Category: Daily Monitor

Uganda and Malawi have taken a significant step in strengthening diplomatic and economic ties after Malawi Airlines announced the launch of a new air service connecting Lilongwe and Entebbe.

The route, starting December 15, will have four flights per week. According to a statement from Uganda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the new route is expected to enhance connectivity, facilitate trade, and better serve both the Ugandan community in Malawi and the Malawian community in Uganda. The announcement follows a meeting on November 20 at Malawi Airlines headquarters in Lilongwe between Uganda’s High Commissioner to Malawi, Ambassador Col (Rtd) Fred Mwesigye, and Malawi Airlines CEO Solomon Bekele Debay. Starting December 15, Malawi Airlines will operate four weekly flights between Lilongwe and Entebbe, easing travel and strengthening business links between the two countries.

‘A select group of 10 to 15 businesspeople in agribusiness, manufacturing, and pharmaceuticals will travel on the inaugural flight to Uganda to meet their counterparts and explore new opportunities,’ Col Mwesigye said. Accompanying the ambassador were Ms Doreen Atwiine, the financial attaché at the High Commission; Rev Fr David Nuwagaba, the chairperson of the Ugandan community in Malawi; and Mr Martin Isyagi. The Malawi Airlines delegation included Mr Charles Ng’ambi, the head of commercial; and Ms Only Taulo, the marketing officer. Both sides expressed optimism that the new air link will deepen commercial collaboration, tourism, and investment, highlighting the route as a milestone in enhancing people-to-people interactions and economic exchange between Uganda and Malawi.

In a related development, the Uganda High Commission in Dar es Salaam, in collaboration with the government of Malawi, concluded the second Uganda-Malawi Business Forum and Exhibition at the President Hotel in Umodzi Park, Lilongwe, which ran until November 22. Ambassador Mwesigye, who is also accredited to Malawi, said Uganda remains one of Sub-Saharan Africa’s most stable and steadily growing economies. ‘For investors, this offers duty-free, quota-free access to regional markets, reduced tariffs, harmonised standards, and a growing consumer base,’ he said. Ms Sphiwe Msiska, the director of administration at Malawi’s Ministry of Industrialisation, Business, Trade and Tourism, emphasised that the Forum provided an important opportunity to expand market access within COMESA and the EAC and strengthen ongoing bilateral cooperation.

She also highlighted Malawi’s tourism potential, including Lake Malawi, cultural heritage sites, and national parks, noting that the new flights could support joint tourism packages and encourage collaboration in finance, services, and technical fields. The forum aimed to sustain momentum in attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), increasing market access for Ugandan products, and offering businesses a platform to showcase their goods while aligning with Uganda’s NDP IV development goals.

Kenyan President William Ruto has paid tribute to Beryl Achieng Odinga, a sister of late former prime minister Raila Amollo Odinga, following her death in Nairobi yesterday.

The news of her death was announced by her sister, Kisumu County Woman Representative Ruth Odinga. In his message of condolence, President Ruto celebrated Beryl’s legacy and professional achievements across the continent.

‘The late Beryl Achieng Odinga was a trailblaser, whose distinguished professional journey took her across the African continent, from Kenya to Zimbabwe,’ he said. President Ruto said Achieng made her mark as urban planner in Zimbabwe in the 1980s, ‘where her expertise and commitment contributed to transformative urban development.’

Key role

He also hailed her contribution as the chairperson of the Nairobi Water and Sewerage Company from 2020, where he said she championed and strengthened the institution and improved service delivery. ‘We mourn the loss of a great intellectual and a pioneering woman who opened doors and lit the path for many career women,’ Mr Ruto said.

‘On my own behalf and that of all Kenyans, I convey heartfelt condolences to the family of the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga on Beryl’s passing. May God’s grace, comfort, and compassion be with you during this difficult time,’ he added. Ms Ruth Odinga, in her statement, said the family had accepted the will of God even as they struggled with the sudden loss.

She identified Achieng as a daughter of the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and Mama Mary Ajuma Oginga, and a mother to Ami Auma, Chizi, and Taurai. Ms Odinga also listed Achieng’ss surviving siblings, including Siaya Senator Oburu Oginga, the late Raila Odinga, and Dr Wenwa Akinyi, as well as several in-laws who remained close to her.

‘While we are deeply saddened by her demise and the immense void left in our lives, we take solace in the belief that she is safe in the Lord’s arms and are thankful for the invaluable gift of the time we were privileged to share with her and for the profound impact she had on all who knew her,’ she said. Achieng’s death comes only weeks after the Odinga family buried Raila Odinga, who died on October 15, in Kochi, India, a loss that prompted nationwide mourning, a week of national reflection, and a state funeral attended by leaders and dignitaries.

He was laid to rest on October 19 at Kang’o Ka Jaramogi in Siaya County. Though born into one of Kenya’s most politically influential families, Achieng Odinga spent much of her life away from the spotlight that followed the Odinga name. While figures such as Oburu, Raila, and Ruth were prominent in national politics, Beryl chose a quieter and more private path, building a solid professional career that earned her deep respect. Among her notable achievements was her groundbreaking role in Zimbabwe, where she became the first Black Town Clerk of Mutare, the country’s third-largest city, a historic appointment that positioned her among the distinguished professionals of her era.

She later returned to Kenya and continued to serve in various leadership capacities. In 2020, she was appointed chairperson of the Nairobi Water and Sewerage Company (NWSC), taking the helm at a time when the institution faced intense public scrutiny over water shortages and operational gaps. Working closely with the board and county officials, she helped stabilise the system and strengthen accountability.

President Museveni has hailed the people of Rukiga District for conserving the Rushebye-Kanyabaha wetland and promised to establish an irrigation scheme in it to boost farming in the adjacent hills.

‘I want to thank the people of Rukiga District for conserving this wetland along the Muhanga-Rwamucucu Road and I will begin a big irrigation project in this wetland to boost farming in the adjacent hills and put it in the hands of the government for proper implementation. Sometime back, I supported one man called Rutaro to run an irrigation project in this wetland but he later shifted to Kafunjo area in Ntungamo District,’ Mr Museveni said while addressing National Resistance Movement (NRM) party supporters in Rukiga District at Rushebeya playground in Mparo Town Council yesterday.

The President also emphasised the importance of irrigation in farming. He played a video of banana production in Bushenyi District run by one Dr Muranga, where 53 tonnes of matooke are harvested from one hectares per year while the ordinary farmers operating in the neighbourhood harvest only five tonnes of matooke per year from the same land size.

He also asked the NRM party supporters to remind the NRM party flag bearers to ‘listen to our message on prioritised development programmes’. He added that the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) soldiers have never gone on strike for living in grass-thatched houses because they know that buying guns to fight the enemy is more important.

President Museveni also promised to employ 50,000 teachers so that the excuse of school administrators to charge extra fees in government schools claiming that they want to hire private teachers is no more. He also promised to add more money in the Parish Development Model so that it can benefit many Ugandans. He encouraged Ugandans to invest in entrepreneurship for wealth and job creation.

‘I want to thank God for loving the NRM government because he denied the colonialists the chance to discover our oil in the Albertine region and he gave the opportunity to the NRM government to discover it and processing it will begin next year. We shall use the oil money to boost development in our country. Supporting the NRM government is the best way,’ President Museveni said.

The Rukiga District NRM party chairman, Mr Frank Besigye Kyerere, asked the people of Kigezi Sub-region to support Mr Museveni’s presidential bid so that he can win with more than 90 percent of the votes. ‘If it was not the NRM government, Rukiga District may not have been carved out of Kabale District.

As we pledge total support in the forthcoming presidential elections, Rukiga does not have a district hospital, Rushebeya playground is being threatened to be grabbed by unknown people. The promise of tarmacking Muhanga-Kisiizi and Muhanga-Kamwezi road has not been achieved,’ Mr Kyerere said. Former Prime Minister Dr Ruhakana Rugunda said the President’s dedication and visionary leadership has promoted the economic growth in the country.

Police in Oyam District have recovered 40 number plates believed to be from stolen motorcycles following an intelligence-led operation targeting a suspected dismantling site.

According to North Kyoga Regional Police spokesperson Patrick Jimmy Okema, the operation, conducted on Tuesday, November 25, was prompted by a tip-off from a concerned resident who reported suspicious activity at the home of a man identified as Calvine Ayeni in Ajalliopoo Cell, Adel Ward, in Minakulu Town Council.

‘A thorough search was conducted within Ayeni’s premises and the surrounding areas in the presence of the LC1 chairperson and neighbours. The operation led to the recovery of about 40 motorcycle number plates buried in the banana plantation. We also recovered a box containing spanners and other tools used for dismantling and breaking motorcycles,’ Mr Okema said in a statement issued on Wednesday, November 26.

However, the suspects escaped before police arrived.

Residents say the area has become a hotspot for dismantling stolen motorcycles.

Richard Ojok Ojaga, a resident, said many of the stolen bikes are taken to the same village, stripped and sold cheaply as spare parts.

‘Last week a young man was arrested and taken to Oyam CPS over motorcycle theft. His colleagues were dispersed by police as they dismantled motorcycles into spare parts. They always sell these parts cheaply to garages here,’ he said.

This is not the first time police are cracking down on motorcycle theft in Oyam. In August 2022, nine stolen motorcycles from Acholi and Lango sub-regions were recovered and one suspect was arrested.

National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, also known as Bobi Wine, has pledged to push for laws that guarantee fair pay for factory and plantation workers, saying many labourers across Buikwe District continue to endure severe exploitation.

Addressing his first rally at Butema Playground in Njeru Municipality on November 26, Kyagulanyi said a large section of residents in the district work in factories and sugarcane plantations but earn wages too low to sustain their families, some reportedly as little as Shs3,000 a day.

‘In the new Uganda we are promising, exploitation of workers will not be tolerated. All workers at all levels will be earning salaries commensurate to their sweat,’ he said.

Kyagulanyi also criticised government for closing the 52 landing sites surrounding Buikwe District, saying communities had been unfairly denied access to their livelihoods on grounds of illegal fishing.

‘I don’t condone illegal fishing, but the stories we are getting are that the soldiers who were deployed on the lake are the ones engaging in illegal fishing. If this is the case, traditional fishermen will take back the responsibility of managing their lake when a new government comes in,’ he said.

The NUP candidate further accused police of deliberately disrupting his campaign trail by diverting his convoy through village routes, causing delays that make him arrive at venues past the official campaigning time.

Kyagulanyi entered Buikwe through Kayunga Road, but at the Nile trading centre junction, police diverted his motorcade toward Mukono-Katosi Road.

‘Today I am happy with the huge number of people who are here because no one was paid to come or promised to get a T-shirt, but your presence is testament that you know what you want,’ he told supporters.

Kyagulanyi addressed two more rallies-one at Kasoga Primary School in Lugazi Municipality and another at Buwooya Grounds in Buikwe South Constituency.

Ms Faridah Nabatanzi, the NUP flag bearer for Buikwe Woman MP, thanked residents for turning up in large numbers to welcome the party’s leadership.

As seen earlier in Mukono on Tuesday, police fired teargas and live bullets in several trading centres to stop processions as Kyagulanyi’s motorcade moved through the district.

How Buikwe voted in the 2021 presidential elections

Robert Kyagulanyi (NUP) – 81,852 votes (65.08%)

Yoweri Museveni (NRM) – 40,900 votes (32.52%)

Henry Tumukunde (Ind) – 206 votes (0.16%)

Patrick Amuriat (FDC) – 1,039 votes (0.83%)

Norbert Mao (DP) – 388 votes (0.31%)

John Katumba – 382 votes (0.30%)

Gregory Mugisha Muntu (ANT) – 259 votes (0.21%)

Nancy Kalembe (Ind) – 314 votes (0.25%)

Joseph Kabuleta (Ind) – 219 votes (0.17%)

Fred Mwesigwa (Ind) – 152 votes (0.12%)

Willy Mayambala (Ind) – 68 votes (0.05%)

For years, businesses have been frustrated by Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) insisting they owe large sums, not because of new tax decisions, but because URA’s internal ledger shows ‘outstanding’ balances.

The ledger tracks payments, interest, penalties, waivers, and URA’s allocation of those amounts.

Companies often paid what they believed was due and even obtained waivers that cancelled old interest and penalties, only for the ledger to continue reflecting large debts.

When firms asked URA to explain or correct the figures, they were typically told that before the Tax Appeals Tribunal (TAT) could hear them, they had to deposit 30 percent of the amount shown by the ledger.

Locked out

For taxpayers facing balances in the tens of billions, that upfront payment was impossible, effectively locking them out of justice.

That context frames Aggreko International Services versus URA, now a key decision in Uganda’s tax dispute jurisprudence.

Aggreko, a foreign company that formerly generated and supplied electricity in Uganda, was registered for VAT, income tax, and pay-as-you-earn.

On May 17, 2023, URA issued a notice claiming Aggreko owed about Shs44.6b, which was later narrowed to Shs33.7b.

But Aggreko argued the amount in dispute was not created by any lawful assessment, saying the figure arose from URA’s internal re-allocation of earlier payments, shifting money to interest and penalties that Aggreko believed had already been paid or formally waived.

Aggreko appealed to TAT, challenging URA’s allocation method and insisting the ledger had manufactured a false debt.

URA raised a preliminary objection, arguing that the Tribunal cannot hear a dispute unless a taxpayer pays 30 percent of the tax in dispute, in which case Aggreko would have to pay about Shs10.1b.

Aggreko disagreed, arguing that the 30 percent only applies where URA has issued a formal assessment and the taxpayer has objected to it.

In this case, URA had issued no default or additional assessment that legally created the Shs33.7b – the figure existed only in the ledger, a ledger, Aggreko noted, was an internal record, not a legal tax decision.

Aggreko also noted that the dispute was about whether URA complied with the law when applying payments.

The law requires payments to go to principal tax first, penalties second, and interest last.

Because the case was about applying the law rather than recalculating amounts, Aggreko invoked the Fuelex Exception, which removes the 30 percent requirement for pure questions of law.

In its findings, TAT agreed, noting that the 30 percent requirement applies only to a taxpayer who has objected to an assessment issued by URA.

TAT also rejected URA’s claim that the ledger itself could be treated as an assessment, noting that the ledger was only a record.

If URA issues an assessment, it appears as a specific entry, but ledger balances do not become assessments by default.

Thus, in Aggreko’s case, TAT found no URA assessment underpinning the Shs33.7b, a figure that was purely a product of URA’s internal allocation.

Fuelex Exception

Finally, TAT found the Fuelex Exception applied, with the only question being whether URA had lawfully applied the law in allocating payments.

Under the law, the 30 percent rule is meant only for disputes over the amount of assessed tax, and forcing deposits in interpretation-only cases may even be unconstitutional.

Therefore, TAT dismissed URA’s preliminary objection and allowed the case to proceed to a full hearing.

The lesson here is that when a dispute is about how URA allocated payments in its ledger, the 30 percent requirement doesn’t automatically apply.

The law requires a valid URA assessment and a formal objection to it. And where the issue is purely legal, the Fuelex Exception protects taxpayers from being blocked by unaffordable deposits. URA’s ledger is not the law: a balance on the ledger alone cannot keep a taxpayer out of TAT.

Bruno Kalibbala, manager of tax, legal, and corporate governance at Grant Thornton, represented Aggreko in this case.

Electoral symbols, or the ‘marka’, are an integral part of elections. But where did they come from, and what do they represent? In the 1960s, archaeologists made a remarkable discovery in a landfill in Athens. They found a heap of about 8,500 ballots, likely from a vote tallied in 471 BC.

Made of terracotta, the ballots or ‘Ostraca’ had names written on them. Each shard was scrawled with the name of a candidate the voter wanted to see exiled from the city for the next 10 years. From about 487-416 BC, ostracism or ‘negative voting’ was a process by which Athenian citizens – male landowners – could vote to banish a political leader or ‘candidate’ without a trial.

If any ‘candidate’ received more than 6,000 votes, then the one with the largest number was exiled. If no politician received 6,000 votes, then they all remained. If there was a fairly even spread of votes, no one would be exiled, so usually, only very unpopular political leaders were ostracised. This was probably the very first election system developed since the birth of civilisation. In the contemporary world though, representative governments emerged in Europe and North America beginning in the 17th Century. But it was in the 1820s when the electoral symbols gained popularity and importance in the US. The Democrats first used the donkey as their representative symbol during the presidential campaign of Andrew Jackson.

Soon, electoral symbols became an indispensable part of general elections around the world. General elections were first held in British India in 1920 to elect members to the Imperial Legislative Council and the Provincial Councils. After the independence of India and Pakistan in 1947, the first major election was in 1954, where Jukta Front, a five-party alliance, contested the Muslim League in the East Bengal Legislative Assembly election with the boat symbol. The first general elections were held in newly independent Bangladesh on March 7, 1973. In his book ‘Pakistaner Jonmo Mrittyu Darshan’, Professor Jatin Sarker talked about how the rural people of agrarian Bengal remembered the symbol or ‘marka’ rather than the candidate in the 1950s.

For them, the pictorial symbol was really necessary. But are they still that important? Mujahidul Islam Selim, former president of the Communist Party of Bangladesh, believes that electoral symbols are not that important nowadays because the political culture has evolved. The symbol of the Communist Party of Bangladesh is a hammer and sickle. ‘But the election commission did not let us use two symbols for the election, so we have been using the sickle symbol only,’ he explained. Former election commissioner Brig Gen (rtd) M Sakhawat Hossain believes that the main reason behind using an electoral symbol is to identify which political party a candidate represents and so that party supporters recognise the candidate easily. ‘The culture of using symbols to identify political parties is a global one,’ he added. In most cases, party loyalists cast their votes seeing the symbols – they do not care about the candidate as much.

Who allots the symbols?

Article 9 of the Election Conduct Regulation 2008 of Bangladesh mentions 140 symbols that a political party can choose from. In 2017 the article was revised and the number of symbols was brought down to 64. Besides popular symbols like boat, paddy sheaf, plough, lantern and hand fan, there are unusual ones too, such as animals, fruits, vegetables, and even vehicles. According to the regulation, an independent candidate can choose from these symbols, if that symbol is available. And if more than one candidate asks for a symbol, the election commission conducts a lottery and then allots it to the winner.

The popular symbols

The tale of the Awami League’s boat symbol dates back to the formation of the Jukta Front in the lead-up to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly election in 1954. Interestingly, the Jukta Front alliance reportedly wanted to participate in the East Bengal Legislative Assembly election in 1954 with the plough symbol. However, the Pakistan Election Commission did not allow the Jukta Front to use the plough symbol as it was the symbol of AK Fazlul Huq’s Krishak Praja Party in the undivided Bengal. After the dissolution of the Jukta Front, Awami Muslim League applied to the Pakistani Election Commission for the boat symbol as a majority of the candidates of the Awami Muslim League won seats in the election.

In 1957, the Awami Muslim League dropped the word ‘Muslim’ from the party name and renamed it Awami League. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman-led Awami League contested the general election in 1970 with the boat symbol and won a total of 160 seats. From then on, Awami League has still been participating in elections under this symbol. M Sakhawat Hossain said the Awami League chose the boat symbol because Bangladesh is a riverine country and boats are the one dependable transportation. He added that as rice or paddy is the main source of sustenance in Bangladesh, the sheaf of paddy was also a natural choice for political parties. Before the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the sheaf of paddy was first used as an election symbol by the Maulana Bhashani-led National Awami Party (NAP) after the establishment of Pakistan. In the 1973 election, NAP also contested the election under this symbol.

Then in 1978, people from a breakaway faction of NAP joined hands to form the BNP, and took the sheaf of paddy symbol with them. The breakaway group was led by Mashiur Rahman Jodu Miah. So, in the parliamentary election in 1979, the party contested with this symbol. From then on, it has become the symbol of BNP. Ataur Rahman Khan-led National League contested the general election in 1970 with the plough symbol. Later, during the rule of President Hussain Muhammad Ershad, Ataur Rahman Khan was made prime minister. Later, Ershad took the plough symbol for his Jatiya Party.

Giving birth to idioms

In the 1954 election of the East Bengal Legislative Assembly, there were three symbols assigned to the parties – lantern or ‘hariken’ to the Muslim League, boat to the Jukta Front, and umbrella to the neutral parties. In that election, the opposition Jukta Front won a landslide victory with 223 of the 309 seats. The Muslim League Chief Minister of East Pakistan Nurul Amin was defeated in his own constituency by Khaleque Nawaz Khan by over 7,000 votes, with all the Muslim League ministers losing their seats. That is when this idiom got popular ‘haate hariken dhoriye deoya’, which loosely translates to ‘hand them over their lantern’. It indicated that the Jukta Front defeated the Muslim League so badly that they were handed the lanterns to walk away with.

Elephant vs donkey: Old rivalry

The best example of the power of electoral symbols can be found in the US, where the use of the donkey and the elephant during the presidential elections is a theme that has been running for more than 150 years. The Democrats were first to use the donkey as their representative symbol in 1828, during the presidential campaign of Andrew Jackson. Andrew Jackson, a popular war hero, ran his election campaign under the slogan ‘Let the People Rule’. His opponents nicknamed him ”jackass” due to his populist views and stubborn nature. So more entertained than provoked, he used the donkey on his posters.

It was 40 years later in 1870, when Thomas Nast first used a donkey in a cartoon for Harper’s Weekly, titled ‘A Live Jackass Kicking a Dead Lion’, that the symbol truly became embedded in the American consciousness as synonymous with the Democratic party. The Democratic donkey represents hard work, diligence, humbleness and a dedication to the US. However, Republicans strongly disagree and consider the donkey a symbol of stubbornness. The elephant had already been featured as a Republican symbol by an Illinois newspaper during Abraham Lincoln’s 1860 election campaign. And then, Nast used the elephant to represent the Republican vote in the by-election of 1874.

Nast’s drawing titled ‘The Third-Term Panic’ mocked the New York Herald, a paper that had been critical of Nast’s close friend President Ulysses S Grant. At the time, Grant had already been president for nearly two terms and it was rumoured that he was contemplating a run for a third (the 22nd amendment, which installed term limits on the presidency, would not be in place until 1951). The Republican elephant represents intelligence, dignity and is considered as the symbol of strength. In contrast to this, the Democrats see the elephant as comparable to a circus animal. By 1880, other political cartoonists followed suit and both the donkey and elephant became widely used and were firmly entrenched as the accepted symbols of the two parties.

In villages, barracks, and parliamentary corridors alike, a quiet financial revolution has been taking shape. It doesn’t wear the shiny suit of big banking, and it rarely makes headlines.

But across Uganda, Savings and Credit Cooperative Organisations (Saccos) are steadily becoming the engines of local enterprise, and, if projections hold, could be the fuel for the country’s next industrial leap.

The UHURU Institute for Social Development believes Saccos are more than a grassroots savings culture.

It projects that, with sound decision-making and strategic investment, these cooperatives could spur Uganda’s next industrial agenda over the next five to 10 years.

The argument is based on the fact that industrial growth needs capital, and Saccos are rapidly becoming the country’s most accessible source of it.

The numbers already show a sector in full bloom. Ministry of Trade data indicates that between 2015 and March 2025, Saccos in Uganda expanded from 5,798 to more than 31,800, supercharged by government policy, particularly the Parish Development Model, which channels funds directly to parish-level Saccos to support local businesses and lift household incomes.

What makes Saccos spread so quickly is not just policy, but trust. In many rural areas, they are the closest thing to a bank people can actually reach and understand.

They offer savings accounts without intimidation, loans without the hard wall of collateral, and a model that belongs to members rather than shareholders.

For small traders, farmers, artisans, and informal businesses often locked out of traditional finance, Saccos have become a first real doorway into credit.

Leonard Okello, the chief executive officer of UHURU Institute, says that doorway is exactly why Saccos matter to industrialization, arguing that they can push growth from the bottom up by financing enterprises that commercial banks routinely overlook.

‘By providing affordable credit, Saccos invest in productive activities more viable for borrowers,’ Okello says. ‘That contributes to income growth and business expansion.’

He points to the Ministry of Finance Strategic Plan 2025/30, which recognises Saccos as potential anchors of shared digital infrastructure, systems that can make credit disbursement faster, cheaper, and more transparent.

In a country where distance and cost still keep many citizens outside formal finance, digital Sacco platforms could be a major step toward inclusive industrial growth.

But Saccos are not only lenders. They are also builders of habit.

Okello says their most powerful contribution may be cultural: they encourage savings and investment by giving members a secure place to keep money, helping grow a larger pool of domestic capital that can be reinvested into the economy.

With external funding shrinking and government increasingly cautious about foreign borrowing, Okello says local savings will matter more than ever.

‘As external funding declines, domestic savings mobilised by SACCOs become critical for financing local growth and reducing reliance on foreign borrowing,’ he notes.

As child marriages and teenage pregnancies persist in the country, activists, legislators and development partners have warned that the country is losing trillions of shillings each year to the consequences of such practices.

Phoebe Kasoga, the Country Director of Plan International Uganda, said the country’s delayed action against such practices is costing both girls and the economy heavily.

Ms Kasoga estimated that Uganda loses Shs1.6 trillion annually to harmful cultural practices, including child marriage, alongside the health and social consequences.

She explained that in 2020 alone, essential health facility expenditure on teenage mothers cost the country Shs246.9 billion.

She made the remarks during the 8th National Girls Summit in Kampala on November 25, 2025, under the theme: ‘The Cost of Inaction to Address the Root Causes of Child Marriage and Teenage Pregnancy in Uganda’

The health impact is equally devastating, with data indicating that teenage pregnancy contributed to nearly two million births between 2016 and 2020, an average of 30,000 teenage pregnancies per month and 1,000 daily, according to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) report 2022.

According to her, although Uganda has made bold commitments, including aligning with SDG 5.3 to end child marriage by 20230 and outlawing legal provisions, the number of child marriages and teenage pregnancy remains alarming.

‘Data on child marriage has continued to remain unacceptably high in Uganda despite the collective effort. The implication is that the practice has not yet been curtailed or dealt with decisively in communities and therefore requires taking stock to reflect and learn,’ Ms Kasoga said.

According to the 2022 Uganda Demographic and Health survey, 34 percent of the girls are married before the age of 18 and 7 percent before 15.

Ms Kasoga warned that if Uganda does not act quickly, teenage mothers will continue to face life consequences.

‘If current trends persist without intervention, a significant portion of teenage mothers in Uganda face severe socio-economic challenges: approximately 60 percent are at risk of never completing primary education, and 47percent will likely be confined to working in peasant subsistence agriculture.

She added, ‘We believe that ending child marriage requires a collective responsibility, stronger accountability, and consistent investment in impact areas – education, adolescent and school health, social protection, community engagements to tackle harmful norms and practices.’

Ms Kasoga called for increased funding for the national strategy to end child marriage and teenage pregnancy, strong multi-sectoral coordination, enforcement of the existing laws, scaling up community intervention, better use of data as well and expanding adolescent health services.

Ms Margaret Ayebare Rwebyambu, the Woman MP for Mbarara District, said that cultural practices continue to push girls into early marriage as some families still treat girls as commodities.

‘Where I come from, culture demands not less than 10 cows for a girl and therefore families let girls go for bride price rather than allow them to choose their future,’ Ms Rwebyambu said.

She emphasised the need for collective efforts, noting that the government alone cannot change the people’s mindsets, challenging role models, leaders and professionals to turn to their communities and inspire girls to stay in school.

‘You left the school where you studied and never returned. Who will motivate these girls? Change starts with you and me,’ she said.

Ms Rwebyambu appealed to leaders to speak against the outdated cultural norms and guide communities towards protecting children.

The head of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) of office in Kosovo, Veronika Vashchenko, emphasised that despite progress made over the past decade, the decline in child marriage has stalled.

‘ Teenage pregnancy remains both a driver and consequence of child marriage. Girls who marry early are less likely to complete education and are more exposed to gender based violence,’ Ms Vashchenko said.

She also re-echoed the urgent need for stronger multi-sectoral coordination across health, education, justice and social protection systems and called for the involvement of men, cultural and religious leaders in driving positive change.

‘Every girl has a right to live free from violence, discrimination and to realise her full potential. To achieve this, deliberate and sustained commitment and resource allocation are essential,’ Ms Vashchenko said.

The Girls Not Brides Uganda (GNBU), a national partnership of 146 civil society organisations, reaffirm their commitment to working with the government to ensure that Uganda meets its SGD target of eliminating child marriage by 20230.

North Kigezi Diocese Bishop, Rt Rev Onesimus Asiimwe, has issued a strong warning to voters against accepting money and handouts from politicians, saying the growing culture of bribery is cheapening citizens and hurting service delivery across the country.

Speaking during a confirmation and thanksgiving service to launch the construction of St John’s Karuhembe Church of Uganda in Kebisoni, Rukungiri District, on November 25, Bishop Asiimwe said voters must take responsibility for choosing leaders who will genuinely work for development.

‘Stop voting people for giving you money. Someone gives you Shs500 and buys you off to vote for them,’ Bishop Asiimwe said. ‘At home where I was born, I was home and someone brought me a hoe and a panga that I vote them, me, bishop, that I vote for a hoe. I asked the delivery to take it back.’

He condemned the growing culture of electing leaders who disappear after winning seats, only to reappear when it is time to seek votes again.

‘Don’t be cheap, becoming lowly people that you have no taste in you,’ he said. ‘Vote for someone who you can be convinced that they can be good representatives when they get to Parliament, people who can at least make roads. Don’t vote for people who will come looking for votes but you will never see them again because they are in their own, and they come back for votes in another season. Pray for our country.’

Corruption ‘at its peak’

Bishop Asiimwe also decried escalating corruption, which he said has eaten into every sector, from homes and schools to government offices and even the church.

‘Corruption in Uganda is at its peak, it’s greater than that of all countries,’ he said. ‘Money that goes to people’s pockets should have made us all roads, schools, hospitals, but it goes to individuals. Uganda is so rich, people have eaten money and it can’t get over. But the lowly people are the ones suffering, and they are the ones that later vote them back.’

The Bishop said the church itself has not been spared.

‘When I came in this diocese, it was shameful. I came in March and there was only Shs20m on account and most of the collections had been made. I made six months without salary. I want to tell you there is also corruption in church,’ he said.

He added that corruption has infiltrated homes and schools, creating a society where cheating is normalised.

‘Corruption has even invaded family and school-that teachers cheat children, children their mothers, and mothers their husbands, while husbands cheat their employers. There shall not be any transformation of our country; it must begin with the family.’

Call for accountability in church projects

Bishop Asiimwe urged church leaders to ensure transparent financial management to build trust and attract more support for church projects.

At least Shs15 million was raised for the foundation of the new church. The Lions Club of Entebbe and the Batsikana family also donated a vehicle to the church-founded Karuhembe Technical Institute.

Mr Amos Batsikana said the church plays an important role in community development, noting that its projects often inspire greater trust than those of government or community leaders.