Category: Daily Monitor

Seasoned politician and Democratic Party (DP) president, who is also the minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Mr Norbert Mao, in one of those philosophical and witty remarks described leading/ruling Uganda as tough as riding a mad tiger. Meaning you have to be very brave and extraordinarily skilled to remain on the back of the mad tiger, or else the tiger would throw you off in a second, and you would die.

Mr Mao made the observation in positive praise of President Museveni, who has led Uganda for close to 40 years. To Mao, this is no mean achievement given Uganda’s history and, therefore, urged Ugandans to give him the respect he deserves. Mao could not have described Uganda in any other phraseology than that. Imagine, from 1962 when Uganda attained independence, to 1986 when President Museveni came to power, Uganda had changed presidents for a record seven times. Those changes were sometimes achieved through violent military interventions.

The reason Uganda became a ‘mad tiger’ is largely associated with its history. Uganda was never a single political entity at the time of its creation by the British colonialists. The colonisers forcefully created the Ugandan State through merging several kingdoms, chiefdoms, tribes and clans. In fact, these kingdoms and chiefdoms were always at war with each other. Therefore, the colonialists forced us into a union that literally became difficult to unite. Consequently, the post-independence elites who took the reins of power failed to achieve that much-needed unity and coexistence.

Leaders such as Milton Obote, Edward Muteesa, Grace Ibingira, and John Kakonge, among others, failed to achieve unity among these nations, and what followed until 1986 is everybody’s knowledge.While canvassing for votes across the country in the ongoing electoral campaigns, Mr Museveni’s catchword is preserving the peace that Ugandans have enjoyed for some time now. In fact, it is the biggest gain that must be jealously protected because it is the anchor for other gains in our socioeconomic transformation journey.

Without a doubt, for Uganda to witness radical transformation, we have to keep on attracting foreign capital because we are still a small economy to do it ourselves. It took a lot of persuasion and guaranteeing security in Uganda for investors to begin bringing capital and the much-needed expertise that Ugandans are benefiting from. Peace is a fundamental component of development, acting as both a prerequisite and a result of progress, as violent conflict disrupts essential systems like education, healthcare, and commerce.

A peaceful environment fosters social stability, trust, and cooperation, which are essential for development to occur. This relationship is recognised in global frameworks like the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), specifically SDG 16, which aims to promote a peaceful and inclusive society. For some time, none of the global investors thought of investing in Uganda. Uganda was synonymous with civil wars and military coups. All that scepticism has since changed. Big investors are comfortably flocking to the country for big investments.

Take the example of companies such as Total and CNOOC, and, until recently, Tullow. These are investing billions of dollars in oil extraction in the Albertine region.

Uganda has witnessed massive Foreign Direct Investments (FDIs) in the telecoms sector, in the banking sector, agro-industrialisation, manufacturing and the services sector. All these are taking place because of the prevailing peace in the country. Uganda remains the island of peace in the region. It is no wonder that Uganda is the second country in the world to host the largest number of refugees.

These trek into from across the world because of guaranteed peace and, of course, the best and hospitable refugee policy that Uganda extends to refugees.

Question is, as we roll to January 15 to elect our leaders, should we maintain this progress or…? My honest take is that Ugandans should maintain the status quo since the driver is still full of stamina and has the correct vision.

In a small village of Ntungamo, where the red earth meets endless green hills, lived a boy named Kashanku. He was 12 years old and known throughout the village for his quick temper. When other children played football and laughed under the mango tree, Kashanku often sat apart, scowling. If anyone teased him, he would shout or throw stones. Some said he had ‘fire in his heart.’

His mother, Teopista, worried endlessly.

‘My son,’ she would sigh, ‘anger will burn you faster than the sun.’

But Kashanku would glare and stomp away. ‘You don’t understand!’ he’d shout.

His father, Mureefu, believed discipline would fix him. ‘A boy must learn respect,’ he said. ‘If he misbehaves, he must face consequences.’ So when Kashanku broke things or yelled at older people, Mureefu would force him to fetch water for the entire family or weed the garden on his own. However much chores he did, it only made the fire in the heart of Kashanku stronger.

In school, it was not any better. Kashanku was annoyed by Madam Fulugensio, his teacher, who tried to help him, but he frequently quarrelled with his teacher as well. He threw his books and stormed out of the classroom when other children mocked him because of his errors. Very soon, he was recognised as the angry boy.

Mureefu got impatient one day after having another fight at school. ‘You are dishonouring this family!’ he shouted.

Kashanku’s eyes filled with tears. ‘You never listen! You just shout! You don’t care how I feel!’ he screamed back before fleeing to the shamba.

The following week, Teopista brought Kashanku to meet with the Rev Fr Dodovido, a church man with a reputation of assisting troubled young people.

After many weeks of counselling, his parents observed the transformation. Gradually, the shoutings had become less, and the silence at supper had reverted to laughter. Kashanku had not lost his anger yet, but he was learning to master it.

Anger is a normal emotion to which all people feel, including children. It may be as a result of frustration, disappointment or being misunderstood. Although anger is not a negative feeling on its own, the way in which it is displayed can go a long way.

Uncontrolled anger may cause hurtful feelings, ruined relationships, or even violence. The ability to control anger will teach children to gain emotional strength, self-control, and positive communication skills. Thus, anger management instruction among children is a significant aspect of emotional and social growth.

Children have a tendency to be unable to control anger simply because they are yet to learn how to interpret and share their feelings about life. As opposed to adults, they may not have the vocabulary or feelings to describe what they are experiencing. A child that feels ignored or embarrassed may throw tantrums or break out physically, since he or she does not know how to otherwise express frustration. Devoid of guidance, these behaviours may turn out to be habits that may be difficult for the child to overcome in adulthood.

Caregivers, teachers, and parents play a significant role to make children learn anger management skills through different ways.

Emotional awareness

This makes children aware of their emotions and naming them. Children are in a better position to discuss any of these emotions such as anger, sadness, and fear when they learn to recognise them. An example is when a teacher tells the child that he or she seems angry because he or she did not understand in order to explain to the child and name the emotion.

Coping techniques

Such mechanisms can consist deep breathing, counting until 10, leaving the situation or speaking words rather than acting. It has been shown that some children have a so-called calm-down space where they go to relax until they are prepared to communicate.

Children can also be encouraged to use creative outlets (drawing, playing music, and writing) to get out anger in healthy ways.

Model relaxed behaviour

Most children observe their adult caregivers, parents, and guardians. Children will emulate the behaviour of their parents or teachers when the parents or teachers act with calm and respect towards others with anger. Conversely, when adults react by screaming or being aggressive, the children might also learn that hostility is the way to show anger.

Regular, relaxed instructions allow the children to understand that anger is a problem that can be managed and solved not through confrontation but through the process of communication.

Positive reinforcement

Complimenting children when they deal with frustration in proper ways, such as walking out of an argument or use of words to explain their emotions, makes them repeat such behaviours. This accumulates emotional maturity and confidence in them over time.

To recap it all, anger management among children is not concerned with holding back feelings, but rather, teaching the children to know, interpret, and express anger in a constructive manner.

We can make children use anger as a growth and self-control tool rather than a destructive power by teaching them emotional control and coping methods along with positive adult role models. Early anger management can teach children to be calm and respectful in dealing with future problems. It is a foundation for having a good relationship with others and emotional stability.

On Friday, November 28, the KFM Hot Seat Friday panel of journalists, as we know it, belted out its swansong. This is ironic because it often operated below the belt, at least according to the government. I was honoured to be on this last show of what was an iconic media fixture. I didn’t gatecrash, as my haters would have you believe. I was invited. Imagine me, of all people. I am not knocking my abilities or stature. To the contrary, I am impressed with myself.

You see, I used to listen to Andrew Mwenda Live and the Friday panel of journalists religiously. Both were various incarnations and predecessors to the Hot Seat show. I recall when Mwenda had former president Godfrey Binaisa (derided as Bin Issa of Zanzibar to his haters) on the show. Mwenda asked him about another former president, Milton Obote. The late Binaisa, always calm and collected, praised the late Obote as astute, along with a number of other favourable adjectives.

After Binaisa’s encomiums, as he would call them, Mwenda told Binaisa what Obote had said about him. It was documented in a book, and it was not charitable.

Thereupon, Binaisa, right in the Monitor FM studios, KFM’s previous brand name, changed tack and declared Obote an unsavoury character or words to that effect.

It was a clever tactic by Mwenda. The before and after versions of Binaisa with respect to what he said about Obote and what he thought about Obote captured the variety which is the spice of life.

Mwenda didn’t stop there. His other provocations got him thrown behind bars where he was visited by the current Chief of Defence Forces with cameras and journalists in tow. One could not help but admire Mwenda. He was (and is) well read, boldly analytical, with a mouth that seems to run on rocket fuel. It never ran on empty, unlike some of his guests. On Friday, when the coven of journalists sat to analyse the events of the week, it only got better. Timothy Kalyegira, a man who is no stranger to controversy himself, would also show up. He came across as subdued, somewhat.

His voice was always dialled down so he could orally wring the neck of anybody who had the misfortune of being caught in his intellectual crosshairs. He was often more forthright than Mwenda. He hosted the last show, but this time without the fire and brimstone of an analytical messiah seemingly cross with the world. On the panel of journalists’ last dance, as it were, he was full of cheer. It being a Friday night, I thought he had sipped something. But Tim is a teetotaller.

So he was just high on the memories the show embalmed in him. Raymond Mujuni was also in the house. That guy is whip-smart and eloquent, too. I always thought he was a little effete, but in person he is the exact opposite. He knows exactly when to launch and land the knockout pitch. Also in the studio were Frank Mugimba and Isaac Kayonde, along with Jimmy Odoki Acellam. They all held different views and political stances, but got along famously.

Suddenly, I realised what the true heritage of the show was. It was not the show’s iconoclasms, nor was it the show’s guests, several of whom were presidents and former presidents. The show’s significance came from its purveyance and promotion of contrary standpoints, thereby crystallising the unity in diversity we must all embrace if Uganda is to achieve its destiny.

Police in Jinja City have blocked Busoga One Radio’s annual concert despite a clear directive from Internal Affairs Minister Maj Gen (Rtd) Kahinda Otafiire authorising the event to go ahead, escalating tensions around public gatherings in the run-up to Uganda’s 2026 elections.

Security officers on Saturday stormed the Jinja Agricultural Show Grounds, ordered workers to vacate, and halted preparations for the ‘Endigito Mudido Tunga Ntunge 2025’ festival.

The station, based in Jinja City, is owned by Paul Mwiru, the National Unity Platform (NUP) chairperson for Busoga South East and a parliamentary candidate in the area.

Police cited what they called a ‘highly sensitive political period,’ but the move directly contradicted a December 5 directive issued by Gen Otafiire in reference BOR/E/2/2025.

The minister had intervened after receiving a complaint from Mwiru, saying the grounds used to block the event were unjustified.

‘I have received a complaint regarding the matter, and I note that the event was stopped simply because this is a political period,’ Gen Otafiire stated.

He instructed security to lift the suspension, adding: ‘The event should be allowed to take place. Even during this political period, political statements are not banned, and we must ensure that space is given for political expression.’

Before the minister’s directive, the Jinja City Security Committee had issued a formal advisory postponing the December 7 concert.

In a letter signed by chairperson Richard Gulume Balyaino, the committee said it based its position on a Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) report.

‘An extended City Security Committee meeting was convened to review the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) security assessment report,’ the letter to Busoga One General Manager Innocent Anyole read.

The committee recommended the show be pushed to ‘a later date, preferably after the elections.’

Uganda heads to the polls on January 15, 2026, and the dispute has triggered confusion among fans, performers and vendors who had already committed to the festival.

By Saturday morning, dozens of small-scale traders had transported food and merchandise to the grounds, expecting brisk business.

Many said the sudden police action left them facing severe financial losses.

‘I had prepared over 200 chapatis and brought all my ingredients. Now everything is wasted, and I don’t know how I will recover the money I spent,’ chapati vendor James Kakaire told Monitor.

Sarah Kayaga, who sells soft drinks and snacks, described the operation as abrupt and costly. ‘We hired transport and extra help for today. The police came and cleared the venue without any warning. All our stock is going bad, and we may lose everything,’ she lamented.

Food vendor Ms Ruth Naigaga added: ‘Events like this are how we survive. Today, I had meat, vegetables, perishable food, and charcoal ready, but I cannot sell anything. We are left with huge losses for no reason.’

The fate of the festival remains unclear as Busoga One Radio prepares to issue further communication.

Recently, there were botched and violent elections in Tanzania. Uganda is currently preparing for a general election next month. I wish it well. May these elections be credible, fair, free, and transparent. I’ve lived in Canada for more than two decades. May I pull a leaf out of Canada’s book vis-à-vis how to conduct clear, credible, fair, and free elections? For it offers positive insights.

First, elections in Canada aren’t cut-throat and corrupt. Voters choose policies, not parties and personalities. To win an election in Canada, you must present sound policies that respond to voters’ aspirations and interests. Hence, the system here doesn’t allow, accommodate, or tolerate any sort of corruption or malpractices. Candidates squarely get what they deserve. Second, there aren’t expensive or pompous campaigns. In my town of approximately 4,400 people, I’ve never seen any campaign meeting in about 17 years. Not one, not once.

When it is time for elections, Elections Canada, the electoral commission here, sets a date for elections. Public places are used to cast votes. There are four ways of voting in Canada. One can vote on election day by going to a polling station and casting one’s vote or by advance polling days, which are before the voting day. If one doesn’t want to or can’t vote in the above category, one can do so at any Elections Canada office or by mail. For those who want to vote in the last category, they provide their postal address to Elections Canada, which posts a voting kit ready for casting.

Third, with such a system, there are no huge campaign meetings everywhere in the country. There is also no chaos or rigging. Furthermore, there are no inducements or coercion since people vote for policy, not personalities or parties. This system has proved to be efficient and effective for both candidates and voters. Fourth, Canada started voting in 1867. Canada is a multiparty country.

It has many big and small political parties such as the Liberal Party of Canada, a centre-left political party that has historically been one of the two dominant parties in Canada; the Conservative Party of Canada, a centre-right political party that emerged from the merger of the Canadian Alliance and the Progressive Conservative Party; and the New Democratic Party (NDP), a left-wing party that advocates for social democracy and progressive policies.

Others are the Bloc Québécois, a federal political party that promotes Quebec nationalism and advocates for the interests of Quebecers; and the Green Party of Canada, which focuses on environmental issues and sustainability, advocating for green policies and practices, among others. These are among the big parties which are a must-have in every general election. Due to being corruption proof, I have never heard of any electoral corruption case. I tried to research and got none whatsoever. So why is there no corruption in Canada’s elections?

There are many answers, among which is the fact that in Canada, as opposed to Africa, politics isn’t a moneymaking endeavour. People run for political positions to serve people, and not to serve themselves and their families. Second, no politician, even though there can be a few, stays in a position for a long. Finally, no party has ever won more than 50 percent in four decades. Therefore, in Canada, neither party nor its leader has ever dreamt of winning with a bigger percentage as we recently saw in Tanzania where the re-elected president, despite a bloodbath, miraculously ‘won’ with 98 percent!

We continue with our series of articles on the performance of Uganda’s Judiciary in constitutional transformation. A fortnight ago, I focused on the post-Amin Judiciary, illustrating that the Judiciary had learnt nothing and forgotten nothing. The courts, like their predecessors, upheld unconstitutional actions and hoisted political expediency above the rule of law.

Today, I give a precursor to the performance of the Judiciary in the current political dispensation. I demonstrate how liberation movements deal with judicial power. At the start of fighting to capture political power, liberation movements demonstrate high levels of commitment to good governance, human rights and rule of law. This makes them attractive and endears them to the people. With this, they become a gem for the media, academics, and international actors yearning for political change.

Once they capture power and are morphed to become the government, they immediately turn to the courts to achieve their objectives. In the first place, they need the courts to legitimise their capture of power. They are also eager to demonstrate to the world that they are running a State standing on the pillars of the doctrine of separation of powers. This requires a Legislature, a Judiciary, and an Executive. However, to consolidate their power, they slowly start to establish control over the courts. But, they cannot achieve this without controlling the law-making processes.

This is to ensure the laws are in their favour, and to later enforce these in the courts they control. For the National Resistance Movement (NRM), its political ideology was documented in the bush in the 10-Point Programme. However, the programme did not say anything express about judicial power or the rule of law. It, however, made a commitment to ‘democracy’, which included ‘popular democracy’. Popular democracy was crafted to be exercised through ‘people’s committees at the village, muluka [parish], gombolola [sub-county], saza [county] and district level.

On assuming power, the Resistance Council (RC) courts – now known as Local Council (LC) courts – operated alongside the regular Judiciary, which now required reconstruction. The RC courts were conferred with the authority to adjudicate cases between people at the grassroots level. They would order reconciliation, declaration, compensation, restitution, costs, apology and attachment and sale. In synch with the approach of liberation movements, the NRM from the start viewed courts as a key component of a complete State.

But in addition, the courts were used as an instrument of political control. They became tools to establish social control and sideline political opponents. Most used here to control opponents has been the criminal law. In regimes of this character, the courts are usually pushed to become willing actors in the enforcement of the control, using the law. Nevertheless, for purposes of gaining international acceptance, the courts are allowed a certain degree of independence. At this stage, the regime has little worry about the effects of this independence since it enjoys popular support.

Nonetheless, it remains alert not to allow the courts to stray and build irreversible control of political, social and economic matters. As political support wanes, the regime squeezes the courts and asserts more control. At this stage, the regimes use an instrument which has been described as ‘court curbing’. This entails all the strategies which dominant political actors use to counter the unfavourable decisions of courts. Legal scholar Aydin-Cakir, has defined ‘court-curbing’ as ‘all kinds of government policies, attempts and actions aiming to weaken the Judiciary and turn it into a subservient institution’.

Both formal and informal strategies will be used for this purpose. The formal strategies mainly use legal processes such as changing the law to weaken the courts or refusing to change the law to strengthen the courts. The informal strategies include the use of non-legal means to weaken the courts. This could include co-opting judicial officers to be sympathetic to the regime.

It could also include ensuring that the courts are staffed by cadre judges who align with the ideology of the regime. Politically compliant judicial officers are rewarded with such incentives as promotions or secondment to juicy positions outside the Judiciary. Non-yielding officers, those who try to stick to judicial independence and fidelity to the law, are sidelined. Even when deserving, they are denied promotions and sometimes forced to leave the Judiciary.

Collectively, the Judiciary starts to yield, with judicial officers diving into survival mode. In ‘politically sensitive cases’, panels of judges build a practice of writing single judgments based on consensus, as dissenting becomes suicidal. Also, competent but likely non-compliant candidates are blocked from joining the Judiciary. Appointment processes are deliberately tempered to yield to such control. Furthermore, corruption is allowed to flourish in the Judiciary. No serious action is taken against errant judicial officers; occasionally, only ‘small fish’ are whipped. ‘Big Fish’ are deliberately shielded.

Corruption becomes the modus operandi of some lawyers who pursue cases in courts. By this time, this becomes a revered skill of winning cases. On some occasions, acting positions are used to force judicial officers to ‘work’ for confirmation by being ‘good’, ‘non-radical’, and ‘non-activist’ judges. When the Judiciary collectively tries to stand for the law and the people, its budget is squeezed. In addition, some members of the community of legal practitioners are co-opted to be the engines of lawsuits or drafting of the laws required to cement the political control. Different key positions in the legal profession are stuffed with these.

These will come from all spheres of the legal profession, including legal practice, in-house lawyers and legal academics. These lawyers also invest efforts in weakening the collective will of lawyers desirous of promoting the rule of law, human rights, democracy and independence of the courts. Some commit time to weakening the society of lawyers using such strategies as lawsuits, divide and rule methods, and badmouthing. Legal professionals are encouraged to focus on practice that enforces commercial law, and law schools are forced to tow to this.

Legal practitioners and academics focusing on protecting the rule of law and human rights are harangued and belittled. Some are harassed and even sent to prison or forced into exile. The outcome of all the above is that the power of the courts to hold the Executive accountable is decimated. In turn, the legal profession loses campus, and the traditional respect it commands in the eyes of the public is lost. Ultimately, access to justice becomes a mammoth task, especially for ordinary people with neither power nor the financial muscle. At the end, the nation loses focus and descends into bad governance as those enjoying the privileges of power sip imported brewed coffee and dance away at banquets.

The presidential candidate of the Common Man’s Party, Mubarak Munyagwa, has raised fresh concerns over Uganda’s new biometric voter verification system ahead of the January 15, 2026 General Election, warning that the technology could be used to disenfranchise voters in areas with poor electricity and unstable internet coverage.

His remarks come weeks after a consignment of 60,000 biometric voter verification machines arrived in the country in October, a major step in the Electoral Commission’s preparations for the 2026 polls.

Justice Simon Byabakama, the Electoral Commission chairperson who led officials to receive the equipment, said the new kits will verify voters using fingerprints and facial recognition, particularly for those whose fingerprints cannot be captured.

The machines are part of 109,142 units procured from Simi Valley Company.

Justice Byabakama emphasized that each polling station will receive two machines to enhance credibility and avoid disruptions similar to those experienced in 2016 and 2021.

‘The new devices are designed to function efficiently even under difficult conditions. We are going to embark on extensive training and voter education to ensure both polling officials and the public understand how the kit works,’ he said.

But Munyagwa, speaking on the sidelines of his presidential campaign rally in Kawempe South, openly questioned the reliability of the system, saying large parts of the country are off the electricity grid and lack dependable network coverage.

‘You can’t say that you will use biometric machine that require a stable internet network on a polling day. Do you have that stable internet network? Some of them need to be charged frequently,’ he said.

He warned that the technology could give authorities an excuse to lock out voters in opposition-leaning areas.

‘There are some parts of the country that are on the grid, they will rely on the excuse of network to de-enfranchise voters from some parts of this country,’ he explained.

Munyagwa has offered to rally six fellow opposition presidential candidates to reject the system unless guarantees are provided.

‘On Monday l will call upon my colleagues that on this one, we should have a unified voice. It is in the interest of the entire opposition, we should come out and say no on how the electoral commission is handling the entire process,’ he said.

Uganda first deployed biometric verification technology in the 2021 General Election, but the process was marred by technical and logistical failures.

Many machines failed to start or froze during voting, forcing presiding officers to revert to manual verification.

In some rural districts, polling opened late because devices could not connect to the network or recognise fingerprints.

The Electoral Commission attributed the failures to a nationwide internet shutdown ordered for ‘security reasons.’

For many years, many within the Opposition have accused Luweero voters of backing President Museveni and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) party cadres on sentimental grounds of the Luweero bush war that brought the regime to power. However, in 2021, Luweero voters used the general elections to end that claim when they voted against the regime’s candidates across levels, including, remarkably, presidential. Derrick Kiyonga explores whether the ruling party will suffer the same bloodbath next year.

As per tradition, in 2020, President Museveni kick-started his drive to secure his seventh term in Luweero District. Per Museveni, the logic of kick-starting the defence of his office in this district, found in the heart of the Buganda region, is that it was the epicentre of the guerrilla war that catapulted him to power in 1986.

Museveni, who launched this particular campaign at his farm in Kawumu Village, Makulubita Sub-County, was confident of winning this area, not least because he had won the previous contests, including the 2016 contest, where he beat his perennial rival and Luweero war veteran Dr Kizza Besigye with a difference of 18,298 votes.

Even at the parliamentary level, Museveni’s party, the National Resistance Movement (NRM), continued its dominance of Luweero with Abraham Byandala defeating the Democratic Party’s (DP) Jasper Muwonge Aligaweesa with a difference of 10,841 votes to take Katikamu North; Edward Ssembatya defeated Alfred Muwanga, an Independent, with a difference of 9,574 votes to take Katikamu South; John Chrysostom Muyingo defeated DP’s Robert Sekitoleeko, who has since decamped to the National Unity Platform (NUP), with a difference of 27,510 votes to take Bamunaniika County; Lillian Nakate took the Luweero District Woman Representative (DWR) slot when she defeated Brenda Nabukenya, then of the DP, but has since crossed to NUP, with a difference of 3,113 votes.

At the Local government level, Ronald Ndawula, another NRM cadre, emerged victorious in the Luweero LC5 race when he obtained 35,535 votes, while his closest rival, DP’s Erasto Kibirango, emerged second with 6,618 votes.

With such a track record of winning, Museveni rolled out this campaign by repeating old promises-take that the Matugga-Ssemutto-Kapeeka road would be re-tarmacked. Museveni, who calls Luweero the NRM/NRA’s Mecca, also promised that the Kapeeka-Kitumwa-Butabangwa road would also be tarmacked and bragged that he was best placed to solve the problems of Luweero natives.

‘A good doctor diagnoses the patient and then prescribes the medicine of the country. A leader who cannot solve problems of the people should just go and rear goats,’ Museveni said.

Muntu clarion call

Yet there was a warning from Mugisha Muntu, another Luweero Bush War veteran, that Museveni and his political party had abused the emotional connection the Luweero people had with them.

‘The focus of the current regime is to focus people’s attention on building of roads, the power lines, the schools and completely, ignoring the issues that took us to the bush-justice, equal opportunities and zero tolerance to corruption. The bread-and-butter issues are important and we intend to do the things that will bring development to families and communities but we have to ensure that they both happen. It doesn’t make sense to tell people that they have got a good road but they can’t access justice when their land is taken,’ Mugisha Muntu said, further insisting that the regime in which he once served as the Chief of Defence Forces had failed the people of Luweero.

It seems in the 2021 elections, voters in Luweero, which is part of Bulemeezi County, as the Baganda call it, took seriously Muntu’s advice to drop the sentimental attachment they had with the regime. At the presidential level, NUP’s Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, alias Bobi Wine, became the first Opposition leader to rout Museveni in Luweero when he got 103,782 votes against the former guerrilla leader’s tally of 41,166 votes. The difference-62,616 votes-was astronomical by any measure.

In Bamunaniika, NUP’s Ssekitoleeko, at the second time of asking, ousted Muyingo with difference of 3,387 votes; in Katikamu South NUP’s Hassan Kirumira defeated Muwanga, who once again stood as an Independent, with a difference of 11,399 votes, with the NRM’s Patricia Magara placing third with 8,132 votes; in Katikamu South Denis Ssekabira, of NUP, defeated NRM’s Gaddafi Nassur with a difference of 79,945 votes; Nabukenya reclaimed her Luweero DWR slot when she defeated NRM’s Cissy Mulondo with a difference of 36,448 votes.

Bobi courts Bulemeezi

Having successfully turned Luweero into an Opposition stronghold by flushing out the NRM, Bobi Wine during a 2023 countrywide tour visited the district. While there, he made a speech in which he said: ‘I want to honour those who were killed between 1980 and 1986 when Museveni was trying to become President. I want to show respect to those who have been killed in recent years, including my driver Yasin Kawuma, who was killed by regime forces in Arua. They include: Ritah Nabukenya, Hakim Ssekamwa who was run over by a police vehicle in Bombo town.’

Bobi Wine added that he was happy to have received an opportunity to speak to his people in Buganda after the elections.

‘I am happy that I am speaking to you my fellow Ganda people here in Buganda. I am happy that whatever I am saying is your native language [Luganda] that you all understand. They say if you want to speak to the brains of the person, speak in the language that you understand, but if you want to speak to the soul of the person, speak in the language of his ancestors. I am happy to speak to you, the descendants of Kintu and Nambi.’

Here, Kyagulanyi was using Luweero to invoke the Ganda myth that all Baganda are descendants of Kintu and Nambi.

‘My role is to tell you the truth as it is, and your role is to listen to it. When I am in Luweero, I stand over the bones and flesh of our fathers and mothers who were killed such that Museveni gets to power. It’s us, the Baganda, who brought Museveni and it’s us the Baganda, who have aided Museveni to prolong his stay in power. And it’s us the Baganda, who have to kick him out of power. So even if I am in Bulemeezi, I want to speak to all the Baganda in the 18 counties that comprise Buganda,’ the NUP principal, who was about four years when Museveni shot his way to power in 1986, said.

NRM on the offensive

If Kyagulanyi believes Buganda and Bulemeezi are critical in getting rid of Museveni, the President, who once again started his rallies in Luweero, blamed the poor services in the area on the onslaught his party suffered in the 2021 elections. At his rally organised at Bukalasa Agricultural College playgrounds in Wobulenzi Town Council, Museveni accused the people of Bulemeezi of committing suicide when they elected Opposition leaders such as Nabukenya and the LCV chairperson Erastus Kibirango, whom he said lacked the capacity to push for services or confront the rising wave of criminality in the district.

Yet Nabukenya, in rebuttal, came short of calling Museveni an ingrate, asserting the Bulemeezi people had blindly supported him for over four decades with nothing to show for it. She pointed out that Bulemeezi people had supported NRM leaders in the past, including Abdul Nadduli, former Luweero District chairperson, the late Edward Khiddu Makubuya, who until 2016 represented Katikamu South in Parliament, and the late Wilberforce Kisamba Mugerwa, who represented Bamunaniika for several years yet little had changed.

Fool me twice.

Without mentioning names, Nabukenya further asserted that some of the land-grabbing crises facing the area, which Museveni claims to want to solve, are being fuelled by high-ranking officials in his government. Though Museveni and the NRM claim that they want to reclaim Bulemeezi, they have fallen out with Nadduli following the 2022 abduction and killing of his son, Jakana Sulaiman Nadduli, by security operatives.

When Jakana was abducted in September of 2022 by security agencies, who were in a van dubbed drone, Nadduli, who once served as Minister without Portfolio, was in a reflective mood; therein, he tried to summarise what had prompted his son to go hard on the ruling party via the Internet.

‘We didn’t go to the bush to look for titles and jobs,’ Nadduli, who was part of the NRA Bush War in the Luweero jungles, said.

‘We went to the bush to look for peace. That’s why they [ruling elite] have looted the country, and they have retarded it to such an extent that it can’t develop. Everything that they get their hands on, they just eat.’

Allan Andiema used 2:17:16 to cross the finish line and win the 2025 edition of the Gulu City Marathon Saturday morning.

Andiema, who runs for Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA) athletics club, is now a household name in the athletics community, having shot to the scene in the inaugural Tusker Lite Rwenzori Marathon in 2022.

He has since gone on to take big strides in his career and was winning the Gulu City Marathon for the second time in a row.

‘This is a sweet victory. Gulu is good to me. This is the best marathon with a flat terrain in Uganda and easy to run’ Andiema said after the victory.

‘To defend a championship is a great thing and being the end of the year, what a way to sign out 2025!’

With the victory, Andiema walked away with Shs3m in prize money .

Anthony Ayeko clocked 2:19:34 to finish second while Isaac Masai came third with 2:21:53.

In the women’s category, it was Joy Roberts who came home after 3:25:53 to beat Joan Chebet (3:43:11) to the gold.

Phanice Chemutai posted 3:47:45 to complete the podium.

In the 21 km Half Marathon, Peter Akwech won the men’s race in 01:03:03, while Evas Nasasira claimed the women’s title in 01:15:43.

In the wheelchair races, Richard Ocira won the men’s category while Polline Acayo took the women’s title.

Francis Gimara, Chair of the Gulu City Marathon Steering Committee, praised the athletes, partners, and sponsors for their overwhelming support, noting that the second edition had built strong momentum for the marathon’s future.

‘I want to thank all the participants, sponsors, and key partners for the positive response towards having a successful Gulu City Marathon for the second-year running. 2026 will be bigger and even much better,’ Gimara said.

Over 1,500 participants turned up for the event at the Kaunda Grounds in Gulu City.

The running was followed by festivities, with music star Azawi as the headline act of the after-party organized by event sponsor Tusker Lite.

‘Supporting marathons aligns naturally with Tusker Lite’s identity as a low-carb beer that promotes active and responsible lifestyles,’ noted Tusker Lite Brand Manager at Uganda Breweries Ltd, Denise Nazzinda.

Three air tickets courtesy of Uganda Airlines were handed out after a raffle draw involving the top three performers in each race.

Beneficiaries included Farida Donya, the 10 km women’s winner, Evas Nasasira, the 21 km women’s champion, and Peter Akwech, who topped the men’s 21 km race.

The marathon attracted several dignitaries, including Ambassador Olara Otunnu, who flagged off the 42km race.

Norbert Mao, Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Lt. Gen. Charles Otema Awany, UPDF Reserve Force Commander, and His Worship Fred Okwonga, Gulu City Mayor, all attended and participated in flag-offs.

With the second edition of the event out of the way, organizers have already confirmed that the third edition will take place on December 5, 2026, and preparations have commenced immediately.

Equity Bank, Uganda Airlines, the National Water and Sewerage Corporation, CFAO Mobility, Suzuki, the Uganda Communications Commission, Krystal Water, the National Information Technology Authority (NITA), the Uganda Wildlife Authority, and Swangz Avenue are some of the partners who supported the success of the event.

Gulu City Marathon

Winners – 42km

Men

Allan Andiema: 2:17:16

Anthony Ayeko: 2:19:34

Isaac Masai: 2:21:53

Women

Joy Robert’s: 3:25:53

Joan Chebet: 3:43:11

Planice Chemitai: 3:47:45

Two first half goals from Rashida Nankya and captain Josephine Ndagire handed Makerere University a 2-0 win away at Kawempe Muslim in the 2025/26 Finance Trust Bank Fufa Women Super League on Sunday.

Leaders Kawempe were unbeaten in nine matches ahead of the fixture but now have the gap between them and She Corporate cut to two points with a just a match to end the first round of the competition.

Coach Fred Ndawula’s Makerere, who remained 10th on 10 points, utilized their opportunities but Kawempe were wasteful and rush with their chances. In the end, coach Ayub Khalifa’s side could not get past Makerere keeper Grace Nassande, who was also always quick to come off her line to thwart Kawempe’s attacks.

The loss leaves Kawempe on 25 points – two ahead of She Corporate who also fought hard to beat Olila High School 3-2 at Fufa Technical Centre, Njeru on Saturday.

Jesca Namanda scored her eighth of the season to ensure Corporate were 1-0 up at halftime. Hairat Babirye made it 2-0 in the 79th minute but Olila’s Brenda Atwani pulled one back in the 82nd minute and equalized in the 89th.

However, Sandra Kisakye saved Corporate the blushes with a stoppage time winner.

Corporate still have a five point lead over champions Kampala Queens, who drew 1-1 with Amus College in Kachumbala on Sunday. Edinah Nasipwondi scored for the hosts in the 35th minute but KQ, who looked the better team on the day, equalized through Catherine Nagadya’s penalty in the second half.

Mid-table struggles

The draw leaves Amus 5th even though there was a change in 4th position. St. Noa Girls, who previously occupied it lost 2-0 away to She Maroons in Luzira on Saturday as they continue to grapple with the decision of coach Tonny Mawejje walking out on them in midweek.

The win pushed Maroons to 15 points and fourth place while St. Noa are now sixth.

Lady Doves also remained ninth despite beating Rines SS 4-0 in Masindi. Cecilia Apiding scored a first half brace after Sumaya Nsisi’s second minute opener. Resty Kobusobozi made it four in the second half as Rines fell to eighth.

To keep their fellow mid-table competition at bay, Uganda Martyrs also capitalized on Asubo’s poor start to the season to beat them 4-0. Moreen Kiiza, Nusulah Nakintu, Angel Auki Kigongo, and Sharon Nabowa scored as Martyrs jumped to seventh with 12 points.

FTBFWSL RESULTS

Kawempe Muslim 0-2 Makerere University

Amus College 1-1 Kampala Queens

Lady Doves 4-0 Rines SS

Asubo 0-4 Uganda Martyrs

She Corporate 3-2 Olila HS

She Maroons 2-0 St. Noa Girls

Kawempe Muslim 10 8 1 1 17 6 25

She Corporate 10 7 2 1 18 8 23

Kampala Queens 10 5 3 2 21 11 18

She Maroons 10 4 3 3 13 8 15

Amus College 10 3 5 2 14 10 14

St. Noa Girls 10 3 4 3 14 11 13

Uganda Martyrs 10 3 3 4 13 12 12

Rines SS 10 2 5 3 7 14 11

Lady Doves 10 2 4 4 13 12 10

Makerere University 10 2 4 4 9 12 10

Olila HS 10 0 4 6 6 20 4

Asubo 10 0 4 6 5 26 4