Category: Daily Monitor

At the just concluded COP 30 in Belém, Brazil, delegates faced multiple stark choices. In Africa, where three quarters of jobs are in agriculture and a single bad season can ripple through food prices, incomes and politics, the urgency was clear: climate action for smallholders is essential.

The Belém Declaration on Hunger, Poverty, and People-centred Climate Action calls for urgent investment to support climate adaptation, eradicate hunger, and build climate-resilient food systems. Africa’s farmers are ready. With nearly $2.8 billion already announced for climate-smart agriculture, funding exists. What matters now is ensuring it reaches farmers through tangible interventions like healthy soils, timely seeds, and reliable market access.Healthy soils underpin climate resilience. The Africa Union’s (AU) 10-year Fertilizer and Soil Health Action Plan provides a clear pathway to restore soils and lift yields if countries and financiers back science-driven agriculture, extension and input markets. Success should be measured in hectares restored, yield gains, and losses reduced, ensuring investment translates into concrete farm-level results.Speeding up the time it takes seed from the lab to the local shop could transform African agriculture as powerfully as any new financing pledge. Across the continent, climate-smart and nutritious varieties already exist, yet too many are stuck behind slow release, certification, and distribution systems.Regional efforts show how to cut those delays and crowd in local enterprises so that a farmer can buy the right seed on time, close to home. At the Growing Innovations Showcase in the AgriZone at COP30, we saw practical solutions, from climate-resilient seeds to digital advisory services, demonstrating that delivery innovations are achievable. Equally critical is connecting farmers to markets and finance. Corridor approaches linking surplus zones to demand centres with storage, cold chains, harmonised rules, and value chain finance reduces waste and attract private capital.Some argue we should wait for new funds, flawless data, or perfect safeguards before acting. Accountability matters, but progress cannot pause. We already have tools to target innovations and track progress.The AU Soil Plan provides a clear delivery framework, the CAADP Biennial Review offers mutual accountability, and the Emirates Declaration united over 130 countries around a shared intent on food systems.Building on this, we are scaling proven solutions across borders, coordinating innovation and finance for maximum impact. The sensible path is to use what exists, scale what works, fix what doesn’t, and spread proven methods. That is how public money attracts private capital and how farmers see real change within seasons, not decades.Belém was not the place to rehearse promises. It was the place to fund delivery that puts smallholders first, especially women who carry much of the labour in our value chains.This article was co-authored by Alice Ruhweza, President, AGRA and Dr Tilahun Amede, Director for Climate Adaptation, Sustainable Agriculture and Resilience, AGRA.

Dear Tingasiga:

The Toronto Branch of the National Resistance Movement used to publish a monthly magazine called The Ugandan Newsletter, copies of which were distributed to NRM leaders in Uganda, including President Yoweri Museveni.

As I was reading through my archives of that newsletter, I came across an article that I wrote in Vol. 2, No. 11 which was published in November 1988. I was stunned by the extraordinary prescience of what I wrote 37 years ago, straight from the heart, with a goodwill towards my country, the NRM and President Yoweri Museveni that has not dimmed with time.

The title of that article was ‘On Leadership and defence of the masses: A discourse with Uganda’s leaders.’ I reproduce it verbatim, with the hope that it might be of interest to those who now seek to lead Uganda, and to their adoring supporters.

I wrote in 1988:

‘The collapse of Uganda was primarily due to lack of leadership. All our rulers until January 1986 shared a common mistrust of Ugandans and a pathological obsession with being in control. Their power was based on the military, on old colonial institutions and obscene use of patronage and bribery to their throngs of supporters. The masses were looked upon with suspicion and were considered the problem rather than the solution to Uganda’s predicament.

The success of the NRM/NRA between 1981 and 1986 was partly due to the leadership’s ability to mobilise mass support by articulating the broad sentiments of ordinary Ugandans. The key to Yoweri Museveni’s success to date (1988) has been the power he derives from the masses. Since the standard of living of most Ugandans has not yet improved, one cannot ascribe Museveni’s support to ‘good economic times.’ His ability to identify with and to speak on behalf of the ordinary man and woman is the secret of his popularity in Uganda.

The NRM leaders must therefore not lose sight of their power base. They must resist the temptation to be sucked into the bureaucracy and the old machinery of government at the expense of their interaction with the masses. Once settled in Kampala and Entebbe, there is a temptation to maintain control through coercion and intimidation. Thus, one begins to hear ministers, army officers and other leaders ‘warning’ the people, threatening to withdraw services and inevitably surrounding themselves with impenetrable walls of security and hangers on.

The NRM must guard against the KANU-syndrome. KANU’s efforts seem to be exclusively directed towards elections. The party seems to have no interest in mobilising, educating or transforming Kenyan society. KANU (Kenya African National Union) seems to be constantly engaged in a struggle against Kenyans.

The leaders of the NRM should regularly be in touch with the masses to learn from them and to work with them. Frantz Fanon said: ‘For if you think that you can manage a country without letting people interfere, if you think the people upset the game by their mere presence, whether they slow it down or whether by their mere ignorance they sabotage it, then you must have no hesitation: keep them out. Now, it so happens that when the people are invited to partake in the management of the country, they do not slow the movement down but on the contrary they speed it up. In an underdeveloped country, the party ought to be organised in such a fashion that it is not simply content with having contacts with the masses. The party is not an administration responsible for transmitting government orders. It is the energetic spokesman and incorruptible defender of the masses.’

A leader must demonstrate intellect and skill in organisation. He must be able to understand and respond to differing views. Whereas the truth may most often be with the majority, it is not always the case. Even one dissenting voice should be listened to carefully. A leader should not interpret criticism or dissent as lack of patriotism.

Not only must a leader not be corrupt, he must also be seen not to be corrupt. There can be no compromise on this one. The NRM leaders should launch an anti-corruption and anti-inefficiency campaign.

Many of our leaders might have to give up their lavish lifestyles. If a leader steals government time to do his private things or uses government vehicles to transport his relatives to a wedding, that is corruption. If a leader imports things into Uganda without paying the necessary taxes, he should not expect his subordinates to do otherwise.

The Bakiga say that ‘ekisiika kyasheenyuka, ebinya birabona ahokweshereka.’ [When a wall cracks, the lizards find a place to hide.] The English say that ‘a fish rots from the head down.’

The police, the intelligence services and the army must serve to protect the national interest and not just the interests of one individual or group. Members of these organisations are not above the law. That is in fact one of the reasons why the NRM/NRA was formed – to fight state sanctioned terrorism and to remove those who used public guns to intimidate and kill the very public that bought those guns.

We have a golden opportunity to rebuild our society and achieve sustainable peace and prosperity. But it is going to require special commitment and discipline by every Ugandan, and especially leaders rich with ideas and a sincere determination to effect change.

A leader should be accountable to the people. He is merely their representative. We the people are guilty of idolising our leaders and creating demigods. We idolised Milton Obote in the 1960s. When Idi Amin took over in 1971, he was called a saviour. Yusuf Lule, who led us for only 69 days and was never in charge of the country, was declared by some to have been the ‘best leader Uganda ever had.’

Idolising Museveni is the current fashion. Every utterance and action by Museveni is hailed, often without stopping to think about what he is saying or doing. This kind of thing creates a personality cult, hero-worship and all sorts of myths. Such hero worship creates fertile ground for dictatorship. I am sure Museveni despises people who flatter him and never point out the mistakes he makes. At least he should.

Now I happen to be a supporter of Museveni. But I refuse to be a blind supporter. Museveni is a mortal like the rest of us. The question is whether Uganda can create an institution of leadership, in this case the presidency, which will not die with the man.’

For decades, Uganda has been grappling with response and management of an unprecedented influx of refugees into the country, hosting more refugees than any other nation in Africa. This is not only an accident of geography but a direct result of its celebrated open-door policy, which offers sanctuary to those fleeing conflict and persecution.

However, this extraordinary generosity has come with an extraordinary strain. The sheer scale of the influx since 2016 has pushed a traditionally humanitarian response to its breaking point, revealing a critical truth: humanitarian aid alone is no longer sufficient.

Local governments, traditionally responsible for development plans based on their national population, now find their schools, health centres, and water sources stretched thin by a significant, unplanned-for population. For years, the burden of refugee support fell to the Office of the Prime Minister and international partners, creating a parallel system that often bypassed local government structures.This is where the real crisis in refugee management lies. The impact of a refugee influx does not respect official boundaries.

The Project for Strengthening Resilience in Refugee Hosting Districts of West Nile (Proceed), supported by Japan International Cooperation Agency (Jica), is pioneering a necessary plan for this new reality. It moves beyond mere crisis response to tackle the core issue, building the capacity of local governments to plan for everyone within their borders.The project’s work in developing integrated planning handbooks, in partnership with the National Planning Authority (NPA), is a critical first step. It provides local planners with the tools to formally document the pressures on their services and to advocate for resources based on evidence, not just estimates.The project recognises that resilience is not only about managing today’s population, but also about preparing for tomorrow’s shocks. By helping districts like Zombo mainstream disaster preparedness into their development plans and budgets, the project builds a foundation of stability.This approach aligns with the global framework known as the Humanitarian-Development-Peace (HDP) Nexus. It acknowledges that we cannot silo these three objectives. A refugee’s journey is not just about survival (humanitarian); it is about building a meaningful life and contributing to their host community (development), which in turn fosters social harmony (peace).Supporting refugees holistically is not just an act of charity but an investment in the development of Uganda and a building block for future stability in their countries of origin.Therefore, the project exemplifies this balance. It seeks to strengthen inclusive resilience for hosts, affected communities, and refugees alike, creating a more sustainable model where support for one group does not come at the expense of another.The refugee crisis in Uganda and across Africa is not a temporary emergency. So, it is imperative for the government and its partners to double down on this integrated approach. The central government must continue to empower local governments with the mandate and resources to plan inclusively.Development partners must align their funding with these locally led, integrated plans, moving beyond short-term project cycles.

Our shared goal must be to ensure both refugees and their hosts can live safely, and with dignity and opportunity. At the right time, we must remember that development and peace are inseparable.

Uganda’s refugee story is one of a crisis and a test of our collective compassion and our shared ingenuity.

By uniting behind a new plan for integrated development, we can pass this test and build a more stable, prosperous, and humane future for all who call Uganda home.

Shiloh Kamukama Ayebare delivered a commendable performance at the 14th African Archery Championships in Abidjan, finishing ninth in the individual Recurve U18 men’s division.

The tournament, held from November 19-23, featured 141 archers from 16 countries across the continent.

Ayebare, Uganda’s sole representative, competed in the 70m recurve category for the first time and demonstrated impressive composure under pressure.

In the round of 16, he defeated Nigeria’s Harry-Erin Alexander 6-0 (3-0, 3-0, 14-1), showing precise shot placement. He subsequently faced eventual silver medallist Yao Kuassi Chadrac of Côte d’Ivoire and bowed out 6-0 (26-1, 26-19, 24-3.

Head coach Aisha Namukwaya praised Ayebare’s technical display.

‘Shiloh’s performance at 70 metres was impressive for his first international outing at this distance. His posture and focus on each end were excellent and he is building a solid foundation for future competitions,’ Namukwaya said.

Ayebare’s mother, Lillian Muhangi, expressed pride in her son’s achievements.

‘I am so proud of Shiloh. Seeing him hold his own against Africa’s best archers is an amazing moment for our family,’ she said.

Mauritius made history on Sunday, claiming their first-ever African recurve team gold, while hosts Côte d’Ivoire secured individual golds in both the men’s and women’s recurve events.

Four para-archers also competed across two categories. Twelve countries shared the 48 medals awarded, which included 18 golds, 18 silvers, and 12 bronzes.

Uganda will now turn its focus to the 2026 Youth Olympic Games in Dakar, Senegal, where Ayebare hopes to continue his progress on the continental and global stage.

14th African Archery Championship

Recurve U18 men results

Gold: Ismail Ezzeldin (Egypt)

Silver: Yao Kuassi Chadrac (Ivory Coast)

Bronze: Agnes Lewi (Ivory Coast)

9th: Shiloh Kamukama Ayebare (Uganda)

Ayebare’s performance

Distance: 70m Recurve

Round of 16:

Opponent: Harry-Erin Alexander (Nigeria)

Result: Won 6-0scores: 3-0, 3-0, 14-1

Quarterfinals:

Opponent: Yao Kuassi Chadrac (Côte d’Ivoire)

Result: Lost 0-6 scores: 26-1, 26-19, 24-3

Overall finish: 9th among 17 U18 men

Next competition: Youth Olympic Games, Dakar, Senegal 2026

Teacher absenteeism in Namutumba District has reached crisis levels, with 270 teachers missing from school each day-an entrenched problem officials say is crippling learning and driving chronic failure in national examinations.

A new report titled ‘Are Our Children Learning?’ by Uwezo Uganda and the Nsinze Sub-county HIV/AIDS Workers Association (NSHAWA) shows that 18 percent of the district’s 1,500 teachers are absent daily, despite the installation of an automated attendance system meant to curb the vice.

The report says some school administrators and teachers have ‘deliberately disengaged’ from the system.

Namutumba, which has at least 109 primary schools serving about 123,000 children, faces a pupil-teacher ratio far above national targets.

At a district public dialogue in Kaiti on Thursday, officials warned that the persistent absenteeism is leaving children without basic competencies.

Mr Simon Muwuliza, the District Education Officer in charge of Special Needs Education, said the problem is longstanding and tied to poor exam results. ‘Even though they might be present in the school, today’s digital teachers are coming out of colleges when a big number of them don’t know how to teach, prepare a lesson plan, or scheme work,’ he said. ‘This hinders children from attaining the expected competencies by the time they sit for their Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE).’

He said absenteeism will not improve without addressing underlying causes such as inspections and welfare. ‘The lack of provision for teachers’ basic needs lowers motivation and makes it difficult for teachers to attend school regularly,’ he said.

District Internal Security Officer Mr Gilbert Ninsiima said Namutumba now ranks highest in daily teacher absenteeism.

‘Out of 1,500 teachers, only 1,230 come to school every day in a district with the largest pupil-to-teacher ratio of 145:1,’ he said.

He blamed inspectors and head teachers for failing to supervise schools.

‘This means inspectors of schools are not doing their job. all 109 head teachers in government primary schools aren’t coming to school every day,’ he noted.

Mr Aggrey Lugenyi, head teacher of Upper Primary School, said many lower-primary teachers lack basic skills.

‘Sometimes we wonder if the digital teachers who get jobs in Namutumba actually passed through teachers’ training colleges; some lack the basics of a good teacher,’ he explained.

Mr Nathan Nkenga, Executive Director of NSHAWA, said tackling absenteeism requires identifying its root causes.

‘Because most causes are intertwined, solutions can’t be applied individually if we want tangible results,’ he said.

Teachers cited low pay, poor working conditions and overwhelming class sizes as reasons for staying away. One unnamed teacher said many colleagues have ‘lost their passion for teaching,’ accusing head teachers of being frequently absent and preoccupied with private businesses.

Parents say the situation worsened after Covid-19. According to Sarah Nangobi, some teachers ‘only go to school twice a week but spend the rest of the day farming.’

Ugandan education authorities were yet to react on the report by press time on Tuesday afternoon.

The United States has quietly opened a new chapter in its relationship with Africa. In negotiations with 16 nations, including Uganda, Washington is proposing a major shift. The plan is to move aid money away from international NGOs and channel it directly to local governments. This is a vote of confidence. But it is also a test. For decades, we relied on building capacity. We held workshops. We trained officers. Yet, inefficiencies remained. This happened because we focused on training people rather than building systems. People are temporary. They change jobs, they retire, and they make mistakes. Systems are permanent. If you build a strong process, it controls the human.

It makes it hard to be inefficient. For example, a 2023/2024 Auditor General report revealed that medicines worth Shs316 billion expired in stores or were written off. This did not happen because of theft, but because of inability of the system to produce auto generated facts necessary to predict, control and hold accountable the responsible officers. The capacity was there, but the system failed to match supply with demand. However, we also have proof that we can fix this. Look at the driving permit system. Years ago, getting a permit was a nightmare of delays and middlemen. Today, the wastage is gone. A deliberate effort was made to digitize the workflow.

Now, you walk in, follow the steps, and walk out with results in under an hour. The system was designed to work, regardless of who is sitting behind the desk. We must apply this same logic to the new US funding. The US deal is an opportunity to invest in this kind of process engineering. We must move away from the old way of accounting for money. The traditional annual audit is no longer enough. An audit is a post-mortem. It only tells you money was lost after it is gone. We need real-time accountability. The Uganda Revenue Authority already uses EFRIS to track every tax transaction. We should demand similar, EFRIS-verified digital receipts for aid expenditure and accountability.

We must stop using hand-written paper receipts from suppliers, which are easily manipulated and misplaced. Payments for consumables like fuel or food should leave a digital trail. Mobile money or direct bank transfers allow us to track every shilling instantly. This ensures resources reach the client and easily facilitate research into these processes to detect and flush out inefficiencies. Various political players and independent voices in this campaign period are arguing that service delivery must be demanded, not begged for. While this message is important to convey, they should teach the public to view this aid as our own resource. It is a generous gift from the people of America to the people of Uganda.

If we do not treat it with the same and even much more rigour as our own taxes, it will go to waste. Public ownership is key. The United States bilateral agreements must demand for enforcement of these and more controls at all levels of administration. They should deliberately set aside a budget to support locally developed mechanisms to strengthen our systems and enforce accountability. But the responsibility is ours. The choice is clear. Do not just fund the people who control the levers. Fund the invisible machinery they operate. We must build systems that make efficiency automatic. Only then will this new partnership buy health and services for our citizens, rather than just influence for the patrons.

More women are stepping up the political podium to battle men for the directly elected parliamentary seats across the country in the 2026 parliamentary elections.

Preliminary data from the Electoral Commission (EC), based on the nomination report for the January 15, 2026 polls lists 128 women racing against men for direct election as Members of Parliament (MPs).

In the 2021 election, only 88 women contested for direct constituency seats to join the 11th Parliament, implying the number has gone up by 40 more contestants.

Similarly, 640 will battle it out for the District Woman representative seats across the country, up from 638 who contested for seats in the 2021 election.

This means only two more are stepping up to run for the 146 women-only MP seats in the 2026 polls. It remains unclear whether the increasing number of women running for direct parliamentary seats will transition into more women representation in the 12th Parliament.

The 11th Parliament has 529 MPs, with 189 being women and include 146 for District Woman seats, 16 for directly elected constituency seats, three for the Army, two for Workers, two for Female Youth, three for People Living with Disabilities, and three for the Elderly.

The Parliament also has 14 Ex-officio members, who include the Vice President and non-elected ministers, without any voting rights in Parliament.

A 2021 report by the African Women in Media says while Uganda’s Parliament has had an increase in the number of women in Parliament, this has only been possible through the increase in the number of districts, rather than through direct representation.

Uganda ranks 37 out of 193 countries in the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s list, with the report saying its numbers in women representation had stagnated.

Correspondingly, the 2023 Equal Opportunities Commission report also says Ugandan women and other special interest groups have continued to struggle to win directly elected seats in various elective positions for nearly four decades now since the ruling NRM party took over power in 1986.

An analysis of data from the EC shows the majority of the women who are battling it out with men are running on independent tickets. Of the 128 women tussling it out with men, 53 are contesting on an independent ticket, followed by the ruling NRM party with 26 contenders.

Both the National Unity Platform (NUP) party and People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) have fielded nine candidates each, while the Democratic Front (DF), and Democratic Party (DP) each have eight.

The Ecological Party of Uganda has four, Alliance for National Transformation (3), Forum for Democratic Change and UPC each have two, with JEEMA, NEED, NPP, and PPP fielding one each.

Share of women contestants

Kampala has the biggest concentration of women contesting for directly elected MP seats with 19 women, followed by Wakiso with 13, and seven each for Kamuli and Mukono districts.

Some of the big names nominated include Kabanda Minsa Nabbengo for Kampala Central MP seat; Amelia Kyambade for Mawokota County North, who is attempting to wrest the seat back; Bakireke Nambooze Betty of Mukono Municipality; Nyakecho Annet Okwenye for Tororo North County; Kamateneti Ingrid Turinawe in Rukungiri Municipality; Doreen Nyanjura of Mwenge Central County; Santa Okot of Aruu North County; and Milly Babalanda Nabirye of Budiope West County.

The new entrants include Lenia Charity Kevin, who is battling five men including four who all lost to her during the NRM party primaries, and an FDC candidate for the directly elected MP seat for Vurra County, Arua District.

Others are Harriet Ntabazi of Bwamba County in Bundibugyo District; Dorcus Ainomugisha of Igara County East in Bushenyi District; Maria Nnatabi Ledochowska of Butembe County in Jinja District; and Carolyn Birungi Nanyondo of Kyamuswa County in Kalangala District.

Also up against the men are Chekamondo Rukiya Kulany in Kapchorwa Municipality in Kapchorwa District; Amoriot Margaret Grace Khedi for Kumi Municipality; and Akello Christine Ogwang Gwok Adako of Erute County North.

The odds against women in politics

The 2024 National Population and Housing Census report shows that out of the 45.9 million Ugandans, 24.3 million are women, representing 53 percent while 21.6 are males, representing 47 percent. While women outnumbered men, this has not translated into more representation.

A report by the Forum for Women in Democracy (FOWODE) indicates that women in politics often encounter unique challenges, including, gender-based violence and intimidation.

‘Negative cultural norms – society often discourages women from seeking leadership roles. Balancing family and politics – Women are expected to juggle domestic responsibilities with their campaigns,’ the report says.

FOWODE says to overcome these barriers, women contesting for political positions need to build community support and consistently engage with local initiatives to earn trust and demonstrate commitment, overcome cultural norms and maintain a transparent campaign and address any negative rumours or attacks head-on.

FOWODE says the 2026 General Election offers an opportunity to reflect on women’s political participation and progress toward gender parity in key decision-making processes.

It says while women currently make up 33.8 percent of the 11th Parliament, only 7.4 percent of these women hold direct seats, highlighting ongoing challenges despite Uganda’s affirmative action policies.

The organisation says although there has been notable progress at the national level, with women representing 45 percent of Cabinet Ministers, and 48 percent of Ministers of State, barriers persist, often preventing women from strategically engaging in decision-making processes that centre on women’s needs and inclusive development.

As Uganda’s 2026 General Election approach, the report says women considering running for office must be well-prepared to navigate the treacherous political landscape.

Women versus men in Cabinet

The State of Equal Opportunities Report in Uganda for 2022/2023 says while the number of women in Uganda’s elective positions has continued to increase over the years, it has mainly been through affirmative action.

The report says the curve for directly elected representatives has remained in favour of men who dominate the numbers.

The report says the figures of women’s representation in Parliament represent the minimum recommended target of 30 percent composition of women in positions of decision-making levels, which is in line with the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action to which Uganda is a state party.

‘This shows that Uganda is making positive strides concerning the inclusion of women in representation at higher political positions,’ report says.

Looking at the trends in the composition of women in the Cabinet positions over the four terms since Uganda adopted multi party democracy shows an increasing trend.

In the 2006 to 2011 term, Uganda had 10 female Cabinet ministers, while 58 positions were occupied by men.

From 2011 to 2016, the number increased to 21 females, while the number of men reduced to 52, and in the period between 2016 and 2021, the number of female Cabinet members went up to 23, and that of men also shot up to 57 due to an increase in the number of Cabinet positions.

From 2021 to 2025, women were given 15 more Cabinet slots, raising the number to 38, while that of men was reduced from 57 in the previous Cabinet to 45 in the current term.

The report says participation of women in politics has always been a process burdened with patriarchal tendencies that have marginalised women.

Woman MPs over the years

The report also says in the eighth Parliament, there were 76 female MPs, with 69 on District Woman MP seats, while seven were directly elected. The number rose to 130 in the 9th Parliament, with 113 on affirmative action, while 16 were directly elected.

In the 10th Parliament, the numbers rose to 141, with 111 on an affirmative ticket while 30 were directly elected.

The 11th Parliament had 188 women, with 174 on affirmative action, while the number of directly elected members plummeted to 14. Throughout the period, the number of male MPs also increased from 233 in the eighth Parliament to the current 368 in the 11th Parliament.

The report says despite the fact that the proportion of women MPs in the 11th Parliament is low and standing at 33.8 percent, it’s slightly above the 30 percent target set during the Beijing Platform for Action.

Global outlook

Across the continent, Rwanda has the highest representation of women in parliament, with 49 out of 80 representatives being women, representing 61.3 percent. They are followed by South Africa with 185 out of 400 MPs, representing 46.3 percent.

Senegal has 46.1 percent of the female MPs, Namibia 44.2 percent, and Mozambique 43.2 while Uganda has 33.8 percent of the slots occupied by women. Globally, Uganda ranks 49 out of 195 countries and is described as faring quite well about women representation in Parliament.

‘Fair women representation in Parliament helps to promote issues of women, strengthen the advocacy skills of women leaders to curb corruption, improve policy outcomes, and promote the inclusiveness of minority groups in public spheres,’ the report says.

But the report admits that while progress is being made, Uganda is still slightly behind the African countries with the highest female representation, like Rwanda (61.3 percent), South Africa (46.3 percent), and Senegal (46.1 percent), Namibia (44.2 percent), and Mozambique (43.2 percent).

The report says women competing for elective positions in the country face numerous challenges, including discrimination or cultural beliefs that limit their participation in politics in society, balancing private, family, and political life, commercialisation of politics, gaining support from political parties, and securing campaign funding.

‘Sometimes, they face harassment and intimidation. Some women may even be discouraged from running for office, hence leaving men in the positions of power,’ the report says.

‘Whilst the Commission applauds the government for introducing affirmative action policies that have seen women’s representation at different levels improve, more needs to be done to match the neighbouring African countries. This change is possible if political commitment, mindset change, and adequate legal and policy frameworks are put in place to provide an equal ground for participation of both women and men,’ the report adds.

The ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) presidential candidate, Yoweri Museveni, has tasked leaders in Rubanda District to urgently secure 150 acres of land to facilitate the construction of an industrial hub that will create employment opportunities for Ugandans.

Addressing a campaign rally at Kabirizi playground in Rubanda Town Council, where hundreds of NRM supporters had gathered, President Museveni stressed that the proposed industrial hub for the Kigezi Sub-region would be a key pillar in the country’s industrialisation and job-creation agenda.

‘We need a big piece of land in the Kigezi Sub-region so that we construct an industrial hub. I want 150 acres now, now! Where are they? I don’t want empty promises. Who knows where the 150 acres are?’ he asked, adding that if it required him to buy the land personally, he was ready to do so to fast-track the project.

Mr Museveni’s directive was in response to a request by Rubanda District NRM Chairman and Minister of Finance (General Duties), Mr Henry Musasizi, who appealed to the President to consider establishing an iron ore-based industrial project in the Kigezi Sub-region. Mr Musasizi noted that Rubanda District, which is rich in iron ore deposits, lacked an industrial park to add value to its mineral resources and create jobs.

‘Your Excellency, in Rubanda District we don’t have an industrial park. Where we are standing, the land belongs to farmers, but they believe that if the government can compensate them and they vacate the land, we can lobby for an industrial park so that it can attract investors to create employment opportunities for our Ugandans,’ Mr Musasizi said.

Mr Musasizi also referenced the President’s recent commissioning of the USD 500 million Devki Mega Steel Plant in Tororo District, saying Rubanda hoped to benefit from similar investments. He reminded the President that during the Tororo event, he had emphasized giving employment priority to Rubanda, where much of the iron ore is mined.

In his response, President Museveni revealed that he had already reached an agreement with Kenyan industrialist Dr Narendra Raval (Guru) of the Devki Group to establish another major iron ore project in Kabale. He said the planned project would create more than 16,000 jobs and expand industrial opportunities across the country.

‘I will explain more during the press conference at the end of my campaigns in Kigezi why we decided to build the steel plant in Tororo. ‘But the most important thing is that I agreed with the industrialist to build another iron ore project in Kigezi. However, I want 150 acres of land,’ said Mr Museveni, who seeks to extend his rule beyond four decades in the 2026 General Election.

Mr Musasizi informed the President that the district could only readily provide 52 acres of land, but Mr Museveni insisted that the project required a larger area.

‘Look for me 150 acres of land. If you fail here, try in Kabale. I have given the first choice to Rubanda. I will explain more during the press conference about the benefits of this factory,’ Mr Museveni insisted.

President Museveni also used the rally to highlight the broader NRM agenda for 2026-2031, describing it as a continuation of the journey of peace, development and prosperity.

He said that as he travelled from Kisoro to Rubanda, he reflected on the value of peace, especially for border communities.

‘Our people in Kisoro know this well because they neighbour the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country that has suffered wars for many years,’ Museveni noted. ‘Here in Uganda, we defeated Kony and other rebel groups and secured peace, and we must protect it.’

He cited the Kabale-Kisoro road as a key achievement and mentioned ongoing or planned strategic roads, including Kisoro-Nkuringo, Katuna-Muko-Kamuganguzi, Hamurwa-Kanungu-Buhoma, and the Kabale-Bunyonyi-Kisoro-Mgahinga route, for which he said funding had already been secured.

‘Rubanda should know that NRM’s plan is clear and continuing. Let us protect the gains and move forward together,’ the president said.

Researchers are reporting a startling 45 percent annual rise in preterm birth admissions in Ugandan hospitals, signalling a growing public health concern and adding new pressure on an already strained neonatal care system.

The increase has been linked to rising use of fertility treatment, exposure to air pollution, hypertensive disorders in pregnancy, urinary tract infections, malaria and improved case reporting.

Data from the government’s District Health Information System (DHIS2), analysed by scientists at the Uganda National Institute of Public Health (UNIPH), show that preterm admissions shot up from 2,678 in 2015 to 15,391 in 2019.

‘The mean national incidence of preterm birth admissions in Uganda was 9.4 per 1,000 live births. The incidence has steadily been increasing by an average of 45.6 percent annually from 2015 to 2019,’ the report states.

Lead researcher Job Morukileng said the exact drivers of the surge remain unclear in Uganda’s context, but global evidence provides important clues.

‘Studies elsewhere have associated the increasing trend to increased use of fertility drugs, twin pregnancies, previous preterm birth, and several other factors,’ he explained.

International research has consistently shown that fertility treatment is linked to higher preterm birth rates.

Jessica Sanders of the University of Utah’s Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology noted in a 2022 report: ‘When compared to subfertile women who did not use any fertility treatments during the cycle of conception, women who used any kind of fertility treatment were significantly more likely to deliver preterm.’

The researchers said the more invasive the treatment, the higher the risk of both multiple gestation and preterm birth.

‘Women who used ovulation stimulation were more than twice as likely to deliver preterm compared to those who used no treatment, while women who used IVF were about four times as likely,’ the report reads.

Although Uganda’s use of assisted reproductive technologies remains modest, specialists say it is contributing to the preterm birth epidemic through a rise in multiple pregnancies. About 14 percent of Ugandan babies, roughly 226,000 annually, are born premature, and a significant proportion die before their fifth birthday.

Dr Joseph Kafuuma, a fertility specialist at Women’s Hospital International and Fertility Centre in Kampala, confirmed the pattern.

‘Many IVF conceptions involve multiples, twins, triplets, quadruplets, even quintuplets. These are usually associated with premature delivery,’ he said.

A 2018 report by University of Edinburgh researcher Sarah Murray linked prematurity in multiple pregnancies to increased stretching of the uterus and cervical insufficiency, a condition in which the cervix opens prematurely.

In comes pollution

But fertility treatment is not the only driver. A separate Kampala-based study by UNIPH researcher Mackline Ninsiima identified outdoor air pollution as another major risk factor. Among 1,540 births analysed, 229,15 percent, were preterm.

‘Average gestational PM2.5 exposure was 66 micrograms per cubic metre. Significant difference in exposure was observed between mothers who had preterm births and those who delivered at term,’ the report notes. PM2.5 refers to microscopic airborne particles that can penetrate deep into the lungs and bloodstream.

‘For every unit increase in average gestational PM2.5 exposure, the risk of a preterm birth increased by 3 percent,’ the researchers found.

Dr Jessica Nakibuuka, a consultant neonatologist at Mulago Specialised Women and Neonatal Hospital, said air pollution stresses the placenta, while malaria, infections and hypertensive disorders directly trigger early labour.

A preterm birth is defined as delivery before 37 completed weeks of pregnancy. Dr Nakibuuka stressed the need for early intervention and preventive care.

‘Ideally, we want any woman who desires children to have a preconception checkup,’ she said.

These include screenings for blood pressure, sugar levels, weight, height and tests for HIV, Hepatitis B and syphilis.

‘As soon as a woman learns she is pregnant, she should start antenatal care. There are signs you must not ignore, the minute you see blood, water leaking, unusual discharge, skin rash, or fever. It might be malaria. Malaria will cause preterm labour and you will have a preterm baby,’ she warned.

She added that risks can often be identified early through routine antenatal visits.

‘We give bed nets to prevent malaria, iron supplements to prevent anaemia, and folic acid for healthy brain development.’

Preterm babies face far higher risks of death and life-long complications such as breathing difficulties, cerebral palsy and vision or hearing impairment. Neonatal units remain overstretched.

At Mulago, one nurse often cares for 12 premature babies, far from the recommended one-to-one ratio. The UNIPH report urges government to move quickly.

‘Managing extremely preterm newborns requires well-equipped health facilities and skilled health personnel.

The increasing incidence implies a need for the Ministry of Health to assess the current level of preparedness of the health system to manage preterm birth and plan accordingly,’ Morukileng said.

Ministry of Health Permanent Secretary Dr Diana Atwine acknowledged the challenge but said progress is being made.

‘Science has now proved that even a baby born at six months can live. But this is possible when mothers bring the babies early to hospital or when they are born in facilities that can provide the required care,’ she said.

‘We are trying to bring neonatal services nearer. Our strategic plan is that within the next five years, even general hospitals and high-volume health centre IVs must have incubators, and we need to train our nurses in premature care,’ she added.

DNA test results for Melisa Aneza, 15, a student of Naalya Secondary School, Lugazi, whose body was found dumped in a swamp in Mukono District, have confirmed a perfect match with those of her parents.

Mr Luke Owoyesigyire, the Kampala Metropolitan Police deputy spokesperson, said yesterday that the report was released by the Police Forensic Laboratory team on Friday last week.

He added that police pathologists at Mulago National Referral Hospital handed over the body to the parents following the DNA confirmation.

‘The parents signed to receive the body from City Mortuary Mulago and have proceeded with burial arrangements,’ Mr Owoyesigyire said.

The family held the final vigil and funeral service in Makerere-Kikoni, a Kampala suburb, before laying her to rest at their ancestral home in Kabuga, Kanungu District, on Saturday.

Mr Owoyesigyire confirmed that police detectives are pursuing investigations to trace her killers, determine their motives, and ensure they face prosecution in court.

Mysterious disappearance

Aneza disappeared on November 4, with her case reported to police on November 6. Her body was later discovered on November 11 in Musaale Swamp, Namulaba Village, Kyampisi Sub-county, Mukono District.

On November 10, photos of an unidentified body circulated on social media, prompting her parents to report to Nagalama Police Post on November 11 to verify the report.

Witnesses noted that the body was dressed in a navy-blue student skirt labelled Nanyonga VII, suggesting the victim was a student.

Both parents told this publication that they had identified the body through a photo posted on social media by local authorities in Kayunga.

However, police reportedly blocked them from accessing the crime scene and asked them to return the following day, November 12.

By then, the body had already been buried. Authorities later exhumed the body to conduct a postmortem examination and DNA testing, which confirmed Aneza’s identity.