Category: Daily Monitor

Days ago, I served as the Master of Ceremonies at an event where a donor-funded project was closing, and the discussion centred on sustainability. During the event, several speakers spoke about the idea of protecting the gains. This prompted me to read the NRM Manifesto to gain a deeper understanding of ‘protecting the gains.’

I will start with the last promise-Regional Integration and Political Federation. I believe this manifesto points us in the right direction for East Africa and Africa as a whole. In this promise, the party makes five additional sub-promises: supporting the implementation of activities leading to the East African Community (EAC) Political Federation; establishing a single EAC currency; eliminating all non-tariff barriers; promoting the use of Kiswahili across the country; and increasing trade with other African nations. Reading this promise reminded me of the President’s consistent calls for a centre of gravity. He has been emphasising that Africa needs this centre of gravity.

This call for the centre of gravity refers to what is known in academia as the Hegemonic Stability Theory. The theory proposes that the international system is more stable when a single state leads and provides guidance, encouraging cooperation and order among other states. A regional hegemon (e.g., South Africa in Southern African Development Community (SADC), Nigeria in Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Germany in the European Union (EU) may provide public goods such as security guarantees, financial resources, or institutional leadership, thereby reducing transaction costs and incentivising smaller states to participate in collective schemes. They shape strategic interests while fostering stability.

In East Africa, Kenya’s economic vitality and strategic position make it a key driver of regional integration, fostering trade, infrastructure projects, and institutional reforms. Meanwhile, Uganda has significantly contributed to peace efforts in South Sudan, DRC, Burundi, and Somalia, among others. However, contrary to the theory’s assumption of a single hegemon, African experiences reveal coalition-based hegemony, where legitimacy, regional consent, and balancing dynamics are vital for maintaining stability and cooperation. Since no single state in East Africa holds complete economic, military, or political dominance, the region can benefit from what we call cooperative hegemony, implemented through collaborative arrangements grounded in long-term planning.

When travelling from Uganda to any neighbouring country, you must exchange money into the local currency, which often results in losses. Sometimes, you need to convert to the dollar first, then to the destination country’s currency. Travel itself presents another challenge, as does trade among ourselves. Language barriers add to these difficulties. The solution lies in regional integration. A well-functioning African free market would resolve these issues.

Imagine a country with 331 million people, covering 5.4 million square kilometres, and a combined Gross Domestic Product of $312.9 billion. Consider its strategic and geopolitical importance. Envision the market it offers and the shared resources derived from such a vast area. Regional integration within the EAC offers Ugandans significant opportunities for economic growth, political stability, and social development.

By strengthening cooperation with neighbouring states, Uganda can benefit from expanded trade networks, shared infrastructure projects such as transport corridors and energy grids, and collective approaches to peace and security. Integration also encourages policy harmonisation, reduces barriers to movement and commerce, and creates a larger regional market that enhances competitiveness and investment. For Ugandans, embracing EAC integration means not only greater access to jobs, markets, and innovation but also a stronger collective voice in global affairs, ensuring that the region’s interests are better represented and protected.

Tension and simmering anger gripped Kyotera District over the weekend after police abruptly blocked musician Mansuul Ssemanda, popularly known as King Saha’s long-awaited homecoming concert, sparking community outrage and fuelling political debate in an already charged constituency.

The concert, scheduled for Saturday evening at Kasambya playground in Kyotera Town Council, had been the talk of the district for weeks.

Posters hung from shop verandas, boda boda riders hyped the event to passengers, and drinking joints echoed with King Saha’s music. For many residents, the show symbolised homegrown pride and a rare moment of celebration.

But hours before sound checks, the mood shifted dramatically. Police informed organisers that the event could not proceed, citing ‘lack of adequate manpower to secure the event’.

The announcement spread fast, turning excitement into disbelief, then anger.

Twaha Kasirye, the southern regional police spokesperson, said the decision was purely operational.

‘We assessed the magnitude of the event and concluded that we could not provide sufficient security,’ he said, declining to comment on alternative dates.

However, whispers from within the organising team quickly fuelled speculation that the cancellation was politically motivated.

Sources insist the issue was not manpower, but fear that the concert could shift political momentum ahead of a heated Kyotera County race between opposition NUP party’s John Paul Lukwago Mpalanyi and State Minister for Microfinance Haruna Kasolo of the NRM.

They claim security operatives worried that King Saha – widely known for his affinity with the National Unity Platform (NUP) – would energise thousands of youth and inadvertently boost Mpalanyi’s standing.

In a constituency already tense, insiders say authorities feared an overwhelming show of support in a public space that could overshadow NRM visibility.

When contacted on Monday, an enraged King Saha did not hide his frustration.

‘This is my home. I came to perform, not to cause chaos,’ he said, adding: ‘But if anyone thinks they can trample on my rights, they are mistaken. I will seek justice, whatever it takes.’

The singer, who has always spoken fondly of Kyotera as the community that shaped him, described the blockade as deeply painful, despite recently staging a well-attended concert at Lugogo Cricket Oval in Kampala.

Across Kyotera, the backlash was immediate. Small groups gathered on streets, in markets, and around drinking joints to express anger and disbelief.

‘This was not just a concert,’ Joseph Luyimbaazi, an elderly shopkeeper, said, adding: ‘It was our pride. How can our own son be blocked from performing in his birthplace?’

Young people – many of whom had saved for weeks to buy tickets – accused authorities of silencing their voices.

The financial fallout is considerable. Raymond Asiku, the organising manager of King’s Love Entertainment, said police had initially cleared the event before abruptly reversing the decision.

‘We had invested heavily, stage, sound, and lighting, all fully paid. Then suddenly they say no. The regional police spokesperson said today that the show can only happen after the election, can you imagine! How are we going to recover our money?’ he asked.

King Saha declined to reveal the total financial loss but hinted the matter was heading to court, promising that ‘all will be heard before the judge.’

The Uganda Vocational and Technical Assessment Board (UVTAB) has shortened the assessment period for learners in technical and vocational training from six months or one year to just three months.

Mr Onesmus Oyesigye, the executive secretary of UVTAB, said the move allows learners to acquire specific skills more quickly, without going through lengthy assessment periods.

He added that assessments will be conducted by training providers accredited by the TVET Council.

‘Our assessment is now synchronised. We shall carry out assessments every three months. It will no longer be annual or after six months. Anyone trained will be assessed and certified through a TVET-accredited provider,’ Mr Oyesigye said.

He also said the government plans to ensure that no one is left behind, including prisoners who have acquired technical and vocational skills while serving their sentences.

‘No TVET provider will operate outside the national assessment or regulations of the TVET Council. For prisons, it is a matter of time. We have engaged with them and want to start assessing them because they are part of the TVET trainees. They will be included in the next assessment,’ he added.

The numbers

A total of 137,546 candidates from 743 assessment centres across Uganda are expected to sit for the November-December 2025 assessment series.

Of these, 80,654 are male and 56,892 are female, according to Mr Oyesigye, who spoke to journalists at UVTAB offices in Kampala on Saturday last week.

He said 333 special needs candidates will also be assessed, supported by about 150 transcribers, sign language interpreters, and guides.

‘We have registered the highest number of candidates ever. We are almost equalising with the number of students who sit for Uganda Advanced Certificate of Education (UACE) exams,’ he said.

All examination officials, including area coordinators, will operate from four regional centres in Mbale, Kampala, Lira, and Bushenyi.

Ms Jalia Nasaza, the deputy executive secretary in charge of curriculum development, said Ugandans are increasingly embracing skilling programmes, noting that hands-on training is a key driver of job creation.

Mr Wilfred Nahamya, the UVTAB deputy executive secretary-in-charge of assessment, said the number of candidates registering for assessments has been steadily increasing.

‘During the May-June assessment series, we registered 66,000 candidates. This rose to about 80,000 in the August-September series, and now over 137,000 candidates are being assessed in the November-December 2025 series,’ he explained.

Mr Nahamya added that trainees under the 19 Presidential Skilling Hubs and the Presidential Initiative for Skilling a Girl and Boy Child are among the 137,546 candidates registered for this assessment series.

Pursuing vocational and technical studies is becoming increasingly important as the country seeks to address youth unemployment and skills gaps in the workforce.

Last week, President Museveni officially unveiled the Shs135b Busoga Kingdom Headquarters plan. The project is one of the government’s most significant investments in the sub-region and is expected to transform the kingdom’s cultural and administrative landscape.

It is a welcome investment in the kingdom, which occupies a sub-region often used as a reference point for poverty and teenage pregnancies in Uganda. The headquarters will house the official Busoga Kingdom offices, the Busoga Lukiiko, the Inhebantu Foundation Tower, a 1,000-seater conference centre, a commercial block, landscaped gardens, and ceremonial grounds.

The National Housing and Construction Corporation (NHCC), Uganda’s leading government real-estate development agency, is slated to execute the project starting in early 2026.

Busoga Kingdom had long relied on aging buildings constructed decades ago, which no longer met the demands of the expanding administrative and cultural functions. Like many sectors and individuals in Uganda, survival is largely dependent on receiving a generous handout from the government. While this works in favour of the current government to gain support, it is clearly not sustainable. It’s time to design some sort of masterplan on how to support cultural institutions.

Earlier this year, during an event at the Kololo ceremonial grounds, the ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development handed over cars to cultural leaders. In the immediate aftermath, we learnt that Buganda Kingdom had ‘turned down’ the gift, saying it was against their norms. While the government argued that the value of the cars had been paid in cash to the Buganda treasury, this too was not confirmed by the recipient.

These are just miniature examples. There are several cultural institutions and most of them have similar challenges. While their primary responsibility is preserving culture and heritage plus promotion of unity for a common goal, they lack resources to entrench their visions. Historically, kings constituted the government and therefore had the power to collect taxes and any other obligations citizens owed the State. Many have argued that since this responsibility was taken over by the State, cultural institutions now live on the goodwill of their subjects.

The government support for cultural institutions includes financial assistance, empowerment programmes for cultural leaders, and support for heritage preservation. Recent initiatives in Uganda include a monthly grant of Shs60m to cultural institutions (also publicly rejected by Buganda) to help with their operations and a programme to provide cultural leaders with vehicles to mobilise communities. Legal frameworks also mandate support, such as the Local Government Act that assigns responsibility for culture to local authorities.

The government also contributes to the rehabilitation of official residences for cultural leaders and covers the maintenance of gazetted cultural sites. There are not enough reference points to these relationships to create a clear document on what cultural leaders are entitled to. This has to change.

For many Ugandans, theatre was simply a stage for plays, but in the late 1980s and 1990s, it developed into a powerful tool for public health. During a period when HIV was poorly understood and surrounded by rumours, theatre bridged the gap between science and society. It enabled people to confront the epidemic in a language they understood and through characters who reflected their own fears and choices.

Plays such as Gampisi, Hydra, and Ndiwulira defined this era, capturing the grief and anxiety that permeated the country. However, none left a deeper impact than Bakayimbira Dramactors’ Ndiwulira. Named after the destructive maize weevil, the play follows the tragic journey of Muwanga, a young man who returns home from abroad infected with HIV. Angry, ashamed, and afraid, he vows to take revenge by infecting any woman he encounters. The production was raw and unsettling, forcing audiences to confront the consequences of risky behaviour in a way that no poster or pamphlet could.

Ndiwulira toured across the country, filling halls and school compounds, and was even performed for President Museveni and his family in Rwakitura in 1992. It was later televised on UTV and taken abroad, spreading its message far beyond the stage.

Actor Aloysius Matovu Joy says the play frightened people into being cautious, awakening an entire generation to the dangers of unprotected sex. Many still say it changed and possibly saved their lives.

This period also saw the rise of other influential productions. It Is Not Easy, starring the legendary Charles Mulekwa, broke new ground by tackling stigma on national television. It followed Suuna, an HIV-positive man who was rejected by his colleagues, prompting viewers to examine their own prejudices. Yellow Card addressed HIV among young people, demonstrating that the virus did not discriminate by age and could disrupt dreams as swiftly as it shattered relationships.

At that time, Kampala had more than 200 vibrant drama groups. Names such as Black Pearl, Banabugabo Theatre, The Shavians, The Planets, Mulago Theatrical Kings, Ngabo Players, and Ndere Troupe infused creative energy into a country desperate for information and hope. For a moment, theatre became not just entertainment but a vital national service.

When the curtain began to fall

Like all movements, Uganda’s HIV-theatre wave began to fade. Matovu believes the decline has less to do with talent and willingness and more with shifting audience interests and dwindling support. As social media, television dramas and digital entertainment grew, traditional theatre began to feel slow and outdated, especially among young people.

The urgency of the early epidemic also subsided, and with it, the fear that once drew crowds to HIV-themed dramas.

Funding became another major obstacle. Many drama groups of the 80s and 90s thrived because non-governmental organisations and government bodies invested in theatre-based sensitisation. As those priorities shifted toward clinical interventions, data-driven programmes and digital campaigns, budget lines for community theatre dried up. Without financial support, many groups disbanded, and HIV plays all but disappeared from major stages.

Technology, too, reshaped the landscape. Young audiences who once relied on theatre for information now consume content through smartphones and social platforms. Traditional drama, with its long scenes, live audiences and logistical costs, struggles to compete with the immediacy and convenience of short videos, skits and digital influencers.

Yet even in the middle of this decline, theatre did not die. It merely changed form.

The modern landscape

Today, theatre continues to play a role in Uganda’s HIV response, though in quieter, more adaptive ways. Youth Theatre Uganda (YTU) is one example of this new evolution.

Instead of relying solely on live performances, the group produces school-based dramas alongside filmed skits and digital content that circulates on YouTube, TikTok and WhatsApp. Their approach acknowledges that audiences now live both offline and online, and effective communication must reach them in both spaces.

Across the country, organisations such as Action 4 Health Uganda (A4HU) work with youth drama groups trained in Theatre for Development. These groups travel from village to village, using humour, music and relatable stories to demystify HIV testing and encourage open discussion. Their plays often spark community conversations long after the actors have left the stage.

Public Health Ambassadors Uganda (PHAU) has embraced a similar blend of creativity and technology. Through spoken word, dance, and street performances, they combat stigma and promote prevention, while also utilising digital tools such as health apps to reach young people seeking confidential guidance.

Meanwhile, TASO’s drama group, composed largely of people living with HIV, continues to perform in fishing communities, truck-stop towns and other high-risk areas. Their storytelling carries a special authority because it comes directly from lived experience. When they discuss disclosure, treatment, or stigma, audiences listen.

Other community health projects still rely on forum theatre, an interactive form where actors pause mid-scene and allow audiences to suggest or act out alternatives to risky behaviour. This hands-on engagement helps people think through their choices and see the real-life consequences of everyday decisions.

The traditional stage may have lost crowds, but theatre itself remains alive, resilient and deeply relevant.

What needs to be done?

For theatre to reclaim its place in Uganda’s HIV response, it must embrace a hybrid identity; part traditional, part digital. Live performances still have unmatched emotional power, but they need to be supported by filmed versions that circulate online, allowing the message to spread long after the curtain falls.

There is also a need to reinvest in community-based theatre. Rural communities, fishing villages, truck-driver routes and high-density settlements still benefit immensely from drama because it brings information directly to them, in forms that feel familiar. Funding bodies and government agencies must recognise that theatre is not merely entertainment; it is a culturally rooted health communication tool that Uganda once used with extraordinary success.

Schools offer another opportunity. Reviving drama clubs and linking them to national HIV-awareness programmes could create spaces where young people learn through storytelling, role-play and performance, methods proven to transform attitudes and behaviour.

At the artistic level, young playwrights need mentorship to craft stories that reflect today’s realities: relationships in the age of social media, HIV prevention technologies such as PrEP, treatment adherence, mental health, and the subtle forms of stigma that still shape lives.

To sustain all this work, monitoring and evaluation should be incorporated into theatre-based interventions. Demonstrating measurable impact, whether through increased testing, better understanding or reduced stigma, helps attract donors and gives theatre renewed legitimacy as a public health tool.

A stage worth returning to

Ugandan theatre once helped the country navigate one of the darkest chapters in its history. It educated, warned, comforted and empowered communities when medical knowledge was still scarce. Although the spotlight has shifted, the power of storytelling remains intact.

Theatre can rise again, not by returning to the past, but by blending its emotional strength with modern platforms and fresh narratives. As the nation continues to fight stigma, treatment fatigue and new infections among young people, drama can once again become a voice of truth and healing.

The stage is still there. The stories are still needed. And Uganda, with its rich artistic heritage, can once again let theatre lead the way.

The meeting between Uganda’s President Museveni and his Kenyan counterpart, Mr William Ruto, at the groundbreaking ceremony for a steel factory in Tororo District on November 23 is expected to unlock new opportunities for both countries and the wider region.

Mr Museveni and Mr Ruto agreed to extend the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) to Uganda, co-own the Mombasa-Kampala oil pipeline, and upgrade Northern Corridor roads to boost investment and trade.

Speaking at the launch of the Devki Mega Steel Project, Mr Museveni said the factory would save Uganda the large sums it spends annually on imported steel.

‘Uganda is now squandering $500m (Shs1.8 trillion) per year to import flat sheets and the other metals from which we make mabaati (iron sheets) and make mitayibwa (iron bars). .So those intermediate products from mitayimbwa and mabaati are taking a lot of money,’ Mr Museveni said.

The Shs1.8 trillion Devki Mega Steel Project is owned by Mr Narendra Raval, a Kenyan entrepreneur with investments across Kenya, Uganda, and Rwanda.

Mr Museveni added that Mr Raval will also establish a major iron ore project in Kabale District, expected to create more than 16,000 jobs and expand industrial opportunities nationwide.

‘The cause of the stagnation of Africa is the haemorrhage of Africa’s resources like labour and resources. What we are doing here is not just launching a project. It is part of the liberation process of Africa,’ he said.

Mr Ruto hailed the project as a milestone in Africa’s industrialisation.

‘We convene here not just to commission a factory but we usher in a new, audacious chapter in Africa’s industrialisation ambition. It reflects a collective commitment to sustainable development, regional integration and pursuit of transformative impact for our present and future generations,’ the Kenyan President said.

He further announced that Kenya is divesting about 60 percent of the oil pipeline’s ownership to allow Uganda and private companies to co-invest before its extension to Kampala and beyond.

‘I thank you, Mr President, for agreeing to work with us. The ministers were in Nairobi last week and I have given the necessary guidance on the need for Uganda and Kenya, both public and private, to jointly own the Kenya Pipeline Company,’ Mr Ruto said.

He added: ‘Therefore, as the government of Uganda invests in the Kenya Pipeline Company, I want to encourage Ugandans and East Africans to equally invest because we will make shares available both to public entities, but more importantly to citizens of our region. So we can diversify ownership of the facilities that we have in our region.’

Oil pipeline ownership has long been a contentious issue between Uganda and Kenya. In 2023, Kenyan authorities declined to grant Uganda a licence to transport its products through the pipeline.

On December 28, 2023, Uganda sued Kenya in the East Africa Court of Justice, arguing that the restrictions violated UN conventions granting landlocked countries access to the sea.

Uganda even threatened to abandon the Kenyan pipeline and import petroleum products via Tanzania’s Dar es Salaam Port, a longer and costlier route.

Since nearly 70 percent of oil transported through the pipeline goes to Uganda, the move would have rendered the facility economically unviable. Kenya later reversed its position and granted Uganda a licence.

Mr Ruto confirmed that joint investment in the pipeline is progressing.

‘Let me reiterate that joint investment of the pipeline from Eldoret through Kampala to the border with DRC [Democratic Republic of Congo] and to Rwanda is in an advanced stage. The government of Kenya, we have given an approval for our two governments to work together to co-invest in extending that pipeline so that it can serve East Africa as we jointly own that facility,’ he said.

The Kenyan leader also revealed that the extension of the SGR from Naivasha Township to Uganda’s Malaba border will begin in January 2026.

‘In January, we will be launching the extension of the SGR from Naivasha to Malaba to Kampala and onwards to DRC. That project is to improve transport and logistics in our region so that we can be better competitive as a region that seeks to work together,’ Mr Ruto noted.

Uganda’s SGR progress

Uganda has already commenced preparations for its section of the SGR from Malaba to Kampala after securing funding. Turkish firm Yapi Merkezi has begun geotechnical surveys and mapping along the 273-kilometre corridor, with most of the land already acquired. This would end nearly two decades of waiting for the project. Mr Ruto added that on Friday he will launch road projects to construct dual carriageways linking Kenya-Uganda border towns of Busia and Malaba, aimed at easing congestion and improving trade.

‘I will be launching the dualling the road from Ririoni near Nairobi that will come all the way to Malaba. As you know Mr President, today that road is getting slower as traffic increases. Therefore, we have made a strategic decision to create a highway and dual that road so that we can facilitate faster movement of goods, people and services between Kenya, Uganda and East African hinterland,’ he said. The Kericho-Kisumu-Busia and Mau Summit-Eldoret-Malaba highways will also be upgraded into dual carriageways.

Mr Museveni praised Mr Ruto’s Pan-African vision and predicted a bright future for regional trade. ‘We are going to move very far. You have heard what he has said about the pipeline. These roads, the transport system, is now irrational. You need to rationalise it. Why is it irrational? The road, there are small cars. There are railways carry cargo, there are petrol tankers carrying petrol. All on the road. So we need to separate. Fuel, you go through the pipeline. Cargo and passengers to the railway. On the pipeline, I thank him and congratulate him. We are going to co-invest in it together up to the Congo border. People who steal oil from vehicles will not have a chance because it will be in the pipeline,’ he said.

Mr Raval noted that Mr Museveni had assured him Uganda would ban steel imports once his company begins production. ‘I am very happy to confirm in front of everybody that His Excellency assured me that once this company has started production of the steel, he will not put the duty but he will ban importation. We would like to make sure to protect our jobs. Why we are putting the duties and levies on the importation is to protect the jobs of our children,’ he said.

However, local steel millers that still rely on imported raw materials expressed concern, warning that such a ban could force them out of business. In an August 5, 2025 joint statement, Uganda’s iron and steel sector players protested the Tororo project, arguing that the government should have given them priority to invest in domestic steel production, given their decades of experience in the industry.

‘Stakeholders expressed deep disappointment over the lack of consultation regarding a joint plan by the Kenyan and Ugandan governments to establish what is slated to be the largest steel factory in the region. While acknowledging the potential benefits of such a large-scale project, industry players raised concerns that without involving the existing private sector, the new entity could create unfair, state-backed competition, potentially undermining decades of private investment in the local industry. The sector is calling for immediate and meaningful engagement with local players,’ read part of the joint statement.

It was a meeting that lasted more than an hour, but it may reshape Latin America’s mining map. When Ms Jimena Latorre, Argentina’s Minister of Mines and Energy, met Prateek Suri, Africa’s youngest billionaire and CEO of Maser Group, she wasn’t just hosting another investor call. She was about to turn a conversation into a commitment.

Suri, long celebrated as the richest Indian in Africa with net worth 1.9bn $ and founder of the philanthropic Maser Foundation, had already made his mark across Africa – from consumer electronics to infrastructure, AI, and shipping and mining. But until recently, Latin America wasn’t on his radar. That changed last year.

‘Minister Latorre spoke not only about copper, but about trust,’ Suri recalled. ‘She shared a vision for Mendoza that combined sustainability, inclusivity, and transparency – values that align with everything MDR stands for.’

Latorre’s pitch was simple yet strategic: Mendoza’s copper belt, stretching across the Andean foothills near the Chilean border, could become a hub for responsible mining and global clean-energy supply chains. Argentina, she emphasised, wasn’t merely seeking capital – it was inviting partnership.

The minister also offered Suri an unprecedented opportunity: to become a trustee in a new Mining Trust that the government is forming to oversee ethical exploration and reinvestment of profits into community development. That gesture – rarely extended to foreign investors – underscored the government’s confidence in Suri’s record of integrity and social impact.

‘That offer touched me,’ Suri said. ‘It wasn’t just about money – it was about belief. When a government invites you to help shape the future of an industry, it shows they see you as a stakeholder, not just a shareholder.’

Beyond the copper mines, Argentina extended a suite of tax incentives across multiple sectors – energy, manufacturing, and logistics – encouraging long-term industrial investment rather than short-term speculation. For Suri, who leads cross-continental projects in ports, data centres, and clean energy, this holistic approach signaled alignment with his broader global vision.

Insiders say the conversation between Latorre and Suri felt more like a diplomatic dialogue than a business negotiation. Both leaders spoke of South-South cooperation – bridging Africa’s emerging markets and Latin America’s natural wealth.

‘Prateek Suri represents the new generation of investors – ethical, global, and forward-looking,’ said a senior official in Argentina’s Ministry of Mines. ‘His arrival could redefine how capital interacts with conscience in our region.’

Suri’s next visit to Mendoza will include field inspections, community engagements, and initial talks with local partners. His entry is expected to attract a wave of interest from Gulf and Asian investors who have followed his ventures across Africa.

From the deserts of Namibia to the valleys of the Andes, Prateek Suri’s journey now connects continents through copper. What began as a minister’s persuasive conversation has turned into a landmark partnership – one that could transform Mendoza into Latin America’s new mining capital and reinforce Suri’s legacy as a bridge-builder between emerging worlds.

The election season has arrived, and as usual, the country is awash with slogans. The ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) is shouting ‘Protecting the Gains,’ reminding us of its favourite list: peace, security, roads, electricity, Parish Development Model (PDM), Emyooga, Universal Primary/Secondary Education (UP/SE), and macro-economic stability. According to government messaging, these are the ‘gains’ that must be guarded with vigilance.

The Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP), meanwhile, is calling for ‘A New Uganda,’ ‘Freedom,’ and ‘Leadership of the People.’ Their message is simple: the so-called gains have not been shared fairly, and ordinary Ugandans deserve dignity and real opportunity. So the big question in this election fever is: Are Ugandans actually happy with their lives, or simply hopeful that things will eventually improve?

Surprisingly, the latest Uganda Bureau of Statistics (Ubos) Governance Survey (2024/2025) tells us that 81 percent of Ugandans say they are satisfied with the country’s development. This is despite the same report flagging higher corruption, declining institutional trust, and persistent poverty. International happiness surveys add another twist: Uganda’s global score is only around 4.4-4.6/10, yet Ugandans still report relatively high day-to-day optimism. So what is going on? Are the politicians right? Are the surveys misleading? Or do Ugandans know something the rest of the world has missed?

Let me offer a simple explanation: Ugandans are not happy because life is easy. They are happy because life is shared. Our happiness isn’t material – it’s social. When Ubos says we are ‘satisfied,’ they are not capturing wealth or comfort. They are capturing the strength of our social capital, the people we rely on when the formal system fails.

Think about it. Even as the extended family system has weakened, its spirit still dominates how Ugandans survive hardship. We may no longer live in large homesteads, but we live in family-shaped communities: church groups, burial groups, clan committees, Savings and Credit Cooperative Organisations (Saccos), village savings groups, diaspora WhatsApp groups, youth teams, women’s circles, and PDM and Emyooga clusters.

This is why Ugandans can say ‘I’m okay’ even when pockets are empty. We don’t depend solely on the State; we depend on each other. International surveys are often confused by us because Western happiness is measured through materialism, while African happiness is measured through belonging. A Ugandan who earns little but belongs to a strong support system will rate their life higher than a wealthy person who lives in isolation.

That’s the African logic. Materialism failed us, but social capital never did. Africans have never been obsessed with accumulating private wealth. Wealth was always meaningful because it fed a family, educated a child, united clans, buried a loved one, or strengthened community pride. A cow was valuable not for its price, but for its purpose.

Modernity came with a different message: earn more, buy more, own more, protect what you own. Ugandans have resisted that model, not because they don’t want progress, but because they know that materialism without community leaves you emotionally bankrupt. Our surveys reflect this truth: People are ‘happy’ because they still belong somewhere, even if the State does not always deliver. So what should our politicians learn from this? Whether NRM is saying ‘Protecting the Gains’ or NUP is calling for ‘A New Uganda,’ both sides should pause and study this lesson: The most important ‘gain’ in Uganda today is not roads, GDP growth or foreign investment. It is the resilience of our social fabric.

If government truly wants to improve wellbeing: strengthen families, protect community networks, support Saccos and cooperatives, empower clan structures, invest in local economies that keep households stable, and reduce policies that tear families apart. Because a society held together by strong social capital is cleaner, less corrupt, more hopeful and genuinely happier. Ugandans are not smiling because life is perfect – they are smiling because they still have one another. That is the real ‘gain’ politicians should protect. Ciao

In Uganda and across Africa, prostate cancer remains one of the leading cancers affecting men, particularly those over the age of 50. Thanks to increased awareness, better diagnostic tools, and expanding cancer care services at the Uganda Cancer Institute (UCI) and regional hospitals, more men are being diagnosed and treated than ever before. Yet, one barrier continues to hold many men back from seeking help: the fear of losing their manhood.

For generations, masculinity has been closely tied to physical strength, sexual vitality, and the ability to provide for one’s family. Understandably, many men worry that prostate cancer treatment will make them weak, impotent, or less of a man. These fears are real and deeply personal, but they should never stop a man from receiving life-saving care. Many men live full, active, and satisfying lives after prostate cancer treatment, including maintaining healthy sexual relationships.

The prostate is a small gland located just below the bladder, playing a vital role in producing semen, which carries sperm during ejaculation. Because of its location and function, treatments such as surgery, radiation, or hormone therapy can sometimes affect sexual function or urinary control. However, not every man experiences these side effects, and for most who do, the effects are often temporary or manageable.

Advances in medicine have made treatments more precise, reducing damage to surrounding tissues and nerves. At the UCI, doctors carefully tailor treatment plans to each patient’s condition and age, aiming not only to cure cancer but also to preserve quality of life and restore function. Men are encouraged to discuss their concerns openly with healthcare providers, as every case is unique and solutions are available.

Common fears

Many men fear that treatment will strip them of their masculinity, that they will never have sexual relations again, or that they will lose their strength. While treatments can affect sexual function or temporarily reduce energy and muscle mass, these effects can often be managed. Medications, counselling, or physical therapy can help men regain erections, while exercise, balanced nutrition, and regular follow-up care help restore energy and physical strength. Gentle activities such as walking, cycling, or gardening can make a difference.

The role of support

Open communication is one of the most powerful tools for recovery. Many Ugandan men tend to suffer in silence, keeping fears private out of shame or pride. Yet, talking to doctors, nurses, or fellow survivours can provide reassurance and practical guidance. Spouses and partners also play a key role, as sexual side effects and emotional stress affect both partners. Healing is faster when couples face challenges together. At UCI, couples’ counselling is encouraged as part of survivorship care, helping partners rebuild intimacy even if sexual function changes temporarily.

Life after treatment

After treatment, follow-up care is crucial for detecting recurrence early and managing side effects. Regaining confidence takes time, but it happens. Emotional recovery is equally important. Feelings of fear, sadness, or frustration are normal, but they should never be faced alone. Support groups for prostate cancer survivors in Uganda are growing, offering safe spaces to share experiences and learn coping strategies. Hearing from men who have gone through similar journeys replaces fear with hope.

A healthy lifestyle after treatment greatly supports recovery. Eating a balanced diet rich in fruits, vegetables, and whole grains, exercising regularly, avoiding smoking and alcohol, managing stress, and keeping follow-up appointments all improve physical and sexual health. Confidence and vitality often return gradually, and many men find that they regain both with time, patience, and medical guidance.

Changing the narrative

It is time to change the narrative around prostate cancer in Uganda. Silence and fear have cost too many lives. The disease is treatable, especially when detected early, but men must take the brave step of getting screened and seeking care without shame. Treatment does not take away manhood; in fact, facing cancer head-on is one of the strongest acts of masculinity.

UCI continues to expand outreach and counselling services, ensuring that every man who undergoes treatment has the support, knowledge, and confidence to live fully again. Survivorship is possible. Manhood is not lost; it is redefined through courage, resilience, and hope.

The writer is the executive director, UCI

President Museveni has asked heads of state under the African Union (AU) to enforce laws that restrict the export of unprocessed raw materials to other countries.

In a speech read by Vice President Jessica Alupo during the African Industrialisation Week celebrations held at Speke Resort Munyonyo last Thursday, Mr Museveni said Africa has about 65 percent of the world’s arable land and substantial freshwater reserves.

‘However, our major exports are mainly agricultural products, minerals, and fuels. What is disturbing is that we export raw materials for value addition elsewhere and then import finished goods made from those same materials,’ he said.

‘When we insist on adding value to milk, coffee, and other raw materials, it is simple strategic sense. Coffee costs $2 when exported raw, but when processed, it fetches between 20 and 50 dollars. That is 10 times more value for the same coffee beans,’ he added.

AU agenda

The President said AU Agenda 2063 is clear on the need for African countries to intensify efforts to shift from primary raw material exports to value-added production.

He said the coming decade (2026-2035), recently declared the Fourth Industrial Development Decade for Africa (IDDA), offers a major opportunity to accelerate that transition.

Currently, manufactured goods account for about 24 percent, about $2.4 billion, of Uganda’s total exports worth $10.6 billion. Ms Alupo said in 1986, Uganda was not exporting any manufactured products and was instead importing almost everything it needed.

She, however, said due to the enforcement of industrial development initiatives, the country is now a net exporter of several goods that were previously imported, including soap, sugar, milk, cooking oil, soda, beer, cement, steel, and paper.

She said over the last 15 years, 31 additional value-added products have been included in Uganda’s export basket. This year’s African Industrialisation Week organised by the Ministry of Trade, the African Union, and partners attracted nearly 500 delegates, including 200 AU representatives.

The event is themed ‘Transforming Africa’s Economy through Sustainable Industrialisation, Regional Integration, and Innovation.’ Ms Ron Osman Omar, the director of Industry, Minerals, Entrepreneurship and Tourism at the African Union (AU), decried Africa’s low contribution to global manufacturing despite its vast mineral wealth, and called for deliberate policies to empower women in processing and value addition.

She said the continent produces only 1.5 percent of the world’s manufactured goods, a situation she described as ‘simply unacceptable.’

‘We have an abundance of raw materials, about 30 percent of the world’s minerals, yet we are not manufacturing them ourselves,’ she said.

‘If you visit the exhibition, you will see that we have a lot of shea butter on the continent. Africa exports shea butter worth about $90 billion, yet the global cosmetics industry, which relies heavily on shea butter, exceeds $500 billion,’ she added.

Ms Omar also highlighted the leather sector as another area of untapped potential, noting that while countries like Ethiopia produce high-quality leather goods, the industry across the continent remains underdeveloped.

She called for stronger policy interventions to support women in manufacturing, arguing that industrial growth requires competitive corporate taxes, access to technology and financing, and committed government support.

‘One of the key policies we are pushing for is that at least 30 percent of all government procurement should go to women and youth. This policy is already being implemented in Kenya. We need to push for it in Uganda and across the continent. If our women are producing goods here, why should we outsource production outside Africa?’ she said.

Call for standards

Ms Omar stressed the need for African products to meet global branding and certification standards.

For products such as shea butter and leather goods to compete internationally, she said, they must be properly designed, packaged, certified, and standardised.

Ms Rebecca Nalumu, the director of Special Economic Zones at the Uganda Free Zones and Export Promotion Authority, urged SMEs struggling to access manufacturing space to take advantage of free-zone industrial parks.

She said SMEs in free zones benefit from government financing programmes such as the Agriculture Credit Facility, GROW loans for women, and the Parish Development Model (PDM), which allocates 30 percent of its funding to women and another 30 percent to youth.