Category: Daily Monitor

I wish this were written in Rutooro or Swahili, alas! I am constrained to make do with that which was ‘loaned’. However, I must state the deliberate infusion of colloquial contraptions into this essay, for that is the way of post-colonies. It is how we can fully own ‘loaned goods’. When this year began, I had no clue that I would end up writing an essay in honour of a living icon, who has doubled as my role model ever since my father handed me her autobiography titled African Princess at age 11.

For context, I am now 41. Suffice to say that my father had bought the book in anticipation of giving birth to a girl who would be just like Elizabeth Bagaaya. As such, I was born on a tide of high hopes, with my father as the prophet, Bagaaya as the heroine and time as the talebearer.

When I ran into Edwin Mugisa Bitamazire aboard a flight from Singapore to Addis Ababa in October, it was by sheer happenstance or shall I call it fate. To start with, I was on an emergency trip for unforeseen contingencies, when I mistakenly sat on seat 34H instead of 39H. I was having a tête-à-tête with a friend, Ronit Golan, an environmentalist. Apparently, Edwin, had overheard our climate conversation, and the fact that I am a lawyer. At some point we got talking and once he introduced himself as Ugandan, I wanted to know if he was Mutooro. Had I sat on my allocated space, I probably would never have met Edwin and this article would never have surfaced. This was born out of that fortuitous meeting on the way to Addis Ababa, the open-mindedness and industry of Edwin as well as the fact that time had decided to finally tell its tale.

Dream born at a tender age

As a precocious 11-year-old, I had only come in contact with Nigerian writers such as Wole Soyinka, Chukwuemeka Ike, Chinua Achebe, J.F Odunjo. I had also read Geoffrey Chaucer, Shakespeare, Rider Higgins and Agatha Christie. Bagaaya’s book was my first taste of non-Nigerian African books. I was fascinated by the side view of the photo of a particularly beautiful African woman.

To me, she was the most beautiful African woman I had ever seen. Even prettier than my really pretty mother. However, it was her words which drew me in. Little did I know that I had embodied those words and they had become lenses through which I interpreted the world as an educated African woman. In that book, there were photos of her attending UN conferences with her magnificently threaded hair and dignified composure. What I continuously glean from the book is that confidence does not have to be pompous or aggressive. It can be kind yet firm, professional yet sit ever so pretty.

In 2022, when I started out at Leiden University, the Netherlands, Bagaaya’s book once again became a constant companion because suddenly being African was a big deal. I was one of the two black women in our Master’s programme of more than 120 students. And, I felt a lot of pressure, similar to what she describes in her book. I am on all fours with her idea about Africa owning its own civilisational process without having to duplicate western models.

I, also totally agree with her views on femininity which frown upon the idea of subjecting women to unnecessary rigour with the hope of making them as strong as men. A woman is already strong in her own way and is able to create lasting impact while being herself as Bagaaya so beautifully embodied in her working years. From the tales of what it meant to grow up as a princess in the Tooro Kingdom, to the pressure of being a good example as the only black female law student at Cambridge, to her modelling career, to her ordeals in the hands of Idi Amin, to her romance with her husband and her ambassadorial duties

Impression

There is a thread that runs through all – her witty sense of humour. One of my favourite paragraphs in the book is one in which she talks about her husband, who while taking his marriage vows, mentioned all his worldly possessions, which she said comprised just a few boxes and an old car. That part cracks me up every time. It is rare in today’s world to find highly influential women with the ability to retain any simplicity, much less a sense of humour.

As a lawyer, I have had to walk in similar shoes, and I can boldly say that because of her example, I have had the tools not just to survive, but to thrive through different challenges in my personal life and career.

In appreciation of so much guidance and mentoring through her book, the coming year will be dedicated to a project which I have christened ‘Bridging the Gap’. I envision it as a two-pronged project; first, to bridge the 50-year generational gap between Bagaaya’s generation and mine. My generation of women have the advantage of increased opportunities but require the necessary virtues to drive real impact with those opportunities, all of which Bagaaya embodies.

Secondly, I intend to bridge the East African-West African gap. As I discussed with Edwin, I find it weird that East Africans do not seem to promote their own culture as much as we do ours in West Africa. For one, I cannot mention any Ugandan or East African cuisine or native name top of mind! What East Africans need to understand is that the regional differences in perspectives are the necessary ingredients that drive massive change across continents.

Where the East downplays its own difference, there will be nothing for the rest of us to cross-fertilise and the continent will remain perpetually handicapped. Every single block, zone and country in Africa fits into one big puzzle. If the energy from any African country is missing, irrespective of how small its size might be, the impact will be felt by the whole. We are on the cusp of an African Renaissance and the only way to ensure that it is organic and therefore authentically African is to be intentional about intra-continental interactions.

Legacy

I dare say, Bagaaya’s life in its totality is a template for the quintessential African woman. Given the proliferation of several philosophies of femininity, African women appear to be in desperate need of direction. We should not have to seek that from without when we have treasures such as Bagaaya within. She has shown us that an African woman does not require an anti-men stance to make any impact, rather needs to be grounded in her unique identity, hold herself in dignity and collaborate with fellow (wo)men for the good of the community. Although the African woman is an individual, she is not excessively individualistic, but more focused on the collective good of her people.

Today, we celebrate a strong Ugandan presence in international law, in the persons of my Lords Julia Sebutinde and Solomy Balungi Bossa. I say ‘we’ because a win for Uganda is a win for Africa. In Africa, the emphasis will always be ‘we’ and never ‘I’. However, I doubt that their lordships would exist without Bagaaya having thrown the gates open for East African women. The work of a pioneer is tough, brutal, and often thankless.

They bear the scars of clearing out the stones so that those coming behind can glide. Therefore, we must never forget pioneers; they must not only be immortalised but also appreciated while they are alive. If she were Nigerian, elaborate ‘Owanbe’ plans for her 90th birthday by the Federal Government and Women Organisations would have commenced in earnest. Well, if it takes a three-time princess from Nigeria to say Yoroshikuonegaishimasu in Japanese, then so be it. I write in hope that this tribute will be read by Bagaaya herself.

A first-minute strike from Ivan Mayanja proved decisive as Maroons edged SC Villa 1-0 in a heated StarTimes Uganda Premier League encounter at the Prisons Grounds in Luzira on Saturday.

The result denied the record champions a return to the summit and extended their winless run at Luzira, where they last beat Maroons in 2019.

Mayanja tucked in from Mujahid Ogama after just 57 seconds, stunning a Villa side that entered the match level on 17 points with KCCA, Vipers and Police at the top of a crowded table.

The Jogoos never fully recovered from the early blow, and the afternoon grew more chaotic when Maroons goalkeeper Simon Tamale and Villa’s Geofrey Lubanga Kene were sent off in the 39th minute following an altercation sparked by Tamale kicking a Villa player.

Maroons sacrificed outfield player Ivan Asaba for substitute goalkeeper Matovu Hassan in the 42nd minute, and the stand-in proved equal to everything Villa threw at him.

SC Villa introduced Patrick Jonah Kakande, Tonny Atukunda and three others in a second-half push, but clear chances remained scarce.

Muyomba slowed the game expertly, frustrating the visitors as Kakande and co. struggled to find openings.

Despite sustained late pressure, Villa could not breach Maroons’ disciplined back line.

The result lifts Maroons into the top half, moving them to 12 points, while Villa stay on 17 and risk losing ground to KCCA and Vipers, who have games in hand.

Mayanja deservedly took home the Man of the Match award.

Police in Bugweri District have launched investigations into a deadly crash in which four people were killed when a passenger-filled Toyota drone collided with a moving train at Butongole Railway Crossing along the Mbale-Tirinyi-Iganga Road.

ASP Kasadha Michael, spokesperson for the Busoga East Regional Police, said the Saturday afternoon crash occurred at around 2:50pm when the vehicle, registration number UBN 282J, rammed into the train at the crossing point in Busembatya.

Preliminary findings show the vehicle was heading towards Mbale City when the unidentified driver failed to recognise the approaching train.

‘On reaching the railway crossing, the driver reportedly failed to observe the approaching train, resulting in a violent collision. The vehicle overturned multiple times upon impact,’ Mr Kasadha said.

He said three people died instantly, while a fourth was confirmed dead on arrival at Iganga Main Hospital. Several other passengers sustained injuries and are receiving treatment at the same hospital.

Traffic police officers visited and documented the scene before transferring the bodies to Iganga Hospital Mortuary for postmortem examinations.

Police said investigations will determine the full circumstances of the crash, including the identity of the driver and whether mechanical failure or reckless driving contributed.

Authorities urged motorists to exercise extreme caution at railway crossings, an area long regarded as one of the region’s most hazardous points.

‘We implore motorists and other road users to always fully adhere to railway crossing signals,’ ASP Kasadha emphasized.

The incident renewed concerns about safety along major transport corridors in the Busoga sub-region, where railway and road intersections remain poorly observed.

The tragedy also came just hours after another fatal crash in Bugweri District, in which Sgt James Kirinde of Makuutu Police Station died in a road crash in Iganga District on Friday.

Sgt Kirinde had earlier escorted examination materials to Iganga Police Station.

Almost two years after Henry Katanga met his death at his home in the Kampala suburb of Mbuya, the prosecution this past week wound up its case after presenting about 25 witnesses.

The State hopes the witnesses’ testimonies will be enough to convince Justice Rosette Comfort Kania that Molly Katanga, Henry Katanga’s widow, is liable.

On the other hand, the defence-with its high-profile cast of lawyers such as Peter Kabatsi, John Jet Tumwebaze, Elison Karuhanga from Kampala Associated Advocates (KAA) and MacDosman Kabega-are submitting that the accused, who also include Henry’s daughters (Patricia Kakwanza and Martha Nkwanzi), Dr Charles Otai and George Amanyire, the family’s shamba boy, deemed to have tampered with evidence, should be freed forthwith.

Although in criminal cases a High Court judge is supposed to have a physical look at all the witnesses, Justice Kania hasn’t been able to do so because some of them were heard by Justice Isaac Muwata. The latter recused himself from the case, citing health reasons.

Once Justice Kania took over the case, there was some expectation that she would recall the witnesses who had appeared before Justice Muwata, but she never pursued that arrangement, instead deciding to continue from where her sickly colleague had left off.

Murder or suicide?

When Justice Kania took over the case, it emerged through the State witnesses that though the then Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) Jane Abodo sanctioned the file charging Molly with murder in November 2023, it remained empty. This was until January 2024 when David Beteise, an investigative officer, filed his report.

Therein, Beteise ruled out the possibility that Henry committed suicide. First, the defence lawyers took issue with the fact that the DPP had committed the accused to the High Court for trial without any supporting evidence from police or any other relevant persons.

‘We wonder on what basis the DPP determined that the accused committed the crimes they committed, yet by the time she sanctioned the charges, the file was empty,’ Karuhanga said.

Beteise, who was part of the bevvy of police officers who visited the Katanga house in the aftermath of the shooting, said he ruled out the possibility of suicide after having a look at the crime scene-the Katanga bedroom.

Beteise claimed that most suicide gunshot wounds are found in accessible parts like the ear, cheek or chest, unlike in Henry’s case, where the gunshot was found in the head.

The defence, however, disclosed that the police Form Three that the police officer filled thereafter indicated that he was investigating both murder and suicide.

‘Mr Beteise, you ruled out suicide. On November 9, you were still indicating suicide. I’m asking you personally, not others, you; what information you personally came across after 9th of November that made you rule out suicide?’ Karuhanga asked. Beteise responded: ‘As me, there’s no other information I had, as me.’

When Karuhanga asked him if he made his statement after Abodo had preferred the murder charges against Molly, Beteise responded, ‘yes, my Lord.’

Unlike the defence that insists that Henry shot himself after allegedly battering Molly to near-death, the State insists that Henry was shot dead. The State says this is supported by the failure of investigators to find a bullet marking anywhere on the side where the bullet exited Henry’s head.

In fact, Beteise told Justice Kania that when he surveyed the Katanga bedroom, he didn’t find any bullet marks on the wall, floor or anywhere other than the one mark by the ceiling. The State says once the bullet left Henry’s head, it hit the ceiling, thus leaving a hole.

Beteise told the court the entry hole of the bullet that hit Katanga was above the ear to the left, and the exit was to the right through the ear.

Is left as strong as right?

In wanting to rule out suicide, Beteise claimed that since Henry was right-handed, it’s not possible that he shot himself using his left hand. He argued that Henry’s left hand couldn’t generate sufficient power to shoot himself.

That State’s claims prompted the right-handed Karuhanga to ask for the very pistol that was used in the killing to demonstrate that, with his left hand, which is theoretically deemed to be weaker, he can generate enough power to pull the trigger.

The State also found itself in a spot of bother after the leading investigators in the case, Beteise and Bibiana Akongo, gave contradictory evidence when it came to fingerprints.

While Akongo, who led the investigations, informed Justice Kania’s court that they didn’t take fingerprints or nail clippings from Henry’s body, Beteise said they took Katanga’s fingerprints and nail clippings, but ‘they were swept away.’

Were Molly’s fingers swabbed?

The defence led by Kabega insisted that swabbing Katanga’s fingers would have been critical in establishing whether Henry had fired the gun. The post-mortem report, which is now part of the court records, indicated that Henry’s fingerprints and nail clippings were taken. When the defence tasked the police officer to explain the location of those samples and the results, Beteise said while the pathologist’s report indicated that they had been taken by a colleague, he wasn’t around when that happened.

Another sticking point emerged from the evidence. Andrew Mubiru, the Director of Forensics in the police, said he wasn’t certain about the nature of the DNA found on the pistol that ended Henry’s life. Though in the summary of evidence that the DPP filed in court when the accused were committed to the High Court indicated Molly’s DNA was found on the pistol, Mubiru said he couldn’t tell if the nature of the DNA was skin cells, saliva, sweat or blood.

Mubiru further shocked court goers when he said what he knew was that the DNA found on the pistol was of a human being, but he couldn’t tell who exactly it was.

‘I can’t tell the activity that resulted in the depositing of the DNA. I can’t tell the time the DNA was deposited. I can’t tell how it was deposited,’ Mubiru said.

Another contest is whether the state actually swabbed Molly when she was admitted to the International Hospital Kampala (IHK) shortly after the fight, which ended her husband’s life.

Akongo, once again, was on the spot when she claimed that she found her way into IHK to swab Molly’s bandaged hands.

Without evidence, Akongo claimed that she found Molly seated on her hospital bed, tweeting away on her phone, with a ladder waiting outside the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) window to smooth her escape.

Akongo questioned

The kind of evidence Akongo was giving prompted the defence to take an aggressive stance against her, including asserting that she had no specialised training in homicide.

Akongo, defence lawyers said, had just a general police induction training.

This compelled Akongo to admit that she had no expertise in guns, contrary to an earlier claim. With that, defence lawyers challenged Akongo to point out any Ugandan case she knows or has worked on, outside this one, where a civilian woman has been accused of killing someone by shooting. Akongo responded that there was none.

With the State showing that Henry knew how to operate a gun, Akongo, who was facing a barrage of questions from the defence lawyers, admitted that there was no evidence to prove that Molly knew how to fire a gun.

Akongo’s evidence was also contradicted by another State witness, Aisha Birungi, a Scene-of-Crime Officer, who told the court that she found Molly in the same hospital with all arms bandaged all the way to the fingertips, and she still managed to swab her hands.

Birungi, however, found herself on the back foot when the defence lawyers revealed that her name isn’t indicated in the IHK visitation book. Birungi said by the time she found her way into Molly’s room at IHK, her caretaker or the physicians weren’t around.

Background

On November 2, 2023, Katanga was found dead at his residence in Mbuya, Kampala, following what is believed to have been a domestic altercation with his wife, Molly.

On any given Sunday at 11 am, long before the first hymn rises at Our Lady of Africa Catholic Church in Mbuya, you can already hear it, the soft tuning of adungus, the quick chatter of shakers, and the warm hum of voices easing into harmony. This is the unmistakable signature of St Paul Choir, one of the most culturally vibrant and spiritually rooted church choirs in Kampala.

With members young and old, drawn from nearly every corner of Uganda, St Paul Choir is more than a liturgical group. It is a living archive of tradition, a family built on song, and a choir that has grown from a humble merger of two language groups into a musical force known across the city as ‘the Adungu Choir.’

Choir born from two languages

Few people know this story better than Camillus Okenyi, one of the choir’s longest-serving members. He arrived in Kampala in 1977, fresh from school, searching for a place to belong.

‘I was attracted to the 11 O’clock Mass because most of the songs sang during the mass were of Luo dialect,’ he recalls.

At the time, the Alur and Luo choirs sat opposite each other in church, taking turns to animate the Mass. But in 1979, a teacher and musician, Polycarp Ochola (RIP), joined the Luo choir and suggested something bold: merge the two groups.

The idea took root. And by 1980, St Paul Choir was born with Ochola as its choir master. As Kampala’s population shifted and new families settled in Mbuya, choristers from western and eastern Uganda joined, bringing with them songs, rhythms and languages that expanded the choir’s identity.

Since the parish’s 11am Mass is celebrated in English, the choir blended English hymns with indigenous compositions, a fusion that became its trademark.

Traditional feel

From inception, St Paul Choir embraced the soul of traditional Catholic music. But what truly set it apart was its early use of indigenous instruments, especially the adungu, a harp native to northern Uganda.

‘It is the first to adopt use of harps (adungu) in Kampala Archdiocese,’ Okenyi says proudly. ‘To date, it is known across the greater Kampala as the Adungu Choir.’

Alongside adungus, the choir uses drums, bells, shakers, guitars and piano to create a warm, earthy sound that fills the church in a way few choirs can match. Their dedication paid off. When Kampala Diocese still organised choir competitions, St Paul Choir became a regular winner, celebrated for its mastery of local-language hymns and disciplined performance.

Growing young again

Like all long-standing communities, the choir has evolved. Today, its leadership is youthful, energetic and deeply committed to honouring the choir’s roots while embracing modern expression.

Chairperson Ronald Ojilong joined the choir in 2006, immediately after A-Level at St Kizito SS, Bugolobi.

‘Being a choir member is a calling because it is voluntary, meaning one must be committed,’ Ojilong says.

Back then, choir practice was a non-negotiable.

‘The commitment level was so high,’ he recalls. Members showed up, learnt new music and even attended sponsored music lessons. The choir was large, full of students, working professionals and families.

Today, the group is smaller, reflecting the mobility and pressures of modern urban life, but far more equipped. It now stages polished carol concerts using advanced sound equipment and often hires city hotels as performance venues, attracting believers willing to pay to watch. Before the Covid-19 pandemic, the choir travelled widely, evangelising in Uganda, Kenya and Rwanda, a testament to its growing influence.

More than a choir

The choir calendar is rich with events and traditions. Every June 29, members mark the Feast of St Peter and St Paul, their patron saints, with a special carol presentation. Recently, they hosted St Paul Youth Choir from St Michael Cathedral Parish in Kigali, with hopes for more cross-border collaborations.

Beyond music, the choir invests in its members’ wellbeing. With support from former vice president Dr Speciosa Wandira Kazibwe, an alto in the choir, St Paul Choir is setting up a Sacco to help members save and grow their finances. Patron Herbert Ariko, MP for Soroti East, has also pledged support.

The choir’s heart for community extends further: each year, they reach out to a selected community with alms, keeping charity at the centre of their ministry.

St Paul Choir also nurtures future choristers through the St Paul Sunday school, a children’s programme offering catechism, storytelling, games and singing during part of the Mass.

The quiet calling of a chorister

Behind the harmonies and the carefully choreographed performances lies a deeper spiritual duty. According to Catholic doctrine, a chorister is both minister and witness, someone who leads worship, encourages participation, and uses music to draw the community towards God.

Choristers are expected to live with reverence, be mindful of their conduct and dress, and allow the Holy Spirit to shape their service. Their songs, the Church teaches, can stir the soul, bring healing, and open space for prayer.

For St Paul Choir, this calling has defined four decades of ministry.

Busoga King (Kyabazinga) William Nadiope Gabula IV, has urged the government to expand funding for youth-focused development programmes, warning that many young people in the region are still locked out of the Emyooga initiative.

He made the remarks on Saturday while presiding over an exhibition organised by the Microfinance Support Centre (MSC) at the Busoga Kingdom headquarters in Jinja City.

The event brought together beneficiaries from across the sub-region to showcase products and value-added items made through Emyooga support.

The Kyabazinga said the programme was not reaching its intended audience. ‘Unemployment remains a major challenge, especially among the youth and teenage mothers,’ he said.

He added that ‘MSC should adopt more inclusive strategies to ensure greater access to government seed capital.’

Touring stalls filled with maize flour, liquid soap, handcrafts, carpentry items, tailoring products, hairdressing materials and catering services, the Kyabazinga praised the effort of beneficiaries.

‘I have seen that you are doing well in acquiring skills and engaging in various productive activities. This shows commitment to becoming responsible and working toward eliminating poverty in your homes, and I commend that effort,’ he said.

His call followed concerns from Busoga Kingdom Second Deputy Prime Minister Ahmed Osman Noor, who questioned why a limited number of young people were benefiting from government-backed programmes.

‘Many young people are missing out on programmes like Emyooga due to limited awareness, weak mobilization structures, and inadequate targeting,’ Mr Osman said, adding: ‘These gaps continue to deny the youth access to capital and the financial skills needed to overcome poverty.’

But MSC Busoga Zonal Manager Martin Isabirye pushed back, saying the programme had made notable progress in the region.

‘Busoga has made significant progress, with some beneficiaries supported in value addition and processing to the point of securing UNBS certification,’ he said, adding: ‘This has enabled them to access wider markets, including export opportunities.’

According to him, the centre’s support went beyond financing to also include helping beneficiaries secure markets.

Busoga Sub-region, he noted, has so far registered 576 SACCOs, which received Shs17.9 billion in the first phase and another Shs7.1 billion.

Many have since advanced to lending to their members, he said, signalling growing financial independence.

Jinja Resident City Commissioner Richard Gulume thanked the Kyabazinga for mobilising his subjects to embrace government programmes.

Mr Gulume appealed to him to encourage the people of Busoga to ‘maintain peaceful and healthy conduct’ as political tensions rise ahead of the January 2026 polls.

Uganda’s football federation head Eng Moses Magogo, who is the incumbent and aspiring Member of Parliament for Budiope East in Buyende District, has rejected claims that he will run unopposed in the 2026 parliamentary race.

Speaking to voters at Kabukye, Nabitula, and Ngadho Primary Schools across the constituency, Magogo described rumours of an uncontested candidacy as ‘completely false and baseless.’

‘There have been allegations that I am unopposed, which isn’t true as far as I know. That is why I am moving across the constituency, meeting voters, and seeking more support and votes,’ he said.

Acknowledging that his opponents are relatively weak, Magogo expressed confidence in victory and urged constituents to rally behind him.

‘I believe my opponents may be weak, but I am confident I will beat them in the end. If voters have issues with my competitors, that is their concern, as far as I am concerned,’ he added.

Magogo described the upcoming campaign as less tense than the 2021 elections, which he said were ‘marred by hate speech and tribal sentiments.’

Last Thursday, he expressed hope for a decisive win, while noting that security teams will handle ‘some small pockets of violence that the security team will address before casting the ballot.’

Magogo also appealed for civility during the campaign, urging voters to respect others’ choices and avoid lawless acts such as defacing campaign materials, which he warned could endanger lives and property.

Magogo dismissed his main challenger, Daniel Mulirire, noting he received only 2 percent in the recently concluded NRM party primaries.

He also referenced Geoffrey Dhamuzungu, who garnered 18 percent in the primaries but declined nomination. ‘I am optimistic of winning with 90 percent of the vote,’ Magogo said.

The Budiope East race currently lists five candidates: Moses Magogo (NRM), Stephen Bangalana (Independent), Robinson Peere (PFF), Resty Nsiro (Independent), and Daniel Mulirire (Independent).

Petitions have been filed challenging the eligibility of Mulirire, Bangalana, Nsiro, and Peere, citing forged signatures, insufficient nominators, or legal non-compliance.

Mulirire denied claims that he failed to resign from his previous post, while other candidates insisted they had neither withdrawn nor been disqualified.

Observers criticised the Electoral Commission for creating confusion by nominating candidates and later entertaining petitions, warning that the precedent could undermine democratic processes.

Magogo, who also serves as President of the Federation of Uganda Football Associations (FUFA), is married to Speaker Anita Among, who, along with nine other MPs including her deputy Thomas Tayebwa, has been confirmed unopposed.

Uganda will hold its General Election on January 15, 2026 to elect a new parliament and president.

As Uganda addresses the effects of climate change, as stipulated in the National Development Plan (NDP) III, it is worth noting that these are not just distant threats. They are the harsh realities that are shaping the lives of millions of children. Extreme weather conditions such as prolonged droughts, landslides, and severe flash floods have become more frequent, affecting children’s right to education, shelter, safety, and play. These conditions have been brought about by extensive deforestation, heavy reliance on biomass energy, and encroachment on wetlands and other protected areas.

The One Million Trees Campaign is now a beacon of hope.

The movement, led by children, is driven by resilience and determination to reclaim the environment. In April 2024, Talia Birungi Kandole woke up to silence, where once birds had chirped in the vibrant green vegetation near her home in Kabarole District. ‘I was really hurt. I wanted to write a letter to President Yoweri Museveni asking him to restore our forest, but my mother stopped me. Then, I got an idea to plant one million trees across Uganda to save the environment,’ she says.

With sheer determination and a heart full of hope, Kandole, who was a Primary Six pupil, got to work.

Today, she has planted 251,000 fruit and indigenous trees in schools, hospitals, national parks, and refugee settlements. She has also distributed tree seedlings during festivals, marathons, and church gatherings. ‘While planting trees in the refugee settlements, I observed that several children lack the money to buy food. At least now, they can eat the nutritious fruits from the trees we planted,’ she notes. The 11-year-old calls on Ugandans to embrace plastic recycling to combat pollution and flooding, and calls on the government to enact strict laws against littering.

‘I urge schools and communities to embrace tree planting. The policy makers should continue to make room for children’s voices when making decisions to combat climate change because the children are the ones who will live in the future,’ she says. Kandole’s passion for the environment has seen her attend a number of conferences, such as the All Pension Africa Summit 2025 in Kampala, where she delivered a keynote address on green investments that impact the future of children, the Africa Climate Summit 2025 in Addis Ababa, the Pearl of Africa Tourism Expo, and the Annual Green Festival 2025, among others.

Law enforcement

Teddy Anita Nabukenya, a Senior Two student at Saidina Abubaker Secondary School, Butambala District, urges the government to provide alternative energy solutions, like a steady electricity supply to rural areas and biogas, to replace charcoal and firewood. This would curb deforestation, air pollution, and charcoal burning. ‘There must be strict enforcement of the law to stop charcoal burning. Deforestation means that there will be little rain, and as a result, the food supply will trickle down. Changes in the weather affect children’s right to education, since they are unable to get food at school and at home. This affects their concentration levels in class.

Nabukenya calls on the government to champion afforestation and reforestation to increase green cover and to protect the environment. Alexandrian Nabunya, a 10-year-old Primary Four pupil at Kyengera Primary School, reported the effects of deforestation in Katabi Town Council, Nsangi, and Bunga, noting that it leads to windy rains that affect her school attendance. John Kazibwe, a Primary One pupil at Kyengera Parents Primary School, urged all schools to prioritise planting trees to enable the students to get fresh air and shade during the rainy and sunny seasons.

Call for intervention

Luke Siduda, from World Vision, explained that harsh climatic conditions in to forced displacement, child marriages, school dropouts, food insecurity, and deteriorating health systems, hence affecting children. ‘The effects of climate change, such as floods, landslides, and storms, mostly affect children from refugee communities and disaster-prone communities. Children who live in places like Bwaise in Kampala City are forced to live in unsafe conditions, spend resources on rebuilding, or depend on aid, which adds to their already existing vulnerability,’ he says.

Siduda adds that climate change has led to the reduction of crop yields as floods wash away gardens, hence financial instability and poverty. ‘Children are the ultimate victims of all this. I urge the government to support the child-led environmental justice initiatives to ensure that children’s voices shape policy, not as afterthoughts, but as co-creators of Africa’s sustainable future. We believe that by placing environmental justice within the child rights framework, we are reframing the climate crisis as a legal and moral obligation of governments, corporations, and global leaders,’ he explains.

He calls for children to be recognised as leaders of climate resilience.

Joseph Masembe, the founder of Little Hands Go Green, a civil society organisation that nurtures and empowers children as the main drivers of environmental conservation education, says the devastating climatic effects lead to health risks such as cholera, typhoid, dysentery, and malnutrition. ‘Uganda’s children face a myriad of challenges resulting from the climate crisis.

To mitigate the problem, we have so far planted 1.3 million fruit trees in 55 districts and distributed 500 litter bins to homes, schools and communities in Yumbe, Nakasongola, Kampala, Wakiso, Mukono and Mityana Districts, with proper garbage disposal and better waste management,’ he notes. Masembe tasked the government to establish a National Children’s Climate Resilience Strategy, linking the ministries of Water and Environment, Health, and Agriculture into the planning process to hold sensitive climate budgeting and policies.

‘I urge the Ministry of Education and Sports to integrate climate education into the extracurricular activities of all schools to give early exposure to the pupils on how to protect the environment, hence nurturing an environmentally conscious generation. It is incumbent on policymakers, global governments, global institutions, and civil society to ensure that the climate crisis does not sweep away children’s rights to a healthy and conducive environment,’ he emphasises.

Uganda and global children-climatic status

According to Save the Children Uganda’s Climate Landscape Study 2024, climatic changes have affected the education of children more in Eastern (90.6 percent), Western (86.2 percent), and Northern (84.5 percent) compared to Central (76.8 percent) and West Nile (67 percent). The report further indicates that the children who experienced climate change impacts are 2.3 times more likely to observe adverse effects on their education than those who did not face climate shocks.

According to the National Forestry Authority (NFA), Uganda’s forest cover has declined drastically over the past three decades, shrinking from 24 percent (approximately 4,898,335 hectares) in 1990 to the current 12.7 percent, hence a risk to the climate. Uganda ranks 13th in climate change vulnerability globally and 160th in preparedness. Globally, according to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Children’s Climate Risk Index (CCRI) report 2021, about one billion children live in extremely high-risk countries of vulnerability, and almost every child on earth is exposed to at least one major climate and environmental hazard.

According to the UNICEF Learning Interrupted report, 2024, at least 242 million children from pre-primary to upper secondary education experienced school disruptions due to climate events; at least one in seven students had their schooling disrupted due to climate hazards in 2024. Of the 242 children interrupted, 74 percent of the affected students are in low- and lower middle-income countries, with an average CCRI score of seven out of ten. Uganda faces various climate disasters, with specific hazards prevalent in different regions. Landslides (on the slopes of Mount Elgon in districts like Bududa and Sironko), flash floods, and riverbank bursts are common in the eastern part of the country.

Northern Uganda experiences both flooding and droughts. The Karamoja sub-region, for instance, faces prolonged dry seasons (December to April), leading to water scarcity and food shortages. Western Uganda is characterised by flooding and landslides, particularly in the Rwenzori Sub-region (Kasese and Kisoro districts) due to glacier melting and heavy rainfall around the mountains. Urban areas like Kampala City are prone to flash floods, largely due to poor drainage and high urbanisation, as well as occasional droughts.

The rankings

Uganda ranks 13th in climate change vulnerability globally and 160th in preparedness. Globally, according to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Children’s Climate Risk Index (CCRI) report 2021, about one billion children live in extremely high-risk countries of vulnerability, and almost every child on earth is exposed to at least one major climate and environmental hazard. According to the UNICEF Learning Interrupted report, 2024, at least 242 million children from pre-primary to upper secondary education experienced school disruptions due to climate events; at least one in seven students had their schooling disrupted due to climate hazards in 2024.

On Wednesday, Justice Simon Byabakama Mugenyi, the chairperson of the Electoral Commission (EC), reiterated his stand that voters should leave the polling stations once they are done with casting their votes.

‘Let the process of counting the vote be for the polling officials and the candidates’ agents or the observers, if any, who will be at the polling stations. Please let us respect the law,’ said Justice Byabakama.

The EC boss made the remarks during a meeting that the Commission had with agents of the presidential candidates and officials from some of the country’s security agencies.

Justice Byabakama’s comments came about three weeks after the deputy spokesperson of the army and the Ministry of Defence, Lt Col Henry Obbo, directed voters to leave polling stations.

‘When you finish voting, please go home and then wait for the time for the announcement of the results or the time for counting it. That is when you go back, other than crowding the polling stations and becoming a security threat to other citizens or trying to intimidate others at the polling station,’ Lt Col Obbo said.

Confliction

As expected, the directives have since become a big subject for discussion, especially given that the presidential elections are just around the corner. The biggest talking point has been whether they are not in conflict with the law.

Ms Charity Ahimbisibwe, the executive director of the Electoral Laws Institute, a civil society organisation, was one of the first people to raise concerns about them. She was of the view that the EC boss is not operating at the level that he had been expected to operate, given his previous station as a judge.

She argues that Justice Byabakama has failed to interpret the provisions of Articles 1 and 61 of the Constitution.

Article 1(1) provides that, ‘All power belongs to the people who shall exercise their sovereignty in accordance with this Constitution’, while (2) provides that, ‘Without limiting the effect of clause (1) of this Article, all authority in the State emanates from the people of Uganda; and the people shall be governed through their will and consent’.

She adds that Mr Byabakama has also failed to appreciate the importance of the participation of the citizenry in electoral processes.

‘For a judge to become the chairperson of the EC, our hope was that we had got a person of a certain calibre – a calibre that understood the glory of a citizen of Uganda. Ugandans should not be made to feel hopeless because they participated in governance. Why then do we call Ugandans to go and vote? The rationale of calling Ugandans to go and vote is because we recognise the importance that is attached to this Ugandan and we recognise the importance that is attached to this Ugandan deciding on who governs them, and because we recognise that importance, we cannot relegate it to calling them grasshoppers,’ she argues.

Lawyer Allan Mulindwa weighs in, saying the directives of both the army and the EC are in conflict with the provisions of section 33(4) of the Presidential Elections Act.

The section provides that, ‘A voter who has cast his or her vote and all other persons in the vicinity of the polling station other than election officers, candidates, agents of candidates and observers shall stand or sit at least 20 metres away from the table mentioned in sub-section (3).’

The table being referred to is the table at which each voter is to place the authorised mark of choice on the ballot paper.

‘That is the standard the security forces and the Electoral Commission should maintain, not circumventing or creating their own law. If the security agencies sit with the EC and they come up with a guideline, that guideline can only be in conformity with the law. So the EC, even if they sit with the UPDF, they cannot come up and say, ‘this is what you should follow’. They should say, ‘this is what the law says,” Mr Mulindwa says.

What has, however, caused most eyebrows to be raised in all this is the fact that one cannot say that Justice Byabakama does not know what the law says. He actually made it known during Wednesday’s meeting.

‘When I was making that statement, I was aware of what the law provides. The law says you can stand about 20 meters from the table where the basin is. The law is very clear. You can stand 20 meters away, but if you look at some of these locations, the polling station is on the veranda of a shop or shops. At times, we are compelled to block off roads – to close off parts of the roads so that we create ample space for a polling station,’ he said.

The question now is why he is issuing orders that he knows are in contravention of the law.

Mr Mulindwa argues that if the EC and army insist on enforcing the directive, it might lead to legal challenges, which may have grave implications on the entire electoral process.

Other legal minds have since opined that the principle of legal purity would come to apply in such a circumstance. It would mean holding an election in a manner that breaches the law and claiming that the outcome is legitimate.

Suspicions

In concluding the defence of his insistence that the voting public stay away from the polling stations, Justice Byabakama tried to allay public fears that the directive was for purposes of facilitating foul play.

‘When the Electoral Commission was making that urge or caution, it was not for ill motives or ulterior motives,’ he argued.

The problem is that no one seems to believe him. That has a lot to do with the EC’s image among supporters and leaders of the Opposition.

Many Ugandans, especially those in the Opposition, have always viewed the EC as an obstacle to the holding of free and fair elections.

In November 2015, Dr Kizza Besigye, who was the presidential candidate of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), accused the EC of impartiality, saying it was ‘serving Mr Museveni’s interests’. ‘EC is serving as a walking stick of Mr Museveni and his regime.I have nothing against the gentlemen occupying the offices of EC, but we have a problem with the institution. We want an independent Electoral Commission, not just in name, but in every aspect,’ Dr Besigye declared. On October 21, 2024, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, the leader and presidential candidate of the National Unity Platform (NUP), also had a mouthful to say about the Commission.

‘The biggest problem that Uganda has had for a while now is Museveni appointing the Electoral Commission. If the Commission was not appointed by Museveni, elections in the country would be free and fair,’ Mr Kyagulanyi said. The belief that the Commission is biased and favours Mr Museveni and the army of supporters of the ruling NRM is driven by the fact that the EC is appointed by Mr Museveni. The feeling is that it can only gain a measure of independence and objectivity if the powers to appoint it are taken out of the hands of the President and vested in another organ, or that it be constituted through an inclusive and transparent process in which the public and civil society, and not the government, should take the lead.

Civil society organisations have always urged the government to borrow a leaf from neighbouring Kenya, where the Independent Electoral Boundaries Commission (IEBC) organises and manages elections. Under the IEBC Act, the president is required to, within 14 days of a vacancy arising in the commission, appoint a selection panel comprising a chairperson and eight members drawn from distinguished professionals in the private sector or public service with relevant expertise.

The panel is required, within seven days of its convening, to invite applications and publish the names of all applicants. It then shortlists and conducts interviews. The panel then selects three persons qualified to be appointed as chairperson and 13 persons qualified to be appointed as members of the commission and forwards them to the president whose selection must be approved by parliament. Such an elaborate process, it is argued, will strengthen the EC’s integrity and cause Ugandans to regain faith in the institution.

Lack of faith

That Ugandans have very little faith or trust in the Commission is not lost on Justice Byabakama. He told Sunday Monitor in a previous interview that one of the things the Commission was grappling with was the negative perception that sections of the citizenry have about it. ‘Some of the stakeholders have an unnecessary negative perception of the Commission. However much we endeavour to be transparent, they remain suspicious of our conduct and activities,’ he said.

Back then, he argued that matters were being complicated by the fact that the Commission’s accusers were not stating what it was that had caused them to have a negative attitude about it. ‘I expect any political party or individual that has problems with the Commission to approach us and say, ‘Electoral Commission, we have a problem with you’. We expect them to come forward if there are matters that pertain to the overall work or execution of the mandate of the Commission. It is not for us to go and say, ‘Do you have a problem with us? Can you come and we talk?” Justice Byabakama said.

Fears

It is highly doubtful that this latest order by the army and the Commission will help make the public have more faith in the Commission or even be more open to approaching it. It is actually bound to make the public more suspicious of it. One of the biggest fears has been that the army and the EC are ordering the public to stay away for purposes of facilitating electoral malpractices that will disadvantage the Opposition. Those fears are not without basis. It should be remembered that electoral malpractices, especially multiple voting, ballot stuffing and underage voting, have been a constant in all election petitions since 2001.

These were some of the grounds that NUP brought up when it challenged Mr Museveni’s 2021 election victory, that there had been cases of multiple voting and ballot stuffing in many parts of the country. If vote stuffing, multiple voting and underage voting could still take place even when the voting public was around, what will happen when it is away? That is the question the Opposition is asking. Those fears are now made even bigger by Justice Byabakama’s comments about voter protection as a whole.

‘Voter protection is alien to the electoral laws. It is not known. You have your agents. If you want vote protectors, your agent can play that role, but do not give people tags or jackets with the inscription ‘vote protector for candidate so and so’… And I am saying it unequivocally, that anyone who comes masquerading as a vote protector at a polling station on that identity or concept is not known in our electoral laws is not acceptable. They are bound to be arrested,’ he said.

Contradiction

It is difficult to understand where the latest directive is coming from because until now, officials of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) have always taken pride in what they have always described as transparent electoral processes. Dr Chris Baryomunsi, the minister for ICT and National Guidance, said in a previous interview with the Sunday Monitor that voting processes are so transparent that stakeholders can tell in real time and with certainty who has garnered what at the different polling stations.

‘The voting is in the open, people come, and they vote. At 4pm, they close and they count when everybody is there, and they record them. Everybody in their village knows how they voted at their polling station. They know that at this polling station, Museveni got this, Besigye got the other. If Besigye was the winner, people at a particular polling station would know,’ Dr Baryomunsi said. The fear now is that the directive by the army and Justice Byabakama will remove the little window of transparency that has been around the country’s electoral processes. ‘For us to have peaceful elections that are acceptable and that people trust, there must be a transparent method through which results are transmitted,’ argues Ms Ahimbisibwe.

Is anyone in the army and at the Commission listening?

On October 9, the late-afternoon sun hangs gently over Naalya as I walk into Eldard Mugabe’s home. Laughter, murmurs and the excited shuffle of chairs spill from the compound as Samuel Bakutana moves across small clusters of men and women, guiding teams through a tense but joyous Bible quiz. It is a St John’s Kamwokya Church of Uganda Mothers’ and Fathers’ Union joint fellowship, but beyond the competition, something else is happening-hearts are reconnecting.

For two hours, the quiz stretches across current affairs and everyday life. When the fellowship winds down, and people begin strolling out in small groups, Bakutana does not rush to pack up or slip away. Instead, he wanders through the compound with an easy warmth, greeting, listening, and embracing. His presence alone tells a story: leadership, for him, is not a seat at the front, it is a posture of service.

As the Provincial President of the Fathers’ Union in Uganda, Bakutana’s calling was shaped not by ambition but by awakening. He learned early that life is not measured by bills paid or promotions secured, but by a personal walk with God that demands action.

Service, he says, is the rent paid for the privilege of living on God’s earth.

‘In God’s economy, the currency for paying rent is obedience, humility, and love. When men rise to serve in their homes, churches, and communities, families flourish, children thrive and nations heal,’ Bakutana says.

Family roots that shaped a servant-leader

To understand the passion behind his mission, you must return with him to Buyanja in Rukungiri district, where leadership was not taught in speeches but lived in footsteps. His late father, a polygamist and lifelong educationist, carried the weight of many responsibilities including teacher, headmaster, district chairperson of headteachers, community mediator. He was the kind of man who would lead a choir and settle a village dispute before lunch.

‘His voice carried authority but his heart carried unity. Growing up in such a home taught me that leadership is not about titles but impact by showing up and serving others,’ Bakutana recalls.

His childhood was stitched together by long walks to school, rotating home chores and the humbling reality that responsibility was not optional.

With siblings across two homes, he learnt early that care must be shared and that life’s lessons often come wrapped in hardship.

Innate leadership

Academically, his journey wound through Kyamakanda Central, Nyakaina Primary School, and later Kyamakanda Secondary School. He excelled, earning a government scholarship to Kyambogo University. But long before university, leadership kept finding him, sometimes through elections, sometimes through appointments, and sometimes, he says with a smile, simply because he ‘showed up early and stayed late.’

‘Year after year, I found myself in positions of responsibility, some by vote and others by appointment. A few were because I showed up early and stayed late,’ he says.

From class monitor in primary school to district Speaker of UNSA, from chairing debating clubs to leading diocesan youth missions, he lived in constant preparation, being refined, stretched, challenged.

‘These positions prepared me for future leadership in phenomenal ways. Student leadership shaped me and the leader I would become later,’ he explains.

Further studies took him to Uganda Christian University, Singapore, Harvard, Germany and beyond, each step sharpening his calling to serve.

Rising to the provincial presidency

Becoming Provincial Fathers’ Union President is not for the timid. It is not for men who think leadership is wearing a tie or giving long wedding prayers.

It demands strategic leadership, spiritual stamina and deep personal discipline. The constitution leaves no room for shortcuts.

‘The constitution demands that you must have been an active member of the Fathers’ Union for at least seven years. You must be a husband of one biological female wife and actively involved in your local church,’ he says.

He explains the requirements with humility, but also pride for an institution that takes men’s spiritual maturity seriously.

‘It’s not just a title but a calling. If anyone does not know how to manage his own household, how will he take care of God’s church?’ he quotes.

Transforms families

In his gentle yet firm way, Bakutana carries the weight of families on his shoulders. His role is not ceremonial; it is deeply transformational.

‘I cause marriages to be strengthened by creating spaces where men are empowered to lead with love and wisdom, not just with money and remote control,’ he says.

He works with leaders across 39 dioceses to equip fathers to reclaim their spiritual positions, to turn homes into places of prayer, devotion and example.

And he dreams of a Uganda where a father’s presence is not accidental but intentional.

‘When fathers rise together, families thrive together. My job is to ensure we’re not just building houses but homes, legacies and a Uganda where Godly men lead with courage, compassion and conviction,’ he adds.

A burden for homes under siege

But with inspiration comes lament. Where families once thrived, many now struggle to breathe.

Bakutana worries about rising brokenness, ideological battles over family values, and a global push he believes undermines Biblical marriage.

‘These forces rarely come with red horns and warning signs. They package moral decay as health education. The media plays its part too, painting fathers as the violent, irrelevant, or unnecessary creatures,’ he explains.

He speaks with urgency, not anger, like a father distressed about children wandering off the right path.

Homes, he says, are becoming battlegrounds instead of sanctuaries.

Rebuilding families

For Bakutana, building strong families is a mission that goes far beyond sermons.

It calls for gatherings where couples speak honestly about prayer, conflict, parenting and partnership. It calls for men ready to lead with Christlike conviction, not silence or authoritarianism.

‘Let’s stop glorifying broken homes and start celebrating healthy ones,’ he advises.

He calls for media that builds families, workplaces that respect parenting, and churches that offer richer, more practical marriage ministry.

The work ahead

His tenure is anchored on 10 thematic areas, from mentoring boys and strengthening marriages to economic empowerment and Christian community life.

He believes that with the right structures, partnerships and spiritual grounding, families can be rebuilt and fathers restored.