Christmas 2025: We may not be okay but we are still here

Kudos, Ugandans. We are a resilient lot. Somehow, we have become unexpected global symbols of ‘managing.’ We adapt, yes but let’s be honest, adaptation does not cancel frustration. We are strong, but we are also tired. Tuli bakoowu. Christmas is coming, but it’s not arriving with fireworks and fireworks money. No. This one is coming quietly, humbly, very much like that original night in the manger. It’s peeping into Uganda, scanning the situation, and saying, ‘Hmm. let me just enter slowly.’ The vibes are trying. The reality? Very stubborn. Money is scarce. Prices are loud. Salaries are silent. Everyone is budgeting, re-budgeting, then pretending not to check the balance again.

Christmas shopping has officially become ‘let’s see what we can manage.’ This year, Christmas plans started strong. and we are praying they don’t just end with, ‘At least we are alive.’ Let’s talk about electricity, which has shown us who is really in charge. It appears when you’re not ready and disappears exactly when food is on the cooker and you’ve settled in for a Christmas movie. You know those Hallmark movies with fake snow, big houses, zero problems. I have many thoughts about those, but let’s park them for now . Christmas lights flash briefly, then surrender. Phones are half-charged. Cooking has turned into a race against time. Load shedding isn’t apologetic anymore. It just happens. Dryly. Confidently.

One of these good days, we need to officially apologise to Umeme. We didn’t know what we had until it was gone. You only know the importance of light when you are in darkness, the abrupt type which comes without warning. Politics, as usual, refuses to sit quietly. Campaigns are everywhere. Tear gas and water cannons are doing regular patrols. You leave home to buy bread; you return knowing all the slogans and hearing every candidate’s rowdy lot. Loud trucks. Blasting campaign messages. Youth hanging dangerously off the sides. all hustling for daily bread from contestants who suddenly remember them. Peace on earth is still loading. Please wait. maybe Baby Jesus, about to be born, will redeem us.

As if Uganda needed encouragement, the rest of the world is also clearly struggling. Globally, there’s war on the news every day. Inflation is international. Food prices are rising everywhere. Climate change has officially shown us that even the weather has attitude. One minute its sweltering, the next minute flooding. Speaking of which, did anyone actually enjoy enough grasshoppers aka nsenene this season? Exactly. Climate change said, ‘Not this year.’ On social media, everyone looks rich, happy, permanently travelling until you remember filters are free and reality is not. Influencers are soft-launching lifestyles the rest of us are still trying to understand. Technology is also stressing us.

Too many AI videos, too many voices that could run us mad. AI is taking jobs, apps keep updating themselves, and phones demand software upgrades while we’re still paying them off. Sigh! And Yet. Christmas will happen Churches will be full. Outfits may be recycled, but confidence is brand new. Families will gather. The food may be simple, but everyone eats. Portions may be strategic, but joy is present. Children are excited because Christmas does not need money to be magical. They just need vibes, sugar, freedom from school, and let’s be honest, data, of course. This Christmas is not about excess. It’s about endurance. Not about perfection, but presence.

Not about having everything but managing something. In a year full of economic pressure, the tax man wants his share. The lending bank will not stop demanding just because it is Christmas. Yes even the wewole; the little amount borrowed from the mobile service provider is larking, waiting for someone to deposit and then swiftly deduct their bit. Then the political tension, global chaos, climate drama, and social-media pressure, Ugandans are still standing, still laughing, still showing up. Merry Christmas, Uganda.

Bishop Lubaale appeals for peaceful, open campaigns

The Bishop of Busoga Diocese, Rev Canon Prof Grace Lubaale, has appealed to security agencies to act professionally during the election period and allow candidates from all political parties to campaign freely, warning that blocking politicians from reaching voters undermines the democratic process.

Delivering his Christmas message on Monday December 22, 2025, at Christ Cathedral Bugembe, Bishop Lubaale said the primary role of security agencies during elections should be to protect lives, not restrict political activity.

‘I watch television and see security claiming to promote peace, yet sometimes they end up causing insecurity. Their professionalism at this stage should be to protect and guard the lives of those campaigning, not to block them from delivering their message,’ he said.

The bishop cautioned that preventing candidates from campaigning in certain areas compromises electoral fairness.

‘If you block people from campaigning in places like Katakwi, you are actually rigging the election. Security should facilitate politicians to reach the electorate so that voters can make informed decisions,’ he added.

He emphasised that campaigns give voters an opportunity to listen to all candidates and assess their plans for the country.

‘We are ready to watch, listen attentively to all politicians, and make informed decisions because the future of Uganda and our families lies in the leaders we choose, the President, Members of Parliament, and councillors for the next five years,’ Prof Lubaale said.

Christmas call for transformation

In his Christmas message, Bishop Lubaale called on Christians to allow the birth of Christ to bring genuine transformation in their personal lives and in society.

‘The birth of Christ should be transformative in our lives. There should be a clear difference between this Christmas and the previous ones,’ he said.

He challenged families and communities to embrace reconciliation and end domestic mistreatment.

‘Those who divorce should reconcile where possible. Men who have been mistreating their wives must stop. The birth of Christ should give us a new beginning,’ he said.

Quoting Luke 2:10-11, the bishop reminded believers of the hope Christ brings amid political and social challenges.

‘Fear not, for behold, I bring you good news of great joy that will be for all people. For unto you is born this day in the city of David a Saviour, who is Christ the Lord.’

He encouraged Christians to participate peacefully in the civic process by exercising their constitutional rights responsibly.

‘Listen carefully, read and evaluate the manifestos of candidates, and make decisions guided by Christian values of justice, integrity, and peace,’ he urged.

Stewardship and Church leadership

In a related development, Bishop Lubaale, while presiding over his first Mass on Sunday at Christ Cathedral Bugembe since his enthronement as the fourth Bishop of Busoga, emphasised that stewardship is rooted in service rather than personal gain.

‘You are given an office to serve God’s people, not to serve yourselves,’ he said, warning against the misuse of church resources and authority.

‘The money and property of the Church do not belong to individuals; they belong to the people of God. Those who are unwilling to act responsibly will be held accountable.’

The bishop further cautioned individuals who may have illegally benefited from church property to return it voluntarily.

‘If you have taken any property belonging to this Church, prepare to hand it back in good faith before you are embarrassed,’ he warned.

He noted that the Church owns about 50 acres of land that should be put to productive use for the development of both the Church and the surrounding community. He also called on church leaders unwilling to work to step aside and allow people of integrity to serve.

Meanwhile, Jinja Resident City Commissioner Richard Gulume Balyaino raised concerns about insecurity within communities. He urged the public to remain vigilant, be cautious of unfamiliar individuals, and report any suspicious activity to security authorities promptly.

Why Europeans do not know what is being done in their name

When African governments negotiate with Europe, there is often an assumption that Europeans are fully aware, supportive, and engaged with the policies shaping their relationships with Africa.

Yet one of the great ironies of global politics is that the most consequential decisions affecting millions of Africans are often drafted without the knowledge, let alone consent, of ordinary European citizens.

This is not because Europeans are indifferent. It is because their governments have mastered a political habit that Africa knows too well: making decisions quietly when the public might disagree. Across the European Union, labour-recruitment proposals targeting Africa are not emerging from public debates or citizen-led petitions.

They are being produced in advisory councils, technocratic committees, demographic research units, and foreign-policy subgroups, institutions most Europeans rarely interact with. A Dutch farmer in Groningen, a German nurse in Hamburg, a French teacher in Lyon, none is being asked whether their country should import African labour to fill national shortages. And yet, proposals are moving forward. This disconnect creates a powerful European blind spot, and Africa must understand it clearly.

Europe’s demographic decline is unprecedented. According to Eurostat’s 2025 Ageing Index, the EU will have almost twice as many elderly people as children by 2050. Many experts openly warn that Europe’s welfare model cannot survive without foreign workers. But citizens are hearing a different message.

European political discourse is dominated by pensions, migration fears, cost of living, rising populism, and the cultural anxieties that shape elections. What they are not hearing is this: ‘We will need millions of foreign workers, including Africans, to sustain our societies.’

Governments fear backlash. They fear protests. And they fear the rise of far-right parties who capitalise on anti-immigration sentiment. So they discuss Africa only in policy rooms, not public forums.

Europe’s political class is split between demographic necessity and electoral fear. This is the heart of the blind spot. European leaders know they need migrant labour to prevent economic collapse – especially in elderly care, agriculture, logistics, and low-wage services.

Yet they also know admitting this publicly could cost them elections. Thus, they walk a tightrope: recruit quietly, negotiate discreetly, and publicly talk about ‘border control,’ ‘security,’ and ‘managing migration.’ The result is a contradictory system where rhetoric reassures voters while policies facilitate recruitment.

African governments must see through this duality. When policies lack public endorsement, African migrants face greater hostility. If Europeans do not know that their governments are planning to import African labour, how will they react when large numbers of Africans arrive? History provides an answer.

The post-World War II recruitment of Turkish and North African workers in Europe was initially quiet. When numbers rose, racism surged, integration stalled, and migrant communities were scapegoated for social frustrations.

A repeat is likely if Europe recruits without public discussion. African workers may find themselves entering societies unprepared to receive them, not because Europeans are inherently hostile, but because governments fail to prepare their citizens.

Uganda must recognise this blind spot before signing away its youth. Ugandan leaders, incumbent or opposition, must understand that ‘Europe’ is not a single voice. Negotiating with governments that do not have public support for their policies carries risks.

Uganda must ask: Who will protect our youth when the receiving societies are themselves unaware of, or opposed to their arrival? Because no matter how polished a bilateral agreement appears, its implementation depends on local attitudes, public sentiment, labour unions, regional authorities, and the social mood of the host country.

A policy that lacks public legitimacy is a dangerous foundation for African migration. Uganda cannot base the future of its youth on European political contradictions.

Land grabbing dominates race for Mawokota South MP seat

A fierce political contest is unfolding in Mawokota County South Constituency, Mpigi District, where seven candidates are vying for the parliamentary seat amid perennial concerns over land grabbing and the plight of evicted fishmongers, which have taken centre stage in the campaigns.

The race pits the incumbent, Yusuf Nsibambi of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), against six challengers. These include three-time contestant and former two-term National Resistance Movement (NRM) MP, now running as an independent, Mr John Bosco Lubyayi Sseguya, and the NRM’s official flagbearer, Ms Susan Nakawuki Nsambu.

Also in the contest are the current district chairperson running on the National Unity Platform (NUP) ticket, Mr Martine Ssejjemba; Democratic Party (DP) candidate; Mr Benon Nsamba, who is also the Buwama Sub-county LC5 councillor, and two other independents, Mr Tusuubira Ssozi Sobabu and Mr Joseph Lubega. Land grabbing remains the most pressing issue for many voters, with all candidates pledging to address the challenge if elected.

Mr Nsibambi is campaigning under the slogan ‘Mawokota Empya’ (New Mawokota), the same message he used during his 2021 bid. This time, however, he is placing greater emphasis on infrastructure development, including extending power lines, installing street lights, and promoting economic empowerment through his ‘A to Z strategy.’ ‘My focus is on a new Mawokota with better infrastructure. We must ensure residents have money in their pockets. My A to Z strategy empowers farmers with inputs and market access,’ Mr Nsibambi said while campaigning in Nakibanga Village, Kayabwe Town Council. NUP’s Martine Ssejjemba is campaigning on the platform of political change and the rule of law.

‘Voters must trust NUP as the country’s only hope for change,’ Mr Ssejjemba said, pledging to prioritise improvements in education and health services. NRM’s Susan Nakawuki Nsambu has centred her campaign on gender equality and youth employment, with a focus on boosting household incomes.

‘With NRM, I want youth and women to have sustainable sources of income,’ Ms Nakawuki said, citing her recent donation of motorcycles to boda boda riders in Mbizzinya, Mitala Maria, Bukasa, Ggolo, and Kayabwe, as well as the distribution of coffee seedlings to farmers in Buwama, Nkozi, and Kituntu sub-counties, and Buwama Town Council. Mr Lubyayi is also focusing on improving household livelihoods, pledging to provide seed capital to community groups.

‘I will support women and youth groups as I did when I was in Parliament,’ he said, adding that he also plans to distribute piglets and calves to families to enhance household income. Meanwhile, DP’s Benon Nsamba has outlined an ambitious legislative agenda. ‘If elected, I want to table a Bill to restore presidential age and term limits,’ Mr Nsamba said while campaigning at Kanaani Cell, Bongole Ward, in Buwama Town Council. Beyond campaign pledges, residents say they want an MP who will resolve land conflicts, advocate for reduced taxes on goods and services, and closely monitor the delivery of social services. ‘We are tired of poverty. We need an MP who will fight for a reduction in taxes,’ said businessman Ahmed Lubulwa. ‘We want an MP who will monitor social services and ensure they benefit everyone, not just a selected group,’ added Annet Atai, a resident of Kantini Village in Kituntu Sub-county.

Although campaigns have largely remained peaceful, there have been isolated incidents of violence, prompting calls for increased security. Recently, individuals reportedly wearing yellow T-shirts allegedly attacked a NUP camp in Mitala Maria Trading Centre, injuring several of Mr Ssejjemba’s supporters, including his official campaign agent, Mr Joseph Ssenkumba, and a master of ceremonies identified as Mr Salin K. In a separate incident, a scuffle reportedly broke out in Kamaliba Village, Nkozi Sub-county, when the NRM District Chairperson, Mr Sulaiman Kaweesi, and his team allegedly confronted independent candidate John Bosco Lubyayi. Several of Mr Lubyayi’s aides and media personnel were reportedly injured, and his shirt was torn during the altercation. Residents have urged the Electoral Commission and the police to ensure adequate security for all candidates.

BACKGROUND

According to the 2024 National Population Census, Mawokota County South has a population of 129,636 people, with 73,260 registered voters spread across 174 polling stations. In the 2021 General Election, FDC’s Yusuf Nsibambi garnered 20,597 votes, followed by NRM’s Susan Nakawuki with 9,640 votes. Kenneth Joseph Kiyingi Bbosa (Independent) received 4,648 votes, NUP’s Joel Mirembe obtained 2,048 votes, while Joseph Walakira (Independent) secured 1,432 votes.

Ssemakadde faces backlash for endorsing Kyagulanyi ahead of 2026 polls

Exiled Uganda Law Society (ULS) president Isaac Ssemakadde has issued what he termed an executive order, urging lawyers to support opposition presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, in the 2026 General Election-an unprecedented move that has sparked sharp backlash within the legal fraternity and from the ruling party.

In a statement circulated on Monday, Mr Ssemakadde said the legal profession could no longer remain politically neutral amid what he described as ‘state capture and a shrinking democratic space.’

‘The Uganda Law Society hereby unequivocally endorses Mr Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (Bobi Wine) as a candidate for President of the Republic of Uganda,’ the order reads, adding that it takes immediate effect until the conclusion of the 2026 elections or revocation by ‘lawful authority.’

Mr Ssemakadde also endorsed Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago for another term, Dr Obuku Ekwaro Anthony for Oyam South MP, and all candidates from the National Unity Platform (NUP) and the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) at all elective levels.

‘These endorsed candidates and platforms represent the foremost credible force for restoring constitutional order, economic justice, youth empowerment, accountable governance, and the independence of institutions,’ the directive states.

He further called on ULS members, law students, civil society groups, and ‘patriotic Ugandans’ to mobilise for the endorsed candidates, saying the Society would deploy its resources-within the law-to educate the public on what he termed a ‘historic electoral contest.’

Mr Kyagulanyi is contesting against seven other presidential candidates, including incumbent President Yoweri Museveni of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), Nathan Nandala Mafabi of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), and Mugisha Muntu of the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT).

Presidential polling is slated for January 15, 2026.

Founded to safeguard the independence of the Bar and promote the rule of law, the ULS has historically maintained political neutrality. However, Mr Ssemakadde argued that prevailing conditions warranted a departure from that tradition.

‘The excessive militarisation of civilian and political life, entrenched corruption and impunity, and the total capture of state institutions, including the judiciary, have reached a point where neutrality equates to complicity,’ he said, accusing courts of becoming ‘rubber stamps of political repression.’

He also urged voters to remain within 20 metres of polling stations after voting.

The directive was swiftly contested by a faction of senior lawyers under the banner of the Senior Counsel Bar, who reaffirmed that the ULS remains nonpartisan. In a statement signed by Prof Fredrick Ssempebwa, a former ULS president, the group warned that political endorsements undermine the Society’s statutory mandate and erode public trust in the legal profession.

‘We strongly condemn all attempts to brand ULS as a partisan body,’ the statement read, urging the Society instead to document electoral irregularities and pursue legal redress or electoral reforms through the courts.

The ruling NRM also dismissed the move. Mr Emmanuel Ddombo, the party’s communications director, described the directive as ‘madness.’

‘There is a reason why he is issuing it beyond the borders. He is free to support any candidate, but he should not compromise the neutrality of the Bar,’ Mr Ddombo said.

Mr Ssemakadde fled Uganda earlier this year after being accused of abusing former Director of Public Prosecutions Jane Frances Abodo, now Principal Judge, and was later convicted and sentenced to two years’ imprisonment for contempt of court, making him liable to arrest if he returns to the country.

Schoolgirls empowered to fight for menstrual rights

At 17, Lovence Angecheri Manjeri should be worrying about her preparations for Senior Four examinations that are due next year at Dabani Girls’ School in Busia.

Instead, for years, she dreaded a single biological reality – menstruation. One afternoon, her monthly flow came unexpectedly. With no sanitary pad, blood stained her school uniform. Whispers spread across the classroom. Some male classmates laughed openly.

‘I felt so ashamed,’ Angecheri recalls softly. ‘From that day, that period of the month scared me to the bone marrow.’

Like many girls her age, Angecheri often skipped classes during menstruation.

It was not because she did not understand her body, it was because she did not have pads. Her mother, she explains, rarely had money. Her father did – but asking him was very difficult, almost impossible due to fear of being embarrassed. ‘I feared approaching my dad for money to buy pads or even knickers because he is a man,’ Angecheri says. ‘I thought those things were only to be discussed with my mother.’ When her mother sent her to ask her father, Angecheri would retreat into silence. The result was predictable: missed lessons, falling grades, and growing anxiety.

A shared silence

Angecheri’s experience mirrors that of several schoolgirls across Uganda, where menstruation remains cloaked in silence, shame, and cultural discomfort – especially within the father-daughter relationship. In Tororo District, 15-year-old Sheila Anyokorit, a Senior Two student at Great Aubrey Memorial College, says she once believed asking her father for money to buy pads was ‘an abomination’. ‘I used to dodge classes whenever that time of the month came,’ Anyokorit says, smiling now, but admitting it was not funny then. The silence came at a cost. Without pads, some girls turned to men outside their families who offered to buy them sanitary products – often in exchange for sexual favours.

Change came through conversations in the community. In May, Uwezo, in partnership with ALiVE, held community dialogues in Sheema, Tororo, Oyam, Kanungu, Kampala, and Mukono districts. Parents, guardians, and caregivers met weekly, for 10 weeks, focusing on life skills – particularly problem-solving and open communication at home. For Angecheri, the impact was immediate. ‘After the training, my mother advised me to approach my dad,’ she says, her face lighting up. ‘She told me, ‘He is also a human being. He knows girls menstruate.” Summoning courage, Angecheri finally spoke to her father.

‘When I asked him, he wondered why I had feared him all along,’ she says. ‘From that day, everything changed.’

Fathers stepping in

Community leaders say such conversations are quietly reshaping family dynamics. Mr Christopher Arojo, 65, a community leader in Kasipodo Trading Centre in Tororo District, says the new boldness among girls is a turning point. ‘Before, there was distance between fathers and daughters,’ Mr Arojo says.

He adds: ‘Girls would instead run to men who exploited them.’ Mr Arojo explains that following the community dialogues, fathers are increasingly providing essentials like pads, knickers, and bras. Ms Mary Mutonyi, 60, a mother of eight and grandmother of five, agrees by saying: ‘Our girls are now empowered…They are no longer prey for men who exchange pads for sex’

Becoming champions

Angecheri has formed a group of 15 girls who move from school to school, encouraging fellow students to speak openly with their fathers about menstrual needs. They call themselves Champions of Change. David Oteba, a student at Nagalama Secondary School in Mukono District, admits he once mocked girls who stained their uniforms. ‘After the lessons, I stopped,’ he says. ‘Now I understand what they go through.’ Despite these grassroots gains, the bigger structural problem remains unresolved.

In 2015, during presidential campaigns in Lango Sub-region, Mr Museven pledged to provide free sanitary pads to school-going girls nationwide if he were re-elected. The promise, expected to take effect in the 2017/2018 financial year, has never been fulfilled, largely due to funding constraints.

For girls like Angecheri, that promise remains distant. But change, she says, has already begun – at home. ‘I no longer miss school because of pads,’ she says. ‘I just ask my dad.’ And that, she believes, is a quiet revolution.

Menstrual health

In a 2024 Value for Money Audit report on primary and secondary schools (both public and private), the Auditor General said 64 percent of the female learners (138 out of 216) said they had been absent from school or class because of menstruation. The main reasons given included harmful myths and cultural belief, especially in the eastern and northern regions of Uganda; lack of menstrual materials and sanitation facilities, whereby a total of 22 schools, of the 48 visited (46 percent) did not provide any emergency pads and lacked access to water and appropriate sanitation and menstrual disposal facilities.

Mental health of unpaid caregivers

In Kiyovu village, Lwanda Sub-county, Rakai District, 59-year-old woman named Ruth Nalwadda lies in an almost vegetative state, awake but immobile, unaware of herself or her surroundings. Before she suffered a stroke in 2019, she had owned a small makeshift restaurant in her village. This was an income that supplemented her subsistence farming. She was living positively with HIV. Her eldest daughter, Prossy Nakabazzi, says her mother’s health took a turn for the worse after a neighbour died. ‘The death shocked her. One day, I travelled away from home, and when I returned, she had collapsed. She was unable to walk. I took her to a nearby clinic, and we were informed that she had high blood pressure,’ she says.

After carrying out some tests, the doctor informed Nakabazzi that her mother had suffered a stroke and referred her to Masaka Regional Referral Hospital for a brain scan. ‘The scan did not show that there had been any damage to her brain. The doctors recommended medication and physiotherapy. Since 2019, we have routinely returned to the hospital for medical reviews. On one of those occasions, we discovered that my mother was suffering from diabetes as well,’ Nakabazzi explains. Although the 37-year-old woman has five siblings, she had to abandon her marriage to become her mother’s primary caregiver. Today, she looks after her mother and her 80-year-old grandmother.

‘My husband kept on asking me when I would find time for our marriage since I was caring for my mother. In the end, I left the marriage with my four children. My husband could not afford to take care of his family and my family,’ she says. To take care of her mother and educate her children, Nakabazzi hires herself out as a labourer to dig in people’s gardens. ‘I also raise some domestic animals. Because of my mother’s situation, I have to work at or near the home. I cannot go to town to find employment because that would mean being away from her for an entire day; otherwise, there will be no one to give her food or take her to the toilet,’ the caregiver notes.

Nakabazi’s siblings are also married, but she is the one who sacrificed her marriage and career to take care of their mother. To help, once in a while, they send her money to buy medication and food. While advances in treatment have transformed HIV prevention and care, many, including Nalwadda, cannot afford the newer therapies. The cost of managing complications such as high blood pressure remains a heavy burden. ‘We get our medication from Lwanda Health Centre III. But sometimes, we find there are no drugs. Other times, we are given drugs that last only one month. You find that our mother can go three days without medication,’ Nakabazzi says.

Despite free antiretroviral therapy in government health facilities, frequent hospital visits and the need for additional medication pose challenges. ‘The problem is that I am the one who gets the medication since my mother cannot walk to the health centre. The health workers care more about the patients who physically come to the health centre. So, I am always last in line, and by the time I reach the dispenser, the drugs are over. And nowadays, with the aid cuts, drugs are rationed,’ she notes. For now, the most pressing need is to find the funds to buy a wheelchair for her mother, to ease her mobility. A basic wheelchair that suits her costs Shs500,000. This family’s situation reflects a wider challenge faced by several rural households affected by chronic illnesses like HIV, highlighting the need for social support systems to ease the caregiving burden.

Unpaid casework in Uganda

Unpaid care and domestic work (UCDW) is a development issue is embedded in the Global Agenda 2030, under Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 5, target 5.4. The target specifically indicates the means by which women’s unpaid care workload can be reduced, recognised, and redistributed through the provision of public services and infrastructure, and the implementation and enforcement of social protection policies. In Uganda, care work is not addressed explicitly in policy or service provision.

A report, Gender Roles and the Care Economy in Ugandan Households: The case of Kaabong, Kabale and Kampala Districts, showed quantitative and qualitative data gathered in 2017, that unpaid care work is primarily carried out by women and girls. There is also a stark difference between the time spent by men and women on unpaid care work. On average, women spent 32 hours weekly on unpaid care work and 21 hours weekly on unpaid production of products for home consumption, while men spent 20 and 10 hours per week respectively. This finding further strengthens the notion that care work is still largely carried out by women.

While the proportion of women to men spending time on unpaid care work stays almost the same throughout the day, there are peak periods for care work for women. These are associated with activities which are usually done in the morning (7 am – 10 am), such as cleaning the house, washing clothes, and collecting fuel/water, while meal preparation and childcare account for the peak hours around midday (11 am – 2 pm).

The survey also asked both women and men how they would spend their time if they had to do less care work. The majority of women said they would spend the time doing more income-generating work: Kampala (61.6 percent), Kaabong (46.6 percent), and Kabale (34 percent).

More rural (than urban) women said they would spend the time on agriculture, especially in Kaabong (33.6 percent) and Kabale (30.8 percent), which is to be expected, while more urban (than rural) women said they would spend the time on education (2.6 percent) and religious activities (2.3 percent).

Recommendations

The report recommends that the government and relevant authorities adopt a ‘Triple R’* approach to addressing the unpaid care and domestic workload which is shouldered primarily by women and girls. At national policy level, streamline clear indicators for tracking SDG 5, in government structures. Show how key sectors such as education, health, water and sanitation, and infrastructure can contribute to reducing care work, and raise awareness among stakeholders in these sectors on how their work can contribute to the redistribution of unpaid care work.

At micro level, create awareness about care work by including men in training and advocacy campaigns. Involving men as agents of change in increasing recognition of care work presents an opportunity for promoting positive attitudes towards sharing care roles more equally between men and women. More advocacy work is essential, backed up by evidence to measure status and progress.

Raise awareness and increase availability of family planning services. Childcare is considered to be among the most problematic care activities. It is vital that women and men are enabled to make decisions over the number of children they have, since the fewer the children the smaller the care workload. As the results indicated, men in Kaabong in particular have more say than women on how many children the family should have, and when. Promoting family planning among men as well as women would assist with this.

Provide affordable childcare facilities. These have been proven to significantly reduce the number of hours spent on childcare, allowing women to participate more in paid work activities. While it is recognised that Uganda already has an Early Childhood Development policy, the government should do more to ensure an enabling environment that allows the setting up of childcare development centres in both rural and urban areas.

Invest in affordable technology. This might include the construction of water harvesting reservoirs/dams to improve access to water for family use, and irrigation systems to increase household food production. The provision of energy-efficient stoves could greatly reduce the amount of time women and girls spend on fuel collection, food preparation and cleaning (such stoves emit less smoke and soot and therefore also create less mess and pose fewer health risks than traditional cooking methods using firewood).

Change mindsets. This is one of the most important routes to redistributing UCDW between women and men within a household as well as between poor families and the private sector, the state, and civil society, at the community and at national levels. For this to happen, change must occur at all levels, including shifts in mindsets and social norms. Messages aimed at changing social norms should not be cast in a negative light (e.g. in terms of women subsidising the government by undertaking activities that could be state-provided) but in a positive way – highlighting the benefits to women and men, and whole communities, of sharing unpaid care and domestic work more equitably.

Empower women financially. This can be achieved through formation of savings groups at the community level, enabling women to start up small businesses or trading activities. As well as improving households’ living standards, the additional income will enable families to pay for support with specific UCDW tasks, further freeing up their time for livelihood activities. Empowering women financially will not only benefit women but also their entire families, communities and society as a whole. Oxfam advocates for the inclusion of a fourth R, in reference to the representation of carers in decision-making spaces, so carers’ interests and needs are reflected in policies that shape their lives.

Source: The Oxfam Digital Repository

Carers in mid-life

Research carried out by the Eurocare Project last year in Europe found that unpaid care has a huge impact on mental health. The same research also found that unpaid care is more likely to be provided by people from low income households.

The research showed that for people aged 30-49 years in the United Kingdom, the mental health impact is more pronounced for women compared to men. The research also showed that older carers are more likely to report loneliness.

Gender inequalities in mid-life care: Women are more likely than men to provide care in mid-life and to care for longer hours each week. The gender difference in care hours for those in early mid-life (age 30-49) is particularly strong in European countries that provide less state support for carers.

Socioeconomic inequalities in mid-life care: There is clear income inequality in the likelihood of being a carer in early mid-life, with caring more likely in disadvantaged households. Becoming a carer in mid-life is linked with early retirement for both men and women in high-income and high-wealth households, where carers are more likely to be able to afford to retire.

Mental health and well-being of mid-life carers: Evidence from the UK shows that becoming a carer in early mid-life is linked with declines in mental health. Individuals in mid-life who care for 20+ hours per week or for someone within the household are particularly likely to experience significant declines in mental health.

American national dies after train crashes car in Kampala

An American national has died after a train crashed the vehicle she and three other family members were travelling in.

Kampala Metropolitan Police deputy spokesman, Mr Luke Owoyesigyire, said Savana Gardener, who was in the co-driver seat, was injured in the crash at Wankoko Railway Crossing in Kampala City on Friday at 5:25 pm, but she was pronounced dead later at the hospital where she had been evacuated to.

“It is alleged that at the time of the incident, a passenger train was travelling from Kampala towards Mukono when it collided with a motor vehicle, registration number UBF 582X, a Mitsubishi Pajero, which was coming from the Luzira side and heading to Kampala City. Following the impact, the train pushed the motor vehicle approximately 200 metres off the road,” ASP Owoyesigyire said.

Mr Owoyesigyire said the car was carrying three other American nationals: Matthew Gardener, a male adult and two children.

Savana and Matthew work with a non-governmental organisation, the Baptist Mission in Uganda.

Police said the injured were taken to the hospital.

Mr Owoyesigyire said police preliminary findings indicate that the crash may have been caused by ‘careless driving and failure to comply with hand signals issued by a railway police officer, who was on duty at the railway crossing at the time of the incident.”

However, the police said they are still carrying on with the investigations, and they would share details of their conclusive findings later.

Most train accidents at the railway crossings happen partly because the signs are obscured by traffic and vegetation. The available railway crossings have no traffic lights.

Most of the time, traffic at the railway crossings is controlled by traffic officers or private individuals.

When virtue collapses, the state soon follows

Virtue is not moral luxury. It is a responsibility, service, restraint and patriotism. It is the quiet discipline to put public interest above private appetite. When virtue exists, institutions work. When it disappears, corruption does not merely grow; it becomes normal, shameless, and finally destructive. Uganda today offers a painful lesson in what happens when virtue collapses.

Public office is no longer widely understood as a trust; it is treated as an opportunity. As long as money is available, it will be stolen, openly, aggressively, and without embarrassment. This is why a hospital meant to be completed in two years takes 10. This is why a road that should cost Shs10b quietly swallows Shs200b. Not because money is unavailable, but because it was diverted.

We now celebrate public servants who have never run a business, never invented anything, never built value, yet own mansions, fleets of luxury vehicles, and properties worth millions of dollars.

In functioning states, virtue is enforced not by sermons, but by systems and culture. In much of the Western world and parts of Asia, leadership begins with character.

A compromised history disqualifies you. A tainted reputation ends your career. Leaders resign not because courts have convicted them, but because public trust has been wounded. In Uganda, resignation is seen as weakness. Some leaders would rather die politically, or even physically, than leave/resign office. But history is unforgiving to such societies.

Take Zaire under Mobutu Sese Seko. Between 1965 and 1997, Mobutu and his leadership looted an estimated $5-15b from the State, a sum equivalent to the country’s entire external debt at the time. Roads collapsed. Hospitals became graveyards. Schools decayed. Civil servants went unpaid. By the time Mobutu fell, Zaire had ceased to function as a state.

Today’s Democratic Republic of Congo still lives with those ruins. Decades later, the same script reappeared in South Sudan. Since independence in 2011, it has earned more than $25b in oil revenue. That money should have built a nation. Instead, it built a small political and military elite. Most of that revenue was lost to corruption and conflict.

Today, more than 70 percent of South Sudanese live below the poverty line. Uganda is not exempt from these laws of history. The path we are on has a well-documented destination. Other nations faced similar temptations and chose a different path. Singapore, once as corrupt as many developing States, imposed ruthless accountability. Corruption attracted long prison sentences, asset confiscation, and social disgrace. Leaders were paid well, but punished severely when they stole. Today, Singapore ranks among the least corrupt countries in the world. China, whatever its political contradictions, understands one thing clearly, that corruption threatens state survival.

Senior officials have been jailed for life, stripped of rank, or even executed. The message is brutal but effective. And the result is that several infrastructure projects have been delivered on time, institutions feared, and development at near-supersonic speed. Some countries go even further in training leaders before they assume office. They invest deliberately in civic ethics, public service discipline, and national duty. Virtue is taught, tested, and enforced. Uganda has chosen the opposite path. We bless thieves and expect patriots. We reward impunity and pray for accountability. We celebrate looting and mourn poverty, without connecting the two.

This contradiction cannot survive forever. A society that normalises corruption eventually produces sharper thieves. Each generation learns faster, steals better, and feels less shame.

Over time, institutions hollow out. Courts weaken. Security fractures. The state becomes a shell, still flying a flag, but unable to serve its people. Laws alone are insufficient.

Constitutions cannot restrain leaders who lack character. Anti-corruption agencies cannot function in a culture that worships stolen wealth. We must return to the hard language of virtue: honesty, service, sacrifice, restraint, patriotism, and shame. Leadership must once again be seen as a duty, not reward. We cannot keep blessing thieves and expect patriots to emerge.

Museveni threatens to arrest Masaka City leaders over illegal daily dues

President Museveni has threatened to arrest Masaka City leaders for reportedly ignoring his directive to stop the levying of dues on street vendors.

Addressing a campaign rally at Masaka Liberation Square on Monday, the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) presidential candidate said informal business groups such as food vendors were exempted from daily dues many years ago and wondered why such a practice still goes unabated in Masaka City.

‘I will sack the town clerk or sub county chairperson if levying of such dues continues. If it is the opposition politicians doing it, I will arrest them because they are not supposed to collect such dues,’ he said.

Mr Museveni was responding to a call from Justine Nameere, the NRM flag bearer for Masaka City Woman MP seat who asked him to prevail over the city leadership that has adamantly continued to charge dues abolished in 2017.

Street vendors are a prominent feature of urban life in many urban centers across Uganda. The informal trade has long served as a key livelihood strategy in the absence of formal employment opportunities. It offers important livelihood support for a highly marginalised and vulnerable group of urban poor.

Mr Museveni who has been in power for nearly four decades, asked Masaka City dwellers to vote for NRM candidates, whom he said are the only ones who will demand for their share of the national cake, adding that Masaka has missed out on several projects because of voting for opposition politicians.

Masaka is an opposition stronghold and many leaders, including MPs belong to various opposition parties like the National Unity Platform, Democratic Party. The recently formed Democratic Front has also fielded candidates to contest in the coming elections.

If reelected to office to extend his rule to 45 years, Mr Museveni pledged to support the construction of Masaka District headquarters, a project local leaders have been pushing for a long time.

Masaka District NRM chairperson Mr Herman Muwulya had earlier told the President that the district leaders are still operating from the city buildings despite owning 10 acres of land in Kyanamukkaka Town Council, which was donated by former vice president Edward Kiwanuka Ssekandi.

‘The government has done several things in Masaka because we know they matter, but other things, which you need in your areas, such as roads, we cannot work on them in time because you vote for the opposition. This time, liberate yourselves and vote for NRM candidates who can push for such projects,’ Mr Museveni added.

Mr Museveni, however, promised to continue fighting poverty among youth who constitute the largest portion of jobless Ugandans, promising to create a special fund for fishermen, ghetto communities, boda boda riders and motor garage operators.

He also talked about operationalising the stalled Bukakkata Industrial Park, whose foundation stone he laid in 2015.

Unlike clerics from other religious denominations who prayed at the start of the rally , those from the Catholic faith were conspicuously absent, which has also been the case at other rallies Mr Museveni has so far held in Greater Masaka like in Kyotera, Lwengo, Rakai Kalungu and Kalangala. Political observers say this could partly be a result of the missing Rev. Fr. Deusdedit Ssekabira, a curate at Bumangi Catholic Parish in Masaka Diocese, who was on December 3, 2025 kidnapped by army men from one of his offices in Katwe, Masaka City suburb.

Fr Ssekabira is also the director of Universal Chastity Education Organisation, which provides counselling services and charity support to HIV-affected needy children and also the director of Uplift Primary School -both in Masaka. Although the Army on December 14 came out and confirmed that he was in their custody, -10 days after concealing details about the arrest, his fate remains unknown.

In a statement, the UPDF said Fr Ssekabira is being held as investigations continue into alleged involvement in subversive activities against the state. The military added that the priest would be produced before the courts of law and charged accordingly.