Category: Daily Monitor

The Kasaala Catholic Parish in Luwero District has revoked permission for the National Unity Platform (NUP) to host a rally for its presidential candidate, Robert Kyagulanyi, at the parish playground. NUP leaders in Luwero had earlier secured approval to hold their main rally at the Kasaala Parish playground in Butuntumula Sub-county on December 2, 2025.

However, Fr. Nicholas Onyait, the Parish Priest of Our Lady of Annunciation Kasaala Catholic Parish, has since notified the party that the permission has been withdrawn. In a November 29, 2025, letter, Fr. Onyait explained that the playground is located close to a health centre, and holding a rally there would generate excessive noise that could disrupt services and endanger patients.

“We would like to safeguard the life of our patients by not exposing them to a lot of noise and inconvenience, which might impact their health conditions. We regret the inconvenience caused,” Fr. Onyait said. The NUP had initially sought permission to use Kasana playground, but police rejected the application, arguing that the rally would disrupt services at Luwero Hospital.

The party later requested to host the rally at Bukalasa Agricultural College grounds, but the District Security Committee declined the request, saying it would interfere with students sitting examinations. Samuel Bunjo, the Luwero NUP spokesperson, said efforts are underway to secure an alternative venue for the main rally.

“We suspect the church revoked the permission after experiencing pressure from district security personnel. But we shall do whatever we can to identify another venue, and we proceed with the mobilisation,” Bunjo said. Savannah Regional Police Spokesperson Sam Twiineamazima declined to comment on the revocation, referring reporters to the letter issued by the parish priest.

So far, NUP and police have agreed on two rallies: one at Zirobwe Town in Bamunanika County and another at Kalule Community Playground in Katikamu South Constituency. The organisers are now searching for a third venue to host the main rally within Katikamu North Constituency.

Last week on Friday, without success, Timothy Kalyegira invited me to 93.3 KFM radio station for the last edition of the Friday Panel of Journalists. Many years ago, we used to converge on Fridays to discuss over tea, coffee and cakes served by Ban Café, -the major events of the week.

We sat with any four or five of the likes of Chris Obore, Timothy Kalyegira, Charles Odongtho, Paul Busharizi, Don Innocent Wanyama, Sheila Naturinda, Ann Anena, Barbra Among, Bernard Tabaire, Angello Izama, Obed Katureebe, Dismas Nkunda, the late Francis Onapito Ekomoloit, etc. Andrew Mwenda and Charles Mwanguhya Mpagi hosted the show. As others dropped out, new faces like Ivan Rugambwa and Jimmy Odoki Achellam came in. I felt a sense of nostalgia about the swan song.

Like all radio and TV talk shows, it is mostly the discussions off air, before the show, during the advert breaks and at the end, that are really most intriguing. You hear the political gossip and things that can’t be easily substantiated.

Onapito -fondly called Ona- who worked at State House as the President’s press secretary, was very cautious both off and on air. He loved to quote Victor Hugo thus ‘there is no army that can defeat an idea whose time has come.’ It was his cryptic way of answering those who thought the opposition would surmount the NRM.

When one looks at the trajectory that the campaigns for the 2026 elections have taken, you can’t help but recall Ona’s words.

What was widely touted as a peaceful election campaign season has all of a sudden served us ugly scenes of violence. In Kawempe, the chaos left many injured. In Iganga, one Misaki Okello is in his grave courtesy of a bullet.

All this has happened at rallies for the main opposition candidate, National Unity Platform’s (NUP) Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly called Bobi Wine.

The Uganda Police and the army have come very hard on this group of mainly young, excited supporters. Some of them have been seen tearing Bobi Wine’s campaign posters, using tear gas and live ammunition to scatter what are seemingly peaceful but highly animated rallies.There are various arguments as to why these developments are taking place. On the side of the police and the Electoral Commission, NUP and its supporters do not follow the routes agreed upon, to campaign venues and hold procession on the road. That they also accuse them of snatching property like phones and handbags on the road while obstructing other road users and provoke the police.The police also make unsubstantiated accusations of destroyed police trucks with deflated tyres, theft of computers and jammers to justify their high-handedness. For crying out loud, why should the police jam the signals of a particular candidate in this social media age, if they do not have sinister motives? Are they trying to stop the candidate from publicising his rallies to those who are not at the scene? Or are they hiding their own transgressions in the bid to disrupt his rallies?Of course, the police have a duty to keep law and order and protect members of the public. A supporter who engages in theft or brutality is a criminal to be dealt with in accordance with the law. But the police cannot ostensibly act high-handedly and with a predetermined mindset aimed at frustrating a candidate. They should not also apply the law selectively.

We saw NRM supporters in yellow t-shirts beating up people and stealing their property in broad daylight as they trekked for a party function in Kampala.

One of the victims was Ms Grace Akullo, a retired Assistant Inspector General of Police. How come the police did not disperse the rally and throw teargas on this occasion to ‘protect the public?’

They have come up with the rather pedestrian and infantile suggestion that the supporters should converge at the campaign venue like congregants in a church and wait for the candidate to arrive like the main celebrant.The Buganda Katikiro Charles Peter Mayiga reminded us correctly that campaigns are about excitement.

The campaign, like it happened in Iganga, is a one-day event and not a week or month-long affair. If the supporters of a candidate are in town, the police may deploy to prevent disruptions for that day. A tolerant society can bear with others painting the town red (no pun intended) for that one day, and life goes on. The criminals do not fall in this category.NUP on its part claims that the police, army and RDCS act as a wing of the ruling party and so come in to frustrate them. They say that the NRM is astounded that they still have wind beneath their wings after their surprising performance in the 2021 elections. What they thought was just a passing cloud has instead grown bigger.

That agents provocateurs have been planted to stir up commotion and justify the violent disruption of their rallies. It also opens a window for the police to arrest supporters of the candidate, torture and detain them, like many others who have not been seen or released since 2019.Whether we don’t like Bobi Wine because we look down upon him as a Johnny- come-lately does not matter. If he is the one the young people have set their sights on -even if they will not vote for him, that is it. If he is the one who has captured their imagination, even if he cannot define and articulate a fiscal policy, that is it. If the young people of this country think Bobi Wine is the one who will deliver them from the evils of unemployment, nepotism, corruption, broken court system, state failure, lack of social services, bad roads etc even if he is not clear on how he will achieve it, that is itLike Ona used to remind us about Victor Hugo, there is no army, teargas, basement, fridge, or prison, biases electoral commission, bribery etc that can stop an idea or person whose time has come.

All the brutality since 2019 has not deterred people from following Bobi Wine despite the risks. People like Olivia Lutaaya spent four years in jail but came out and began where they had stopped, i.e. following Bobi Wine with passion.The police should wake up and smell the coffee. We have to devise ways of living with the reality of Bobi Wine and his apparent representation of the hopes and aspirations of the young people even if we think that they may be misguided.

On May 20, 2004, about 80 Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebels raided an internally displaced people’s camp in Lukodi Village, Bungatira Sub-county in Gulu District. More than 90 locals were killed, while another 300 were taken captive in the attack that was ordered by Dominic Ongwen, then commander of the notorious Sinia Brigade. Ongwen is currently serving a 25-year jail term in a Norwegian prison for his role in the attack, among other crimes.

Twenty-one years later, survivors are still struggling with the effects of the attack. Emotions ran high on Monday last week as they narrated the painful event during a memorial held to remember the victims. Ms Maureen Aciro, 76, a resident of Lukodi Village, Bungatira Sub-county in Gulu District, said there was no hint that the attack was imminent.

‘On the fateful evening when the rebels attacked, we were preparing to go to sleep. There were people in my compound, too. These were families who stayed further away from the IDP camp. My home was within the IDP. We started hearing gunfire and people started running to escape,’ Ms Aciro narrated.

Aciro, who was one of five survivors who attended the event (Nipoo) organised by the Foundation for Justice and Development Initiative (FJDI) and Caritas, said it was by God’s grace that she is alive. ‘I lost eight members of my family on the fateful evening. My mother, brothers, sisters, niece, nephews, and aunties were living with me. All were killed that evening. The majority were locked in the house and burnt to death. It has not been easy,’ she said.

‘In total, I lost 38 people who are close to me. Some were my in-laws. The rebels nearly wiped out our family. Every Memorial Day, my heart sinks because I start thinking about those who were close to me and are no more. Those who were killed by the rebels,’ she adds. Ms Aciro said after the attack, her husband developed depression, which progressed into a mental illness, which led to his death. Mr Charles Oryema, 76, said the attack is still fresh in his mind. Mr Oryema said on the fateful evening, he was enjoying a local brew with his friend when his compound suddenly became a battlefield.

‘The rebels struck at around 6pm. They came in three formations from the eastern side of the IDP camp. I was drinking local brew (wiri) when I suddenly heard a whistle and intense gunfire. The army detachment was just a stone’s throw away from my house,’ he narrated. Mr Oryema, who narrowly escaped with his life, said the attack was well planned. ‘Before the actual attack happened, two middle-aged men came to the IDP camp claiming that they had defected from the rebels. They were welcomed. Even some families served them food. But they disappeared all of a sudden. We believe that they were intelligence officers who came to spy on the government forces,’ he said.

Mr Wilfred Lalobo, the chairperson of Lukodi Massacre Survivors’ Association, said Lukodi Village has never been the same since the attack. ‘Between 1985 and 1986, Lukodi Village was a very peaceful place. Food and animals were plentiful. We had resources and were able to take our children to school, too. There was no land dispute in the area,’ he said. Mr Lalobo said the attack turned their lives upside down, adding that future generations will continue to feel the impact of the bloody attack on unarmed civilians.

‘The rebels attacked from the east at around 6:30pm. Unfortunately, the army personnel deployed to guard the IDP camp were ill-trained for such an attack. They were members of the Local Defence Unit. They could not match the firepower of the rebels. They fled in disarray because they could not match the firepower of the insurgents,’ he said.

Mr Lalobo said one of the most traumatising moments was seeing dead bodies strewn around the school playgrounds the following morning. He added that the rebels forced women to throw their babies into burning houses. ‘The rebels also forced mothers to throw their babies away and forced them to carry their loot. The following day, which was May 20, 2004, we returned from our hideouts and found many dead bodies lying everywhere,’ he said. Meanwhile, the fate of more than 56 children and adults who were abducted during the attack is unknown.

Ms Sarah Nkayimbi, the programmes manager at FJDI, said encouraging war survivors to share their stories is an important part of healing. She explained that survivors cannot fully move forward if their stories remain unheard. Ms Nkayimbi added that it is also important to help war victims understand that they are not alone in what they went through. ‘A lot happened during the LRA war in northern Uganda. We lost a lot of property and lives. There were abductions, sexual abuse and those who survived still suffer in one way or another. They are struggling with trauma, psychological torture,’ she said.

Authorities in southwestern Uganda are investigating the death of a woman whose body was found dumped in the compound of Nyakijumba Roman Catholic Church on Sunday, police said.

The deceased, identified only as Patricia, was a resident of Nyabushabi cell, Kyanamira Sub-county, Kabale District.

Police indicated that she may have been killed elsewhere before her body was moved to the church grounds.

‘The scene was visited, processed, and documented by the police. When our sniffer dog was introduced, it led us to the lover’s home near the church,’ said Elly Maate, Kigezi region police spokesman.

Police discovered signs suggesting the body had been dragged from the suspect’s home to the church compound.

‘Pieces of a suspected mattress and blanket soaked with fluids were recovered from the house and have been submitted for forensic analysis,’ Maate said.

He added that preliminary observations suggest the deceased’s body had spent about three days inside the house, which may have been the primary scene of the crime, before being abandoned at the church.

The body was retrieved and taken to Kabale Regional Referral Hospital for a postmortem examination.

Police said the suspect remains at large, and efforts to apprehend him are ongoing.

‘Inquiries are still at hand,’ Maate added.

The incident has heightened concerns over violent crime in the Kigezi sub-region. Religious and local leaders have in recent months called for coordinated community efforts to combat rising murders, attributing the trend to alcoholism, drug abuse, domestic violence, land conflicts, and delayed court proceedings that sometimes prompt mob justice.

According to police reports, Kigezi recorded 18 murders in April, 10 in March, and nine in February.

‘The public must not take the law into their own hands but engage authorities to resolve grievances,’ Maate maintained in a brief Sunday statement.

Cancer is no longer a death sentence when detected early. Advances in early detection, treatment, and supportive care have transformed outcomes for millions worldwide. Today, more people than ever are living beyond cancer, embracing life as survivors, not just patients. Yet, cancer survivorship comes with unique challenges and opportunities that deserve attention, understanding, and support.

Over the past few decades, cancer care has made remarkable progress. Improved screening programmes now detect cancers earlier, when treatment is more effective. Advances in surgery, chemotherapy, radiation therapy, targeted therapies, hormone therapy, and immunotherapy have significantly increased survival rates. According to the World Health Organisation, there are more than 50 million cancer survivors worldwide. This growing population underscores that a cancer diagnosis is not always the end; it can mark the beginning of a new chapter. Survivorship, however, is not just about being alive after treatment; it is about living well.

Understanding cancer Survivorship

‘Cancer survivorship’ begins at diagnosis and continues through life, encompassing those in treatment, those who have completed treatment, and those living with cancer as a chronic condition. Survivorship includes physical recovery, emotional adjustment, and long-term follow-up care.

After completing active treatment, survivors often experience both relief and anxiety. The joy of finishing treatment may be mixed with uncertainty and fear of recurrence. Many face lingering side effects, changes in body image, or challenges in resuming normal routines. Understanding these realities allows families, healthcare providers, and communities to provide meaningful support.

Challenges

Cancer treatment can leave lasting effects. Fatigue, pain, numbness, and digestive problems may persist for months or years. Some survivors experience ‘chemo brain,’ affecting memory and concentration. Hormonal or reproductive changes may impact fertility and intimacy.

Emotional and psychological effects are equally significant. Survivors may struggle with depression, anxiety, or post-traumatic stress. Fear of recurrence is common and can be overwhelming. These challenges highlight the need for comprehensive survivorship care addressing both physical and emotional recovery.

Follow-up care is critical. Regular check-ups help monitor for recurrence, manage side effects, and detect new health problems early. Survivorship care plans, which include personalised roadmaps developed with healthcare providers, guide survivors in maintaining health.

Healthy lifestyle choices are also key. Balanced nutrition, regular moderate exercise, maintaining a healthy weight, and avoiding tobacco and excessive alcohol improve quality of life and reduce recurrence risk. Exercise, in particular, boosts energy, mood and reduces fatigue.

Social and community support

Survivorship is not just a medical journey, it is a social one. Many survivors struggle to reintegrate into work, school, or family life and may feel misunderstood. Support groups, counselling, and survivor networks offer safe spaces to share experiences and encouragement. Communities can promote acceptance, flexible work policies, rehabilitation support, and celebration of survivorship as a testament to strength and resilience.

Education is also empowering. Understanding early and late treatment effects, monitoring health, and knowing when to seek medical help are vital for survivors and caregivers. Specialised survivorship clinics increasingly offer long-term wellness, rehabilitation, and psychological support.

A message of hope

Cancer survivorship is a story of courage, resilience, and renewal. While some physical effects of treatment may persist, they need not define the survivor. With timely treatment, family support, and comprehensive care, life after cancer can be both fulfilling and meaningful. Society must continue to support survivors, by listening, understanding, and providing the resources they need to thrive. Every journey is unique, but together, we can ensure that life after cancer is not just about surviving; it is about truly living.

Tears welled in his eyes as Mr Tonny Bayiiza, the chairperson for Persons with Disabilities in Kalule-Bombo, recounted the silent suffering of girls with disabilities preyed upon by able-bodied men under the cover of darkness. The emotional moment unfolded on Sunday as Ramadhan Foundation, a non-profit organisation supporting vulnerable groups, delivered household relief and financial support to a traditional birth attendant living with disability in Luweero District.

‘There are still some able-bodied men who use girls with disabilities. They impregnate them and run away. When you ask the girl who is responsible, she does not know because the man only comes at night,’ Mr Bayiiza said painfully. He added that he has repeatedly warned young women against men who appear only in the darkness. ‘I told my councillor that a man who seeks a relationship with you at night should not be welcomed. If you truly love a disabled woman, come during the day and introduce yourself,’ he said.

Mr Bayiiza also highlighted the daily struggles disability leaders face while executing their duties. ‘Some of my colleagues crawl to reach communities, others rely on crutches, wheelchairs, or borrowed transport. We face many challenges during our work. Support like wheelchairs, crutches, glasses, and mobility canes would make a huge difference, especially for those deep in the villages,’ he said. He urged parents to stop hiding disabled children out of shame.

‘Take them to school. One day, they can become important people, even ministers. My parents once said I didn’t understand anything, but today they seek advice from me,’ he said.

Among the beneficiaries was Ms Nusula Nanyanzi, the Luweero District Woman Councillor for Persons with Disabilities. Born disabled alongside her late brother, she credits her resilience to her father’s encouragement. ‘He always told us that we would be powerful people even if we were disabled. I am in a wheelchair, but there is nothing I cannot do because my brain functions well,’ she said. A mother of three and a traditional birth attendant, Ms Nanyanzi detailed the harsh realities of her work.

‘Transport is my biggest problem. Sometimes I have to hire expensive transport to refer expectant mothers with complications. I also lack sterile tools, gloves, and disinfectants, yet my people need me,’ she said. She expressed gratitude for the support received-household items, clothes, mama kits, shoes, and financial aid for her small shop. ‘If possible, the Ramadhan Foundation can even lobby for us to have a car. We shall serve our people better,’ she said. Mr Moses Kibirige Ssebunya, the founder and CEO of Ramadhan Foundation, said the organisation collects aid from community members and redistributes it to those in need.

‘You may find people with items they no longer use-clothes, household goods-but these things can change someone’s life. We collect donations and give them directly to the needy,’ he explained.

He condemned those who exploit disabled children for profit. ‘Some people make children beg in town every day and take the money themselves. Even if you give them clothes, they won’t wear them because they want to appear miserable,’ he said. Mr Ssebunya emphasised that supporting individuals directly in their homes ensures help reaches the rightful beneficiaries. ‘We came today because we identified Ms Nanyanzi, a hardworking mother living with disability who supports many others. You help one hand, and that hand helps another. That is how communities grow,’ he said.

Uganda has taken a significant step towards producing Sustainable Aviation Fuel (SAF), with a feasibility study revealing the country’s potential and capacity to produce SAF in the future.

The study, conducted by the Uganda Civil Aviation Authority (UCAA) in collaboration with the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), highlights Uganda’s feedstock options, mainly based on waste, including agricultural residues and municipal solid waste.

Speaking at the public presentation of the feasibility study report on Monday, Mr Cesar Velarde, the lead consultant from ICAO’s Office of Environment, emphasised the double environmental benefit of SAF production, addressing circular economy and reducing aviation’s environmental impact.

“This is paving the road for the future of aviation in terms of making sustainable air transport, reducing dependence on energy sources, and providing opportunities in other areas outside aviation, such as agriculture, waste management, and energy industry,” Velarde said.

The study aligns with ICAO’s global aspirational goals to reduce emissions through SAF use. Some countries, including those in the European Union, India, and Brazil, are already implementing mandatory SAF use.

“Uganda’s aviation industry can benefit from SAF production, and it’s an opportunity for other sectors in the country,” Velarde added.

The next step involves a business implementation study to identify a viable SAF production project, attracting industry stakeholders and funding organizations.

“Our study identifies feedstock options that can achieve emission reductions of up to 80-90% in life cycle assessment, contributing to the decarbonisation of air transport,” Velarde explained.

Deputy Director General of UCAA, Ms Olive Birungi Lumonya, highlighted the importance of meeting global carbon emission reduction targets, particularly the 5 per cent goal for Africa.

“We’re happy to note that the visibility study confirms Uganda’s capabilities to manage SAF production. We’ll now focus on developing a business plan and implementing SAF production,” Birungi said.

The feasibility study is a significant milestone in Uganda’s efforts to reduce its carbon footprint and contribute to a more sustainable aviation industry.

She noted that fuel companies such as Tri-star have expressed readiness to adapt their systems for SAF Production.

The feasibility study report outlines Uganda’s potential for SAF Production and the government is expected to take steps to support the industry’s development.

Eng. Ronny Barongo, UCAA’s Director Safety, Security and Economic Regulation, expressed gratitude to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the UK government for their support in conducting the study.

Barongo emphasized Uganda’s commitment to environmental protection and climate change mitigation, highlighting the country’s participation in the ICAO Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA) since 2019.

“The delivery of the Uganda SAF Feasibility Study report is both timely and transformative,” he said.

Barongo reaffirmed UCAA’s commitment to championing sustainability, fostering innovation, and ensuring Uganda keeps pace with global advancements in green aviation technologies.

He emphasized the need for coordinated effort, enabling policies, and sustained investment to adopt SAF.

“Uganda is poised to become a regional leader in sustainable aviation, supporting national climate objectives and ICAO’s vision to reduce international aviation’s CO2 emissions by 5% by 2030,” Barongo said.

The study provides a comprehensive assessment of Uganda’s potential to produce and use SAF, guiding collaborative action among government agencies, aviation industry partners, and stakeholders.

It analyzes factors determining the technical viability, economic feasibility, and sustainability of SAF projects in Uganda.

Meshach Okello, a supporter of opposition presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, also known as Bobi Wine, was laid to rest on Sunday in Buyende District after being shot dead during a campaign rally in Iganga District.

The incident was condemned by the Electoral Commission on Saturday as its chairperson James Byabakama warned against the escalating tensions ahead of Uganda’s January 2026 elections.

Okello, 33, a Human Resource Management graduate who sold timber for a living, died Thursday after he was shot dead by security forces during a campaign activity of the National Unity Platform (NUP) party at the Railway Grounds in Iganga Municipality.

He is survived by six children and three wives. Uganda will hold its next General Election on January 15, 2026 to decide a new president in a race that has attracted 8 contenders including incumbent Museveni and Bobi Wine.

Police said the shooting occurred during an operation to disperse what they described as ‘unruly and violent crowds’ following Bobi Wine’s rally.

During the burial, local leaders and politicians called for accountability and condemned the killing.

‘Let us not kill our children and colleagues. Let us do what is expected of us. Today you have power, tomorrow you may not,’ said Mr Difansi Kalani, Speaker of Ndolwa Sub-county Council.

Ms Mutesi Kayanga, Female Councilor for Mutukula Sub-county in Iganga District, extended condolences to the family.

‘I send my heartfelt condolences to the relatives of the deceased, especially the widows. Be strong. It is God’s plan. We are deeply concerned about what happened,’ she said.

Rev. Kitimbo Robert, Vicar of Wesunire Parish in Buyende, urged mourners to reflect on life’s uncertainty.

‘No one knows the day, time, or type of death. Meshaki didn’t know he would die on November 29, but God knew. Let us prepare ourselves as we accept Jesus Christ,’ he preached.

NUP leaders have since vowed legal action. Jinja South East parliamentary candidate Paul Mwiru, representing the party president at the burial, said the government must answer for the shooting.

‘This government is carrying laws in their hands by killing people. They told us they don’t know who killed him, but they will find out. We want justice for Meshaki,’ Mwiru said.

Abedi Nasser Mudiobole, NUP’s Iganga flagbearer who witnessed the shooting, described Okello as peaceful.

‘I was there when Meshaki was shot dead. I have never seen anyone stoning or pointing at a police officer during the three rallies I attended in Iganga. People of Iganga are peaceful,’ he said.

Mudiobole added that an unmarked vehicle arrived and ‘started shooting,’ claiming some violence was staged.

The Uganda Police Force confirmed the incident in a statement on X, alleging officers faced ‘sustained attacks, including stone-throwing allegedly incited by the candidate.’

The police said several officers were injured and patrol vehicles damaged, warning that confronting security personnel ‘poses grave risks and will be met with firm, decisive action.’

But Bobi Wine condemned the shooting as a ‘cold-blooded murder,’ accusing security forces of targeting peaceful supporters.

‘After a very successful rally, police and military attacked us again as our supporters were going home. They fired live bullets at peaceful people, killing at least one comrade and injuring several others,’ he said, identifying Okello as shot through the head.

He named three others hospitalized as Samuel Nuwamanya (24), Naminya Banuli (44), and Faima Namusobya (24).

The party alleges security agents removed other bodies from the scene, though this is still being verified. Kyagulanyi added: ‘Museveni and his criminal regime must be held accountable for these crimes against humanity.’

Uganda’s political climate has been tense since campaigns began a month ago, with similar violence reported during the 2021 elections in the Busoga sub-region, leading to nationwide protests and arrests.

As Okello was laid to rest, mourners called for justice and accountability, mourning a young man described as ‘humble, hardworking, and peace-loving.’

Tanzania has quietly pulled off one of the biggest shifts in Uganda’s regional trade in a generation.

In just three years, it has moved from a secondary supplier in Uganda to the country’s single most important import source in East Africa, overtaking Kenya, the traditional heavyweight that has anchored Uganda’s import market for decades.

Bank of Uganda data shows how dramatic that turnaround has been.

In the year ended June 2023, Uganda imported $475.95m worth of goods from Tanzania, compared to $831.96m from Kenya.

Kenya’s lead seemed secure. But the next year flipped the story. Tanzania’s exports into Uganda surged nearly fourfold to $1.81b in the year to June 2024, while Kenya’s grew only marginally to $858.1m.

By June 2025, Tanzania widened the gap even further, supplying Uganda with $2.2b, compared to Kenya’s $1.19b.

Over three years, Tanzania’s footprint grew by about $1.73b, more than quadrupling, while Kenya’s rose by roughly $364m. Tanzania now supplies almost twice as much to Uganda as Kenya does.

For decades, Uganda’s import logic in East Africa has been Kenya-centred.

Kenya’s stronger industrial base, the Northern Corridor, and long-standing trading relationships made it Uganda’s default supplier for processed foods, household manufactures, construction materials, and a wide range of consumer goods.

But Tanzania’s rise suggests that Uganda’s trade gravity is rebalancing toward the Central Corridor and Tanzania’s expanding role as both a supplier and a transit economy. What was once a secondary route is now a primary artery.

Although Bank of Uganda doesn’t list commodity breakdowns, analysts indicate Tanzania’s dominance at this scale is typically driven by strategic, high-value inflows tied to corridor logistics, with the biggest drivers being petroleum and refined fuel products routed through Dar es Salaam, which carry a heavy value.

Alongside fuel, Tanzania has become a key channel for bulk industrial inputs such as cement and construction materials, major food staples and agro-commodities like rice, grain, sugar, and fish, and a growing flow of manufactured consumer goods moving through Tanzanian supply chains.

Uganda has also made occasional gold imports from Tanzania.

Uganda Revenue Authority Commissioner of Customs Asadu Kisitu Kigozi says the trade dynamics between Uganda and Tanzania reveal an interesting pattern of growth in volume and value, with a notable 70 percent of these imports being agricultural products such as rice, maize, groundnuts, and, to some extent, gold.

In contrast, he notes Uganda’s imports from Kenya are predominantly manufactured or processed goods, accounting for around 80 percent of the total.

‘This disparity highlights the complementary nature of our trade relationships with Tanzania and Kenya, with Tanzania meeting some of Uganda’s food security needs while Kenya plays a significant role in supplying our industrial and manufactured goods requirements,” he says.

In short, Tanzania is increasingly supplying Uganda’s essentials, fuel, bulk commodities, and corridor-linked inputs that keep transport, production, and household markets running.

Kenya’s story, by contrast, is not one of collapse. Its exports to Uganda are still rising, reaching $1.19b in the year to June 2025, the highest in the three-year window.

Uganda continues to import major volumes of processed foods, household goods, pharmaceuticals, and manufactured inputs from Kenya.

The difference is that Kenya’s growth has been incremental rather than transformational.

Dr Fred Muhumuza, a renowned economist, says that whereas Tanzania’s contribution to Uganda’s import basket has grown, “some of the imports are quite new compared to what we get from Kenya”.

Thus, he says, comparing Tanzania and Kenya should largely be restricted to value.

“We can’t say [Tanzania] is substituting Kenya entirely”, even as more manufactured products, freight, and insurance services are increasingly coming from Tanzania, he says.

Kenya remains a strong second, but no longer the anchor it once was.

Bank of Uganda data also shows how uneven the rest of Uganda’s regional import map has become.

Imports from DR Congo have steadily fallen from $82.05m in June 2023 to $63.37m in 2024 and $42.61m in June 2025, reflecting a shrinking lane likely shaped by instability, weaker production linkages, or shifting corridor economics.

South Sudan’s supplies dropped sharply from $132.7m to $29.6m before ticking up slightly to $36.34m, underscoring how border trade with South Sudan remains narrow and highly sensitive to security and currency pressures.

Rwanda is still small but rising fast, nearly tripling from $10.93m to $30.61m in the three years, suggesting deepening regional integration through specialised goods and re-export channels.

Burundi remains marginal, falling steeply and then stabilising at low levels from $8.58m to $2.1m and to $2.83m.

Tanzania’s overtaking of Kenya marks a structural change in Uganda’s regional economy. High-value essentials, especially fuel, gold re-exports, and corridor-critical goods, are reshaping who sits at the top of Uganda’s import hierarchy.

With the shift becoming more consolidated and growing stronger in the last three years, Dr Muhumuza says, this warrants “closer examination of the trade dynamics and implications for regional economic integration.”

This also means Uganda’s supply risk is now increasingly Tanzania-centred: disruptions on the Central Corridor, port delays, fuel price shocks, or policy shifts in Tanzania will transmit into Uganda more directly than before.

And perhaps most importantly, East African trade leadership is no longer automatic for Kenya. Kenya remains a major industrial supplier, but Uganda’s import future is now tied more tightly to Tanzania’s logistics, bulk-goods pipeline, and corridor power.

Quietly, steadily, and without much headline noise, Tanzania has become Uganda’s new import anchor in East Africa, rewriting a decades-old regional trade order in just three years.

Congratulations! You have protected your preteens and teenagers from social media. You are doing the most, in fact, everything at home is password-protected. You even go to work with the TV remote. No one knows the WiFi password, which you in fact change every 18 hours. For maximum security, the passwords are usually composed of ancient Greek symbols.

You check the cache and history of all gadgets in the house and have the skills to retrieve any deleted history. You are armed to the teeth when it comes to making sure that the big bad internet does not corrupt your very curious children, who are on school holiday now.

Keeping them safe from online influence and predators is a full-time job. That is why you chose that remote school in the middle of a swamp 5000km away from civilization. You cannot wait for the holiday to end so they can go back to safety, or so you think.

Well, let me tell you a story. The other day, I was on Instagram idling because I had data and time. I found a random account called Iron Man. Iron Man has 112k followers and 51posts and follows only three people. For context, I have eight posts, 377 followers, and I follow 1,314 , with one of my latest being Iron Man. In case you are wondering, all Iron Man posts are videos of his hands ironing clothes. And yet, he has views, many, at least more than many politicians I know.

After watching the ironing of three yellow, orange, and blue cotton shirts and one green linen trouser, I scrolled again and found another account of a self-proclaimed chef. His most trending video that day was of him beheading mukene (silver fish) with scissors. I watched that for a bit too. By the time I moved on, he had decapitated about 50 of them. I think he was going to cook them after. I will have to go back and watch the end.

Then I came across another account, which somehow led me to a TikTok video. That is where I found him. My colleague’s three-year-old son was on TikTok dancing on the housemaid’s account. She had taken the liberty of choreographing his little performances with herself in the background. At the end of the videos, she would applaud him and hug or give him a resounding high five. Then they would pout at the camera, complete with filters and all.

In one video, she seems to be taunting an ex-lover, saying that even if he left her, she had managed to move on and now even has a handsome and healthy three-year-old with her new lover. Said child (my colleague’s son) was then made to dance around and was awarded a high-five at the end.

I watched all 23 videos with my mouth open, wondering what the colleague was going to do when he found out that his little boy was a social media star and a prop in an online diary of a young woman scorned. The very social media that he has been working so hard to keep his older children away from.

He usually brags about his tight measures and the fact that he has managed to keep his family away from the internet. He has worked so hard that even if he is active on social media, he never posts photos of his children or wives (known and unknown) on the web.

The only reason I know his children is because every morning at work, he walks to anyone nearest to him to show them pictures of the children and regale them with tales of how his toddler can now say, ‘A, B, C, D’. His siblings; all three of them younger than him, are not allowed to post any photos taken with his children on any of their social media accounts.

So now, on top of stalking the children and siblings’ use of social media, he has to stalk his housemaid. What about the gateman? I wonder who else is auditioning little junior on social media while my colleague and the rest of the family are away at school and work.

This got me thinking. You know how your company has a social media policy with all members of the company expected to abide by it; should it be the same our homes? When hiring help, one might have to clearly state where the family stands on social media posts.

Of course, I told my colleague about the videos. I would want to know if it were me.