Coaches inherit expectations without institutional backing, and players enter camps uncertain about conditions that should have been settled months earlier. Globally competitive football nations invest as much in governance architecture as they do in players.

Clear mandates, protected technical autonomy, and predictable administrative processes allow teams to focus exclusively on performance. One of the most damaging patterns in the Cranes’ recent history is the recurrence of player welfare disputes on the eve of critical games. Allowances, facilitation, and logistical commitments repeatedly become points of contention not because players are opportunistic, but because systems fail to resolve these matters early.

resolved before travel, not during competition. When it is not, the message received by players is that their value is negotiable. Another quiet but corrosive issue is the perception sometimes real, sometimes exaggerated that team selection is influenced by forces beyond form and fitness. Whether through pressure from agents, administrators, or political actors seeking visibility, the mere belief that meritocracy is compromised damages squad cohesion. Coaches, caught between technical responsibility and political expectation, often operate in constrained space. When results falter, they are held accountable; when selections succeed, credit is dispersed upward.

This imbalance discourages long-term planning and incentivizes short-term risk avoidance. Government involvement in football is not inherently problematic. In fact, Uganda’s public investment in the Cranes bonuses, infrastructure, and logistical support has been essential. The problem lies in the absence of a clear policy framework defining how State support complements, rather than substitutes, institutional professionalism.

At times, political goodwill fills gaps left by weak administration. While this can rescue tournaments, it also creates dependency and inconsistency. Support becomes personalised rather than institutionalised, varying by competition, location, or political moment. Chan demonstrated how visible State support can uplift morale when aligned with team management. Afcon revealed how the same system can appear distant and fragmented when policy coordination is absent.

During Afcon in Morocco, unprecedented restrictions limited access to the team even for accredited national representatives’ days before competition. While intended to protect focus, the effect was symbolic isolation. Players felt removed from the broader national ecosystem at a moment when reassurance mattered most. In contrast, during Chan, controlled but open engagement with senior officials reinforced a sense of national ownership and shared purpose. The difference was not interference versus professionalism, but isolation versus inclusion. What ultimately constrains the Cranes is the persistence of informal systems governing a professional sport.

Informal negotiations, ad-hoc decision-making, and personality- driven authority may function in domestic contexts, but they collapse under continental scrutiny. If Uganda is serious about transforming the Cranes into a consistently competitive force, reform must begin above the touchline. Governance structures must be stabilised. Player welfare must be contractual and pre-determined. Technical autonomy must be protected. Government support must be policy-driven rather than episodic. Until then, Uganda will continue to oscillate between hopeful tournaments and painful post-mortems, asking the same questions after every elimination.

Afronomics is Afro-centred economics; an intentional reimagining of economic thought rooted in Africa’s own strengths, cultures, resources, and ambitions. Rather than importing solutions, Afronomics focuses on uncovering, refining, and scaling indigenous power. It asks a simple but radical question: what happens when Africa builds from the inside out? Few forces reveal Africa’s under leveraged power as clearly as sport. Across generations and disciplines, African and diasporic athletes have consistently redefined the limits of human performance; from the Williams sisters in tennis and Tiger Woods in golf, to boxing legends Muhammad Ali, Mike Tyson, and Anthony Joshua; from basketball icons Michael Jordan and LeBron James to East Africa’s unrivaled distance runners, and football superstars like Sadio Mané and Mohamed Salah.

This is not mythology or sentiment; it is a measurable, repeatable competitive advantage that the continent has yet to fully own or monetise. Yet the wealth generated by this excellence largely accumulates elsewhere. Western leagues, brands, and media empires monetise African talent, while the continent itself captures only a fraction of the value. Afronomics flips that equation. What if Africa became the global headquarters of peak human performance? The goal is not just producing champions, but owning the industries around them and branding Africa as the world’s performance capital. Africa is the youngest continent on earth, with nearly 70 percent of its population under 30.

This demographic wave is either a historic dividend or a destabilising force. Recent youth-led protests across the continent show what happens when talent meets unemployment and exclusion. Afronomics reframes youth as Africa’s most valuable asset. The priority is rapid, large-scale skill amplification aligned with the digital economy. That means continentwide digital literacy, modular and flexible education, startup accelerators, and strong support for creative and tech entrepreneurship. Africa’s youth must not be prepared merely to seek jobs, but to create them; serving as innovators, exporters, and global connectors. Africa holds over 60 percent of the world’s uncultivated arable land, yet remains a net food importer.

This contradiction is not natural; it is structural. With the right strategy, Africa could feed itself and much of the world. Afronomics draws wisdom from history. In the biblical account, Joseph turned Egypt’s agricultural surplus into national power, storing abundance during good years and using it strategically during famine. Africa today has similar advantages: fertile land, favourable climates, and labour. What’s missing is intentional, technology-driven production. Moving from subsistence to surplus requires smart irrigation, climate- resilient crops, and precision farming. It means modern supply chains, potentially blockchain-enabled, that link farmers directly to markets. Most importantly, it means value addition on African soil.

Capturing the full value chain creates jobs, strengthens food security, and keeps wealth circulating locally. Emerging leadership examples, such as Burkina Faso’s push for resource control, show this vision is achievable. Africa’s underground wealth is staggering; cobalt, platinum, gold, diamonds, and the critical minerals powering the green energy transition. Yet these resources have too often funded conflict instead of prosperity. Afronomics insists on a non-negotiable principle: no more exporting raw potential. Minerals must be processed, refined, and transformed on African soil. This means refineries, battery plants, jewelry hubs, and manufacturing clusters.

It also requires regional cooperation to strengthen bargaining power, strategic diplomacy, and sovereign wealth funds that invest resource revenues into infrastructure and human capital for future generations. Africa’s rise will not be gifted; it must be built and defended. Abundance alone is not enough; it must be protected by accountable governance, strong institutions, and leadership that serves citizens rather than external interests or internal elites. By strengthening continental markets, deepening South-South partnerships, and investing in security and diplomacy, Africa can turn sovereignty into a strategic asset. Afronomics is not a request. It is a declaration. Africa’s wealth; human, agricultural, and mineral only benefits Africans when they control the resources, the processing, and the markets. The future will not be imported. It will be built, protected, and claimed by African hands, on African terms.

For decades, the development narrative of landlocked countries has been trapped in a single complaint: we are geographically unfavoured.

This refrain has become a convenient excuse, masking a deeper problem. Uganda is not suffering from geography; it is trapped in infrastructure purgatory, suspended between potential and progress. Uganda is surrounded by five countries Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, with a combined population of nearly 250 million people. That is not isolation; it is strategic centrality. Yet economically, Uganda behaves like a country cut off from opportunity, lost and wandering in the Upside Down of Stranger Things, where the path forward exists but remains unseen and distorted.

Uganda’s position is strikingly similar to Austria, a landlocked country at the heart of Europe. Austria does not lament the absence of a coastline. Instead, it thrives on efficient railways, seamless cross-border connectivity, and logistics systems that turn landlockedness into leverage. What enables this is not proximity to ports alone, but robust rail networks that move minerals, agricultural output, and industrial goods efficiently over vast distances. In 2023, ÖBB (Österreichische Bundesbahnen), Austria’s national railway group, reported total group revenue of approximately pound 5.02 billion from passenger and freight services, a clear example of how a landlocked country can generate substantial economic value through strong railway systems.

In the Ugandan context, the myth that access to the sea determines prosperity refuses to die. Uganda’s railway story began during the colonial era as part of the Uganda Railway project initiated by the British in the late 19th century. The railway was built primarily to access resources, consolidate control over the region, facilitate trade, and move troops efficiently. After the break-up of the East African Railways and Harbours Corporation in 1977, Uganda inherited its national system under the Uganda Railways Corporation (URC). Years of underinvestment and conflict, however, left much of the network in disuse. Despite inheriting a broken railway system, Uganda can still transform it into a wealth-generating treadmill, one that compounds economic growth over time.

A modern, interoperable railway linking Kampala to Gulu, Mbale, Mbarara, and Kasese, and onward to Kigali, Juba, and eastern Congo, would pull Uganda out of economic purgatory and turn it into a regional transportation powerhouse. It would unlock agro-processing, manufacturing, mining, and regional distribution at scale. Railways do not merely transport goods; they transform economies as a regional bloc. If there is any doubt, ask China. As the President speaks of collective socio-economic transformation among East African countries, it is time to walk the talk. Roads alone cannot industrialise a region of this scale. They are costly to maintain, inefficient for heavy cargo, and unsuitable for long-term regional trade integration.

Without affordable and efficient transport systems, Uganda’s economy remains trapped in the upside down of exporting raw materials expensively, importing finished goods inefficiently, facing delivery delays, enduring traffic jams caused by slow-moving heavy trucks, and watching value leak away at every border. The way out is clear: steel tracks, logistics hubs, and the political courage to build for the next 50 years not the next election cycle. Forget access to the sea: Make railways great again.

Following the January 15, 2026 General Election in Uganda, President Museveni is in a commanding lead with 75.38% of the valid votes so far collected from 30,138 polling stations, according to provisional results.

The country’s Electoral Commission chairman, Justice Simon Byabakama, in his third presentation of provisional results on Friday afternoon, said Mr Museveni, who seeks to extend his rule beyond four decades, had so far garnered 5,148,845 votes from 59.4% of the polling stations whose results had been counted by 2 pm.

According to the polling chief, Mr Museveni’s closest contender, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi of the National Unity Platform (NUP) had polled 1,414,619 votes, constituting 20.71% of the valid votes counted so far.

By the time of announcing the third batch of the provisional results, whose presentation was witnessed by former Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) candidate, James Nathan Nandala Mafabi, had garnered 144,564 of the valid votes counted so far. This, according to EC, represents 2.12% of the valid votes so far counted.

Other candidates in the race are Frank Bulira with 29,713 (0.44%) votes, Robert Kasibante with 20,626 (0.3%) votes, Joseph Elton Mabirizi with 14,106 (0.21%) votes, Maj Gen (rtd) Gregory Mugisha Muntu with 38,582 (0.56%) votes and Mubarak Munyagwa Sserunga with 19,034 (0.28%) votes.

According to EC, the total number of valid votes so far counted is 6,830,089 while invalid votes are 170,655.

‘The total number of votes cast (both valid and invalid) so far are 7,000,744, constituting 32.34% of registered voters,’ Justice Byabakama said.

Pockets of violence were reported in Kampala metropolitan area, with bullets fired in some parts of the Capital Kampala, such as Makindye Division, where a group of youth is said to have attempted to stage protests.

At least 21,649, 067 Ugandans registered to cast their ballot at 50,739 polling stations across the country in the January 15, 2026, polls, widely seen as a test of President Museveni’s strength as he seeks to extend his rule into a fifth decade.

Voting was delayed in many parts of the country due to faulty Biometric Voters’ Verification Kits (BVVK) amid an internet outage that left opposition candidates raising concerns of vote rigging.

The final results from the Thursday polls are expected to be announced on Saturday, January 17, 2026.

President Museveni, 81, is seeking to extend his rule beyond four decades as the opposition reports ‘widespread ballot stuffing’ and the arrest of their senior members.

‘The world needs to know what is happening in Uganda on Election Day. The Internet switched off. Massive ballot stuffing is reported everywhere. Our leaders, including the Deputy President for Western Region, arrested. Many of our polling agents and supervisors abducted, and others chased off polling stations. BVVK machines have failed everywhere. The people of Uganda must rise to the occasion and reject the criminal regime. the world must never give any legitimacy to the regime of blood and shame,’ Mr Kyagulanyi said in a social media post before his party, NUP, said military officers had surrounded his home in Magere, Wakiso District.

“He’s under military siege. His home was surrounded by police and the army last evening. He’s not able to interact with agents. His home is not a gazetted detention facility. If he has committed any crime, there’s due process. He can be arrested, arraigned in court and dealt with in accordance with the law. But because he has not committed any crime and institutions of the state are unfortunately being dragged into partisan politics on the side of the incumbent, they now must find ways of undermining his ability to do what is within his right as a candidate or citizen of this country,” said NUP National Treasurer, Mr Banjamin Katana.

Police spokesperson Kituuma Rusoke told journalists he was not aware of Mr Kyagulanyi being placed under house arrest.

Security forces confined Mr Kyagulanyi to his home for days after the last election in 2021, in which he was credited with 35% of the vote. The United States said that the election was neither free nor fair, a charge rejected by Ugandan authorities.

The UN human rights office said last week that this year’s election was being held in an environment of “widespread repression and intimidation”.

Security forces repeatedly opened fire at Mr Kyagulanyi’s rallies, killing at least two people, and arrested hundreds of his supporters. The government said it was responding to lawless behaviour.

A Museveni win would hand the former rebel leader a seventh term in office. He is widely believed to favour his son, military chief Muhoozi Kainerugaba, as his successor, though he has denied grooming Kainerugaba for the role.

Customer expectations keep shifting faster than most brands can update their playbooks. As the year gets underway, the theme of last year’s Customer Service Month, ‘Mission Possible,’ still speaks directly to that reality. It reminds every organisation that the work never stops, the standard keeps rising, and the customer decides what excellence looks like. The task remains in listening to one’s customers, regardless of how enormous the feedback is. The mission continues long after Customer Service Month because service is a daily performance, and the customer remains the star of that stage. Many organisations pour energy into celebrating Customer Service Month in October, and running activities, celebrating customers, promising change, and then slip right back into old habits once the month ends.

Customers want consistency and that commitment should continue long after the banners come down. They want service that reflects their value every day, which ultimately must show in how we treat customers with every month that follows. Across industries, from banking to entertainment and telecom, Ugandan consumers are demanding more meaningful experiences. They want services that not only meet their needs but also reflect their voices. Whether it is a football fan in Busia accessing content through flexible payment options, a mobile banking user in Gulu City demanding faster service, or a young creative in Kampala calling for more localised content, customer choices are directly shaping how companies operate.

Customer choices influence what companies create, their expectations shape service delivery models, and their feedback determines which brands thrive. To meet these expectations, businesses must continue to go beyond good service and build ecosystems where customers are seen, heard, and valued as co-creators. However, listening is just one part of the equation. The real impact lies in how organisations act on that feedback beyond October. Whether it is making services more inclusive and accessible, or co-creating products with communities, the most successful brands are those that let their customers lead the way. There is a sense of pride and ownership that customers feel when they see their feedback brought to life.

When a company adjusts a product feature, introduces a new service, or improves its processes based on what customers have said, it signals that their voices matter. That sense of ownership and contribution builds loyalty far more effectively than any marketing message. This shift is especially relevant in Uganda, where a significant percentage of the population is young, digitally savvy, and vocal. They expect personalised, efficient, and human service. Businesses that embrace this reality will thrive and those that don’t, risk being tuned out. As we kick off the new year, customer service demands tend to intensify as consumers across industries expect personalised, efficient, and human experiences to match their heightened expectations.

The theme, Mission Possible, should continue to challenge businesses to rethink how they view services, which is as an opportunity to build meaningful, enduring relationships. Today, customers are the true stars of the show, and the feedback they offer should be treated as a mission that is entirely possible and not a burden. The truth of the matter is that, every suggestion, complaint, or idea is a roadmap pointing brands toward better experiences. Organisations will always win when customer experience is treated as a continuous commitment that ensures they feel seen, valued and central to the story, not a seasonal campaign.

At least three people were killed and 34 others arrested following night-long protests in Luweero Town Council on Thursday, sparked by tensions over the handling of election results.

The protests began around 7:00pm after security personnel blocked voters from accessing the Luweero Islamic Primary School polling station, where vote counting was taking place.

Supporters of National Unity Platform (NUP) candidates alleged a lack of transparency, claiming the move was an attempt to rig the elections in favor of National Resistance Movement (NRM) candidates.

“The people are angry, and they want their voices heard,” said a local NUP supporter. “We demand transparency and fairness in the electoral process.”

The situation escalated, with protesters mounting barricades and burning tyres along the Kampala-Gulu highway, disrupting traffic for several hours.

Police and UPDF soldiers responded with tear gas and live bullets, leading to the deaths of three people: Sarah Nagayi, 36, Ibrahim Sserubiri, 18, and Robert Sseninde.

“We are deeply concerned about the loss of life and the destruction of property,” said Savannah Regional Police Spokesperson Sam Twiineamazima. “We will not tolerate any form of violence or lawlessness.”

Thirty-four people were arrested during the protests for allegedly throwing stones, burning tyres, and blocking the road.

They are being held at Luweero Central Police Station and face charges of inciting violence and destroying the road.

Security forces have regained control of the town, with a heavy presence maintained in Luwero Town Council. The declaration of presidential and parliamentary election results is still pending.

In Northern Uganda, the rhythm of life has long been dictated by a cruel paradox of extremes; punishing, multi-year droughts that desiccate the land, followed by sudden, overwhelming floods that wash away topsoil and contaminate precious water sources. For generations, the communities of Alebtong, Dokolo, Kole, and Lira have endured this volatile hydrological cycle, their daily survival, health, and economic prospects tethered precariously to the whims of the weather.

This ancient struggle, however, has been violently amplified. The droughts are longer, the floods more intense and erratic, a stark signature of a changing global climate that has turned a chronic challenge into a full-blown humanitarian and developmental crisis. Now, in the face of this escalating threat, a transformative counter-movement is taking root.

It is a story not of mere aid, but of empowered adaptation; not of temporary solutions, but of the strategic construction of long-term resilience. Through the ambitious, three-year Sustainable Water Supply, Sanitation, and Hygiene for All (SWaSSH4A) project, these communities are being equipped with the tools, infrastructure, and knowledge to break the cycle of climate-driven scarcity.

This pound 1.7m (Shs70bn) initiative, a powerful alliance between SNV Netherlands Development Organisation, local implementing partners GLOFORD and Caritas Lira, and the district local governments, funded by the Austrian Development Cooperation, represents a paradigm shift. It moves decisively beyond the traditional model of drilling boreholes to a holistic, integrated defense system, fortifying Northern Uganda against the water-related shocks of today and those yet to come.

How climate change weaponises water insecurity

The project’s formidable impact begins with a precise, scientific, and locally-grounded diagnosis of the problem. As John Robert Okello, the SWaSSH4A Project Manager, explains, climate change does not create new problems here so much as it catastrophically exacerbates existing vulnerabilities.

‘The evidence is in the patterns we now document with alarming regularity,’ Okello states, outlining a multi-pronged assault on water security. ‘Extended dry seasons are causing aquifer levels to drop precipitously and surface water sources like ponds and streams to vanish entirely.’ When the rains finally arrive, they are often of such violent intensity that the parched earth cannot absorb them.

Instead of replenishing groundwater, these deluges trigger destructive flash floods. The cascading effects are severe: latrines are flooded, spreading human waste and creating devastating outbreaks of waterborne diseases like cholera and typhoid. Runoff from degraded lands carries agricultural chemicals and sediments into remaining water points, rendering them toxic.

Furthermore, as Dr Katja Yvonne Kerschbaumer from the Austrian Embassy notes, this crisis hits rural communities hardest, exacerbating the stark inequality in access to this fundamental human right. ‘The gap between urban and rural water access is a climate justice issue,’ she emphasizes.

‘Projects like SWaSSH4A directly tackle the specific, intensified vulnerabilities of those living on the front lines of climate change.’

The human cost of this cycle is immense. Women and children, typically responsible for water collection, spend hours traveling longer distances to find safer sources, losing valuable time for education and income generation. Household budgets are strained by medical costs from preventable diseases.

And as Ms Jillian Akullu Omara, the Resident District Commissioner of Dokolo, observes, the strain on social cohesion is real. ‘When one borehole serves multiple villages and suddenly runs dry, tensions rise. Reliable water is not just about health; it is about peace and stability in our communities.’

The Three Pillars of the SWaSSH4A resilience model

Confronted with this interconnected web of challenges, the SWaSSH4A project responded with an equally integrated, three-pillar strategy designed to build self-sustaining resilience from the ground up.

Climate-proof, engineered infrastructure

The project has rehabilitated 54 critical boreholes and established new water points, directly benefiting over 324,750 people. But these are not standard installations. Each has been engineered as a fortress against climatic extremes. Engineers conducted hydro-geological surveys to identify the most reliable aquifers.

They specified corrosion-resistant, stainless-steel components for hand pumps to withstand aggressive water chemistry. Borehole aprons were extended and reinforced with proper drainage to prevent contamination from floodwaters. ‘We are building for the climate models, not just the current weather,’ explains an SNV field engineer.

‘Every design decision, from the depth of the borehole to the composition of the concrete, is made with future flood Sanitation, hygiene, and behavioural change The project recognised that a climate-resilient water source could be rendered useless if surrounded by poor sanitation. Therefore, a massive parallel effort focused on Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene (WASH). Over 6,000 household latrines were constructed or upgraded, with a key innovation: community sensitization on siting them on higher ground, away from flood paths.

This simple, life-saving guidance prevents the all-too-common scenario of latrines collapsing and spreading waste during rains. Furthermore, the project catalysed a quiet revolution in hygiene behaviour. Through community-led total sanitation (CLTS) approaches, 26,635 people were inspired to construct and consistently use ‘tippy-tap’ handwashing stations with soap and water. This single practice dramatically reduces the transmission of diarrheal diseases, creating a vital health buffer as climate change increases disease risk.

Building local institutions for lasting legacy

Perhaps the project’s most profound innovation is its focus on sustainable ownership. To ensure the systems endure long after the project ends, SWaSSH4A embedded water management into the local economic and governance fabric. Thirty-four Sub-County Water Supply and Sanitation Boards (SWSSBs) were legally established, equipped, and trained. These boards, comprising local leaders and community representatives, are now the legally mandated bodies responsible for planning, fee collection, and contractor oversight.

Simultaneously, the project professionalised maintenance by supporting the formation of four Hand Pump Mechanics Associations (HPMAs). A cohort of 120 mechanics, intentionally including women and youth, received certified training and business management skills. They now operate as fee-for-service micro-enterprises, contracted by the SWSSBs. ‘We have moved from a cycle of breakdown-and-dependency to a sustainable service economy,’ Okello notes proudly. ‘The community owns the asset, and local entrepreneurs have a vested interest in its performance.’

The road ahead

The project’s conclusion marks not an end, but a powerful beginning. The statistics, over 238,581 people with improved sanitation, 42,905 with new water access, and 324,750 with secured supply, tell only part of the story. The true impact lies in the strengthened social fabric, the emergence of green-skilled jobs, and the restored hours for women to pursue other activities. The SWaSSH4A project stands as a powerful testament to what is possible. It demonstrates that climate resilience is neither a luxury nor a vague concept. It is a tangible outcome achieved through climate-smart engineering, transformative behaviour change, and, most importantly, by placing the tools of management, repair, and governance firmly in the hands of the communities themselves.

A public health risk is growing in Lango sub-region where maize and millet flour, staple food for most households, are increasingly produced under unhygienic conditions at local grain milling factories. Across towns and villages, milling machines operate continuously with little or no cleaning, exposing flour to dust and other contaminants. Improvised packaging and weak regulatory oversight further heighten the risk, leaving consumers unknowingly vulnerable to food-borne illnesses.

A recipe for disaster Experts warn that contaminated flour can cause serious health problems, including stomach infections, diarrhoea, malnutrition, and even death. Mr Klaus Turayebingoha, a certification officer at the Uganda National Bureau of Standards (UNBS), says poor hygiene at milling facilities is contributing to a rise in food-related illnesses. ‘You reach someone’s milling place and realise that inside the hopper where the grains are poured, it is total dirt, and no one is minding about cleaning it. You cannot do that and then tell the public that you are producing a good quality product,’ Mr Turayebingoha says. He adds that unsafe practices often result in failure to meet hygiene standards during laboratory testing.

‘Even in the laboratory, you will find that parameters related to hygiene are not met because the level of cleanliness is very low. The design and layout of premises and facilities should permit good hygiene and prevent cross-contamination,’ he explains. Mr Turayebingoha also warns against unsafe handling of water used during processing. ‘You find someone adding water to grains, yet the drum collecting that water has gone many years without being washed. That is extremely harmful,’ he says.

Long-term health risks Dr Morris Chris Ongom, the director of the Uganda National Chamber of Commerce and Industry for the Lango Sub-region, warns that prolonged exposure to aflatoxins, poisonous substances commonly found in contaminated grains, can damage the liver and weaken the immune system. ‘For families already struggling with limited access to healthcare, the cost is heavy,’ Dr Ongom says. ‘While you think you are making money, you are also eating your own death at the same time. We all need to wake up to the reality of quality and safety for our people,’ he said.

Millers speak out Some millers acknowledge the problem but cite economic pressure and limited knowledge as major challenges. Mr Simon Peter Itito, a miller in Lira City, says they often process dirty grains to avoid losing customers. ‘The biggest challenge we face is that our machines are meant to make money. If a client brings dirty grains, we end up milling them as they are for fear of losing the client and income,’ Mr Itito says. He adds that customers sometimes request minimal milling to preserve quantity, particularly for school consumption. ‘We go ahead and mill the grains the way they want. Eventually, you find that the flour is not clean for human consumption,’ he admits.

UNBS steps in In response to growing concerns, UNBS has intensified outreach efforts in the Lango Sub-region to promote safer milling practices. Mr Richard Ebong, an official in the UNBS department of standards development, says the intervention followed reports of aflatoxin contamination in Ugandan maize exports. ‘There were complaints when we exported maize to South Sudan and Kenya. Products from Lango Sub-region were rejected, and Kenya stopped importing maize from Uganda,’ Mr Ebong says.

During a recent two-day training in Lira City, UNBS emphasised machine cleaning, safe packaging, pest control, and compliance with national standards. ‘Some millers argued that they only mill and are not producers. But if your processing plant is a point of contamination, then you are responsible because you receive money for the service,’ Mr Ebong explains. He stresses that food safety standards apply to everyone. ‘UNBS compulsory standards require that food products be safe whether they are eaten by a local resident or the president. If I bring my maize to your machine, it should not be a source of contamination.’

A call to action Health experts say improving hygiene at milling facilities is urgent. They urge millers to adopt safer practices, regulators to enforce standards, and consumers to demand clean, safe flour. As the region depends heavily on maize and millet for daily sustenance, ensuring food safety is not just a regulatory issue, it is a matter of public health and survival.

The introduction of the colonial justice system in Africa displaced traditional laws and customs that had long delivered justice within communities. Over time, the formal justice system has faced challenges, including delays in handling cases and high costs, prompting renewed calls to integrate traditional and informal justice mechanisms to improve access to justice.

In Greater Bushenyi, the Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI), working with judicial actors such as police, prisons, courts, and local communities, has since 2022 implemented a Deepening Access to Justice programme that demonstrates how both systems can complement each other in justice delivery. Greater Bushenyi comprises the districts of Sheema, Rubirizi, Buhweju, Mitooma, and Bushenyi. The Resident Judge of the Bushenyi High Court Circuit, Mr Amos Kwizera, said collaboration and innovation are essential for timely access to justice.

‘We need innovative approaches to ensure the fundamental right of access to justice is upheld. This right is often violated at the stages of arrest, detention, court proceedings, and imprisonment, where conditions can be pathetic. Working with other stakeholders enables timely and speedy justice,’ Mr Kwizera said. He added that the Judiciary’s challenges partly stem from limited use of alternative interventions such as working closely with Local Councils (LCs), cultural institutions, and religious leaders to resolve disputes outside the formal legal system. Through collaboration initiated by FHRI, Mr Kwizera said there has been increased legal assistance to suspects at police stations, courts, pre-trial detainees in prisons, and greater use of alternative dispute resolution mechanisms. ‘Two years ago, we inherited a backlog of about 1,000 cases.

Today, we conclude between 700 and 850 cases annually due to innovative strategies such as plea bargaining and diverting simple cases to village courts,’ he said. However, he expressed concern over minor cases being unnecessarily taken to court.

‘Someone steals two cobs of maize, is arrested, the file is sanctioned by the DPP, and the suspect is taken to court. What is the cost of those two cobs compared to the cost incurred by the State?’ he asked. He emphasised the need to sensitise the public and involve LCs, elders, cultural, and religious leaders to resolve reconcilable cases, especially family-related matters, to prevent clogging the courts. The Sheema District Chairperson, Ms Jemimah Buhanda, acknowledged that collaboration between local leaders and justice sector players has significantly reduced case backlog. Bushenyi District Police Commander, Mr Felix Mugizi, said despite logistical challenges in community sensitisation, the collaboration has improved access to justice.

‘We now refer simple cases to LCs and community leaders, saving time and resources. It has also strengthened community policing and reduced crime,’ he said. The Buhweju District Chairperson, Mr Deo Atuhaire, said informal justice mechanisms are faster and cheaper than the formal system. ‘Resolving minor cases at community level helps maintain peace and unity, especially in matters like trespass and assault that could otherwise escalate,’ he said. A resident of Nyakabirzi in Bushenyi-Ishaka Municipality, Mr Aggrey Besigye, said informal justice promotes fairness for the poor.

The FHRI Executive Director, Dr Livingstone Sewanyana, said the Deepening Access to Justice programme is built on three pillars: prevention, legal assistance, and advocacy. Under prevention, local leaders are trained to strengthen LC courts and promote case diversion to reduce the inflow of cases into formal courts. Participants are also trained in alternative dispute resolution and record-keeping. Dr Sewanyana added that under legal assistance, FHRI has facilitated plea bargain sessions, contributing to reduced case backlog and shorter remand periods. The organisation also promotes mediation and reconciliation in collaboration with police, prisons, and courts.

The Electoral Commission has called off the voting for the Ibanda Municipality Member of Parliament.

Ms Aidah Nkeija, the Ibanda District returning officer, cancelled the voting after one of the candidates petitioned her office, complaining about a wrong symbol allocated to him on the ballot paper.

Mr Rashid Muganda Kirangwa, an independent candidate, petitioned the electoral commission after finding out that the symbol on the ballot paper was not the one he asked for.

He says he selected a megaphone, but he was given a ball, noting that this was confusing to his supporters.

Mr Kirangwa was contesting against Peter Agaba of the NRM Party, Innocent Baker, an independent candidate, and Sarapio Betungura, also an independent candidate.

Nkeija says the voting for the presidential candidates and directly elected women Members of Parliament was going on well.

Mr Agaba says it was a pity that their election was halted, noting that the reason for halting was genuine. He faulted the electoral commission for not being careful with its work.

Meanwhile, a car was burnt in Bukanga County after the occupants were accused of transporting stuffed ballot boxes.

The vehicle that belonged to the Political Assistant of the incumbent Member of Parliament and NRM party flag bearer, Nathan Byanyima, was burnt at around 8:30 am.

Byanyima accused his rival, Julius Tumuhimbise, who is contesting as an independent candidate, of trying to create chaos.

The Commissioner of Police, Hillary Kulayigye, the electoral sector commander Rwizi region, said he had received allegations of ballot stuffing in Isingiro District and that he had deployed a team to investigate.

He said he would also camp there to make sure the area that has been tagged as violent in the previous elections is peaceful.

Tumuhimbise refuted all allegations of being violent and asked the police to investigate it. Asiimwe Mugisha, a resident of Omukibare Bukanga, said Byanyima’s vehicle was burnt after people suspected it was transporting stuffed ballots.