Uganda’s democracy under threat from money politics, activists say

Civil society groups have warned that Uganda’s democracy is under threat from the growing commercialisation of politics, calling for urgent reforms to regulate campaign financing ahead of the 2026 general elections.

Speaking at a joint dialogue organised by the Anti-Corruption Coalition Uganda (ACCU), Executive Director Marlon Agaba said the country risks losing public trust unless a comprehensive Campaign Finance Law is enacted to curb the influence of money in elections.

‘We urge Parliament, the Ministry of Justice, and the Electoral Commission to fast-track the legal framework before the elections, while also urging citizens to reject cash-for-votes and demand accountability from their leaders,’ Agaba said on Tuesday.

He warned that without clear rules on political donations and spending, Uganda’s democracy could be ‘hijacked by dark money.’

Agaba urged voters to ‘choose substance over handouts’ and use social media and community networks to expose vote-buying.

‘Ugandans deserve clean politics that can take the country to the next level in leadership,’ he added.

Henry Muguzi, Executive Director of the Alliance for Finance Monitoring (ACFIM), said monetised politics has become a national crisis, noting that the high cost of elections fuels corruption, patronage, and voter manipulation.

‘We are now at a point where everyone appreciates there is a problem. But for real change to happen, citizens themselves must join the campaign to demand transparency in campaign financing,’ Muguzi observed.

He called for a law requiring real-time disclosure of campaign donations, public audits of party accounts, and harsh penalties for electoral bribery.

Sylvia Atim of ActionAid International Uganda said campaign finance reform is not just a domestic issue but also an international obligation under Articles 7 and 8 of the UN Convention Against Corruption and the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption.

‘These reforms are fundamental for free, fair, and credible elections,’ Atim said. ‘Without them, Uganda risks turning electoral contests into financial transactions rather than platforms for ideas, policies, and leadership.’

CSOs have long demanded a campaign finance law, but pressure has intensified as the 2026 elections draw closer and vote-buying in party primaries becomes more blatant.

Recent internal contests exposed widespread cash handouts and allegations of flagbearers being ‘sold to the highest bidder,’ confirming fears of entrenched political corruption.

Civil society groups now hope the 12th Parliament will prioritise campaign finance legislation and that citizens will demand transparency and accountability from both politicians and electoral institutions.

‘The window for legal action is narrow,’ Atim warned, adding: ‘The responsibility falls equally on lawmakers, citizens, and watchdog organisations to ensure democracy prevails over money.’

Museveni urges Busoga to adopt 4-acre model to escape poverty

President Museveni has urged the people of Busoga to adopt the 4-Acre Model to escape poverty.

The model, which focuses on commercial agriculture, has been successful in other regions and involves growing crops like coffee, fruits, and food crops, as well as zero-grazing dairy cattle, poultry, piggery, and fish farming.

“The 4-Acre Model is a proven way to boost economic livelihoods and move out of poverty,” President Museveni said.

He emphasised that development can be achieved without waiting for tarmacked roads and urged the people of Busoga to take advantage of government initiatives designed to empower citizens.

According to the 2023/24 Uganda National Household Survey, 18.9% of Busoga’s population, approximately 840,700 people, live below the absolute poverty line, accounting for 12% of Uganda’s total poor population.

President Museveni launched his campaign rally in Bugiri District on November 17 and wrapped up in Jinja city on Friday, emphasizing that securing peace, NRM’s top priority, has been achieved, enabling Ugandans to work productively and plan for their future.

“Getting out of poverty requires deliberate hard work and embracing government initiatives,” he said. The President acknowledged the challenges raised, but stressed that development is a gradual process, handled step by step, not all at once.

Community members raised concerns over unresolved sugarcane issues, lack of electricity in some sub-counties, and unfulfilled promises like industrial parks and construction of markets.

President Museveni urged leaders to focus on development projects rather than flooding the government with demands that slow progress.

NRM Iganga chairperson, Mr Abubaker Walubi, raised key issues, including the need for a youth bakery project in Iganga, more Seed Secondary Schools, and addressing health service gaps at Iganga Hospital. Mr Edwin Lufafa, Jinja City NRM Chairperson, highlighted challenges facing Jinja, including colonial-era roads and lack of markets.

The President was also urged to establish more skilling centers, technical schools, an industrial park, and a regional university offering affordable education to youths.

Lessons from Qatar where Cubs thrilled many

When Uganda qualified for the Fifa U-17 World Cup for the first time, Fufa president Moses Magogo declared all the players ‘historical,’ emphasising the magnitude of the achievement. The 2025 tournament in Qatar became more than just a competition, it was a classroom, a shop window and a launchpad for Uganda’s next footballing generation.

The Fifa U-17 World Cup has long been a launching pad for some of football’s biggest stars, producing players who later dominated the global stage.

Germany’s Toni Kroos announced himself by winning the Golden Ball in 2007, while Spain’s Cesc Fàbregas claimed both the Golden Ball and Golden Boot in 2003.

The tournament also introduced the world to Brazil’s Philippe Coutinho (2009), Nigeria’s Victor Osimhen, who set a tournament scoring record in 2015, and earlier talents like Carlos Tevez (1995) and Ronaldinho (1997).

Other notable graduates include Giovanni Reyna of the USA (2019), Spanish legend Andrés Iniesta from the famed 1997 squad, and Nigeria’s Kelechi Iheanacho, the 2013 Golden Ball winner. Their trajectories underline the tournament’s power as a springboard to elite careers – a pathway Cubs players can aspire to follow.

A stage for exposure

Playing on the global stage against technically and tactically advanced teams exposed Cubs stars to top-level demands in terms of pace, intensity and discipline. From the opening match against Canada to the knockout clash with Burkina Faso, the Cubs quickly learned how little margins decide games.

‘Playing against teams like France and Chile showed us the speed and skill needed at this level. It was a challenge, but we grew with every game,’ said forward Arafat Nkoola.

Uganda’s ability to score first in all key games became one of their defining qualities at the tournament. Even when the Cubs snatched a late equaliser against Chile, the Cubs’ response embodied courage and mental grit.

‘Scoring first in every big match shows we never give up. Even when we conceded late, we fought until the final whistle,’ said John Asiimwe.

Derrick Ssozi added: ‘The late equaliser against Chile came from our belief. We never lose hope.’

Tactical discipline

Uganda had the youngest squad at the World Cup, featuring seven 16-year-olds who formed the backbone of the team in Qatar.

Among them were forward Arafat Nkoola, midfielder John Brian Owino, defender Abubakali Walusimbi, attacker Isima Mulala Magala, as well as Steven Oyirwoth, Jovan Nsereko Mukisa and Shakur Magogo.

Individual flashes of brilliance were evident, but Uganda’s real strength came from structure and discipline. Their historic 1-0 victory over France demonstrated how organisation, communication, and clear roles can neutralise superior individual quality.

‘Our strength was the way we played together. We trusted the plan and trusted each other,’ midfielder Enock Bagenda said.

Tactical missteps

The Cubs’ exit against Burkina Faso highlighted tactical decisions that proved damaging at a critical moment.

In a bid to refresh the attack late in the game, coach Brian Ssenyondo introduced Derrick Ssozi, the same player who had rescued Uganda with a late equaliser against Chile. But the substitution did not yield the intended impact, and Ssozi would later miss his penalty in the shootout.

More questions arose when Ssenyondo substituted first-choice goalkeeper Edris Waibi for Adrian Mukwanga specifically for the spot kicks.

Mukwanga had barely warmed up and was thrown straight into a high-pressure situation. Ironically, Waibi has a strong history with penalty situations, earlier this year he lifted the USSSA Boys Football title with Buddo SS, although he was similarly replaced for the shootout with Owen Walugembe during that campaign.

The decision in Qatar backfired as Uganda went on to lose 5-3 on penalties. While bold tactical calls are part of youth football development, the moment underscored the importance of preparation, clarity, and timing in knockout matches where fine margins decide everything.

‘Penalty shootouts are always tough. It was painful to go out that way, but it taught us to stay calm under pressure,’ Nkoola admitted.

Coach Ssenyondo reflected: ‘These moments shape a young footballer. The boys showed maturity beyond their age.’

Unique mission

For traditional football giants, the U17 World Cup is a development checkpoint. But for Uganda, it was also a rare opportunity to market players to scouts who rarely reach East Africa due to financial, logistical and infrastructural challenges.

Scouts often find it difficult to attend domestic matches because clubs lack modern performance data, reliable competition schedules, and consistent youth structures. Many talented players slip through the cracks.

‘We knew this was a chance to show our talent. Scouts were watching, and that’s important for our future,’ Nkoola said.

Development pays off

Uganda’s progress is directly tied to a growing, well-organised system of youth football – largely driven by Fufa’s strategic partnership with the Uganda Youth Football Association (UYFA).

Through this collaboration, the Fufa Juniors League now operates at scale, providing meaningful, competitive matches every season. This league alone contributed nine players to the World Cup squad, showing that sustained investment in youth football pays real dividends. Adding to this structure are elite academies like El Cambio, which produced three squad members: Isma Magala, Hamza Ssengooba, and James Bogere.

Ssenyondo puts it succinctly: ‘The Juniors League and elite academies like El Cambio, Rays of Grace and Prosper, give players the right environment. They are the backbone of our growth.’

The Cubs’ journey has revived conversations about establishing elite training centres akin to France’s famed Clairefontaine, inaugurated in 1988 under former FFF president Fernand Sastre.

The 56-hectare centre has produced stars including Kylian Mbappé, Thierry Henry, Nicolas Anelka, William Gallas, Blaise Matuidi, Abou Diaby, Hatem Ben Arfa, Medhi Benatia, and recent talents like Yacine Brahimi, Raphaël Guerreiro, and Christopher Nkunku.

Clairefontaine’s success stems from rigorous scouting, strict selection criteria, elite coaching, sports science integration and a clear national development philosophy.

For Uganda, it represents a blueprint of what long-term investment and structured training can yield.

Police recover two guns, arrest suspects in Arua security operation

Security forces in Arua City have recovered two illegal firearms and arrested two suspects in separate operations aimed at curbing rising gun-related crimes in the region. The joint operation by Police and the UPDF follows a wave of robberies in which armed criminals have been terrorising communities in and around Arua City.

One of the suspects, Atabua Patrick, 46, a bodaboda rider and resident of Maracha Cell in Ayivu East Division, was arrested on Friday, November 21, at Odramacaku Trading Centre near the Uganda, DR Congo border in Ayivu West Division.

According to Ms Josephine Angucia, the Police Public Relations Officer for West Nile Region, Atabua’s arrest followed intelligence linking him to a group suspected of carrying out aggravated robberies using firearms.

She said the Police Crime Intelligence Office in Arua City had received information that armed robbers were planning to attack a truck delivering beer to Odramacaku Trading Centre.

‘We received information that the said robbers were planning to rob a truck that was delivering beer to Odramacaku Trading Centre. A team of police officers and UPDF responded to the scene and were able to intercept the suspect before he could execute his mission,’ she said.

Atabua was found in possession of an AK-47 rifle, number 052956-2956, with 50 rounds of live ammunition. Police later conducted a search at his home in Maracha Cell, Yapi Ward, where further inquiries were initiated.

Ms Angucia said a case file of illegal possession of a firearm has been opened and investigations are underway under Arua CPS CRB 832/2025. ‘The suspect was detained at Arua CPS, where the recovered rifle was exhibited, and some relevant statements were recorded to aid investigations,’ she added.

Police also impounded the motorcycle, TVS Star number UGC 172T, which Atabua allegedly used to transport the firearm. It is now parked at Arua CPS.

Meanwhile, in a separate incident, another suspect, Asiimwe Bension, was arrested for unlawful possession of a firearm.

‘We arrested one person identified as Asiimwe Bension who was found with AK-47 rifle number A83110111 and two magazines under Arua CPS SD ref 43/2/11/2025,’ Ms Angucia said.

Asiimwe was intercepted on November 2, 2025, at around 7:45 pm at Nsambya Shell petrol station in Arua City Central Division while attempting to board a vehicle to Kampala.

Ms Angucia commended both the officers and members of the public for their vigilance. ‘We commend the quick action by the officers, and thank members of the public for endeavouring to share information on possession of illegal guns with the security team. We urge those still holding guns illegally for criminalities to desist from their unlawful acts and hand over such guns to security teams,’ she said.

She confirmed that both suspects remain in custody and the recovered firearms have been exhibited as investigations continue.

S.C Villa is steadily finding its lost glory and shall soon be a top club on the continent

Ben Misagga, one of SC Villa’s president emeritus and good friend of mine recently shared his views publicly about the club’s alleged retrogression and mismanagement of the Shs7b UNRA compensation that he thinks is not being put to proper use.

He also shared his thoughts, which were not very pleasant in my view, about the current club’s leadership specifically taking issue with the age of one of the Board members who he thinks cannot drive the Club forward on account of advanced age on top of branding the current Executive as a rubber stamp.

It is sad that Misagga is, with most respect, misinformed about what’s happening at the club at the moment. I have watched almost all Villa’s premier league games for the last four seasons including games that have been played in the current season.

I am not sure when Misagga last watched a Villa game, but I can confirm that I saw him at the club’s final game of 2022/23 season, that Villa lost to URA and ultimately handed the league title to Vipers Soccer Club and the game that Villa beat Nec to clinch the 2023/24 league Title.

It is apparent that some of the views against SC Villa and its current management are arm-chair views that are completely disconnected with the current state of affairs at the club.

It is important that the public is given accurate information. Villa was not paid Shs7b as compensation for the Villa Park training ground. It received a far less sum slightly above Shs3bn that has, by God’s grace, been properly managed by the current president and his executive.

This money is now way above what the club was compensated. It is highly probable that if it was not for the good leadership and business acumen of the president of the club, his executive and the Board of Trustees, this money would be gone by now.

The fact that Ben alleges that Club was paid Shs7b confirms that he at times shoots from the hip and falls short of making proper due diligence as expected of a former club president.

The integrity and constitution of the members of the current Board of Trustees, the sober head of the club president have everything to do with the progress that the Club has made thus far.

While there is still a lot to do, those of us who have watched Villa games this season agree that the team is playing brilliant football and edging closer to where it was two decades back.

This improvement is informed by effort including timely payment of the players wages, recruitment of good technical and medical teams, commitment from players and so many other factors.

At the time the current executive took office, the playing staff had salary arrears of over four (4) months.

The club was indebted to different suppliers in a sum in excess of Shs600m. M/s Lusaka Commodities Ltd, an entity associated with Misagga was among the club’s creditors. It demanded payment from the Club in the sum Shs300m.

This demand was followed up by the executive that requested this company to avail supportive documents for this debt and account details where this payment to the club was channelled. The documents have todate never been delivered. It may be that the club was indebted to Lusaka Commodities.

Unfortunately, this debt could not be verified because it could not be substantiated by the Claimant. With the current management, you will never hear of such debts.

Most of the club fans are aware of the controversy created by some entity incorporated under the name M/s S.C Villa Jogoo (U) Limited. The is an entity that has nothing to do with SC Villa, the football club, save for the name that the two entities share. It has different shareholders exclusive of the club’s membership.

One wonders why SC Villa was coupled with an unknown entity that has actually registered the club’s logo as its trademark under trademark No. UG/T/2016/56500 in class 25.

I need not mention who Villa’s president was at the time this mark was registered but I am certain it was not Hajji Omar Madela. Your guess as to who the president of the club was at the time is as good as mine. This is the mess that the current club president and his executive are dealing with at the moment.

We must admit that had it not been for the astute current management of the club’s affairs, Villa would now be history. The allegation that the current Executive of the Club is a rubber stamp is entirely false.

Like any institution, the club has leaders that drive its affairs. The executive holds regular meetings to discuss matters pertaining to the club.

The president and his executive are collectively responsible for the decisions made at the club. If at all the club’s management is a one- man – show as Ben suggests, you would never have such meetings convened.

My view is that it’s risky being obsessed with spending the Shs3b that was paid to Villa by the government as compensation for its training ground.

The club is satisfactorily settled at East High where its current training ground is located courtesy of the goodwill of the Mandela Group. The club has no income stream at the moment.

The need to create an income stream for the club is top of priority for the current executive as the gate collections from matchdays are meagre and cannot even meet the club’s bills for a day.

If the current expenditure of the club is anything to go by, the Shs3b would now be depleted. On the contrary, the money is still available and earning interest by the day as the management of the club ties up loose ends on the club’s strategy of how to deploy this money.

I appreciate the temptation to spend when money is available. Luckily for Villa, this temptation has been successfully resisted todate. There is a good plan in place on how to deal with this money and this is the least of the club’s worries at the moment.

Focus is now with building the club’s youth teams that can feed into the Senior team. The club is looking at a consistent conveyor belt of genuinely young, talented, educated and disciplined players.

This is corroborated by the club’s partnership with sporting secondary schools and the recent recruitment of a seasoned Serbian youth football instructor in Jelusic Veselin with over 30 years experience.

Jelusic has since taken charge of Villa’s youth teams. Misagga is undoubtedly a good fan of the club and a good man at heart with a passion for the game of football.

He knows very well what it takes to be at the helm of a Football Club in Uganda having previously been a President at Villa and one of the top honchos at Nyamityobola that has since disappeared into oblivion.

Had Misagga’s skillset at management of football finances and affairs at that been exceptional, Nyamityobola would not be where it is todate.

Villa has since taken significant steps forward. This progress is only possible with the sacrifice of some individuals in the leadership of the club that share their hard-earned money to support local footballers which creates employment and a platform for professional careers to these lads.

Let us rally behind individuals like Hajji Omar Mandela, Lawerence Mulindwa and others of the same ilk and encourage them to continue donating to Ugandan Football – not even investing as there is no return on investment in football in this country.

Byabakama: Stay resolute and ignore blackmail

Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, better known as Lenin, once defined political blackmail as ‘the threat of exposing, or the actual exposure, of true, but more often invented, stories to cause an opponent political damage, of slandering him, or of depriving him of the possibility of engaging in political activity.’

His words ring true today as Uganda’s Electoral Commission (EC) faces a wave of unwarranted attacks.

In recent days, the EC has come under intense criticism after declaring Ms Phiona Nyamutoro, MP-elect for Nebbi District, unopposed on November 13.

This followed the Commission’s decision to nullify the nomination of her sole challenger, Ms Mercy Abedican, of the National Unity Platform (NUP).

Ms Nyamutoro currently serves as Minister of State for Energy and Mineral Development. Ms Abedican fell into trouble after a petition filed by one of Nyamutoro’s supporters, who alleged that several of the nominators she submitted had never consented to endorse her.

Their signatures were reportedly forged, and in an even more troubling twist, some of those listed were registered supporters of the National Resistance Movement (NRM).

With evidence proving beyond a reasonable doubt that the signatures had been falsified, the EC tribunal had no legal alternative but to cancel Abedican’s nomination and declare Nyamutoro unopposed.

What followed was a predictable storm: accusations, insults, and political outrage from NUP sympathisers and select civil society actors who have made a habit of shouting down any decision that does not favour them.

Their argument, recycled at every opportunity, is that the EC is ‘in bed’ with the ruling NRM to block Opposition candidates. Yet the facts do not support their narrative.

Just days earlier, on November 5, the EC also declared Mr Ofwono Opondo unopposed after his opponent, Mr Mpande Joram Kigenyi of the Democratic Party (DP), conceded and withdrew his candidature. Mr Kigenyi was accused of forging signatures and not obtaining consent from 10 of his nominators.

The rules were applied consistently, regardless of political party. The EC must not be intimidated or pressured into abandoning its responsibility to uphold the law and ensure fraudulent candidates do not make it to the ballot.

There appears to be a deliberate and orchestrated effort, particularly among elements within NUP and certain activists, to blackmail the Commission and discourage strict adherence to electoral procedures.

It is incumbent upon political parties themselves to conduct due diligence before endorsing candidates. Article 61(1)(f) of the Constitution empowers the EC to hear and determine election complaints arising before and during polling. The EC is, therefore, fully within its mandate. Unfortunately, a distorted political culture has taken root in Uganda’s political class.

Too many aspirants are becoming shameless blackmailers, to avoid legal requirements, yet demanding privileges. One cannot aspire to public office while engaging in forgery and still expect to be treated as a victim. The requirements set by the EC are designed to test integrity; if one cannot meet these basic standards, they cannot be trusted with public leadership.

Those now attacking the EC appear to have abandoned any sense of shame. What exactly did they expect the EC to do? Ignore evidence of fraud? Look away when procedures are blatantly violated? If the Commission had done so, it would have violated the law. Political blackmail has become a thriving enterprise in this country.

Hours of radio and television airtime are spent on indiscipline masquerading as political analysis. Many of these critics contribute nothing to national progress but dominate public platforms with noise and conspiracy theories.

It is time the media denied space to such trivial schemers, whose only interest is to create chaos rather than build the nation.

Doing so would offer a lesson to others who may be tempted to follow their path. Uganda urgently needs a shift in political culture, one that rewards diligence, integrity, and respect for the law. All political actors must be held to the same standard. And the EC must remain steadfast, resist blackmail, and continue enforcing electoral laws without fear or favour.

Why has the FGM law become a paper tiger?

Uganda criminalised Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) in 2010 through the Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Act, introducing severe penalties, including long prison sentences, for anyone who performs, participates in, or aids the practice. Yet, 15 years later, the harmful tradition continues in parts of the Sebei and Karamoja sub-regions, with only two cases successfully prosecuted since the law came into force.

The persistence of FGM, despite strong legal measures, exposes a deep disconnect between national legislation and the cultural realities of rural communities where the practice remains a deeply rooted rite of passage. In districts such as Kapchorwa, Bukwo, Kween, Amudat, Moroto and Nakapiripirit, girls are still subjected to the cut-often in secret ceremonies or across the borders in Kenya-to evade arrest. Community elders, who hold strong cultural influence, continue to defend the ritual as a mark of womanhood and purity.

What is FGM and why is it still rife?

FGM involves altering or injuring the female external genitalia. The practice can pose serious risks to the health and well-being of girls and women and is widely recognised as a human rights violation. Nevertheless, it is estimated that at least 200 million girls and women alive today have undergone some form of FGM and a further 68 million are at risk of being cut by 2030.

According to local leaders and activists, the law’s limited impact stems from fear, silence, and social pressure. Many survivors or witnesses avoid reporting offenders because they are often family or respected community figures. Others fear being stigmatised for betraying their culture. ‘People in the villages don’t see it as a crime but a tradition,’ says Mr Patrick Kipsang, a human rights activist.

The cutters are protected by the same community that hides them from police. While the law is clear and penalties are severe, up to 10 years’ imprisonment or life for aggravated cases, enforcement remains weak. Many local police officers lack training to handle such sensitive cases, and investigations often collapse for lack of evidence or witness cooperation.

Mr Emmanuel Ochieng, the project legal officer at Action Uganda International, says the implementation of the FGM Act continues to face major challenges, including victims’ reluctance to reveal information. He says the Sebei culture is deeply rooted, noting that ‘leaders accuse those fighting the practice of interfering with culture, saying every community has its own traditions.’

Who are most susceptible to FGM?

Girls and women who are very poor, nearing marriageable age, about to be married or recently married, residing in rural areas, and/or have mothers who were themselves cut. Mr Ochieng reveals that the practice is often carried out secretly, usually in forests or remote areas, which makes it nearly impossible to track or arrest the perpetrators. He says the police are not adequately facilitated to investigate FGM cases. ‘Most police posts lack vehicles and motorcycles. Even when you provide information about someone practicing FGM, police cannot reach the scene in time,’ he says.

Mr Ochieng notes that Sebei Sub-region has not recorded any FGM-related conviction since the law was passed. ‘In Karamoja, there was at least one person who was sentenced, but here in Sebei, we have never had a single conviction,’ he reveals.

Why does the FGM Act appear to be toothless?

Ms Judith Chemonges, a long-time anti-FGM activist, says the law has not delivered the expected results because it was introduced without matching investments in community sensitisation and witness protection. ‘The FGM law looks strong on paper, but on the ground, it is powerless because communities don’t understand it,’ Ms Chemonges says. ‘You cannot enforce a law when the very people affected fear reporting, fear giving evidence, and fear being seen as traitors to their culture. Without witness protection, survivors keep silent and the perpetrators go into hiding.’

Ms Stella Chesuro, a resident of Bukwo District, says the law is failing because it clashes directly with strong cultural beliefs, and many leaders secretly support the practice. ‘Here in Sebei Sub-region, FGM is still seen as a cultural requirement for respect. Even when the law bans it, the community believes culture is stronger than [the] government. Some elders even tell us that the law is for towns, not for people in the villages,’ Ms Chesuro says, adding, ‘If a girl refuses to be cut, she is insulted and isolated. They call her names like ‘a soldier’ or say she is not clean. That shame pushes girls to get cut secretly.’

What’s the prevalence of FGM in Uganda?

The prevalence rate is approximately 0.3 percent nationally, but much higher in Karamoja, where it is estimated at 6.4 percent. Among communities such as the Pokot, prevalence can reach up to 95 percent. Government efforts to promote alternative rites of passage have seen some success, especially among younger generations, but these programmes are inconsistent and underfunded.

Experts argue that while criminalisation is important, ending FGM will require a holistic approach-combining law enforcement with community dialogue, education, and empowerment of local leaders and reformed cutters to champion change.

Does the transboundary nature of the practice complicate matters?

Yes. Circumcisers are also reported to cross from Kenya into Uganda to perform FGM. Human rights activists say stopping cross-border FGM is a rising priority for governments in the East Africa region. The East African Community Prohibition of FGM Bill was passed by the East African Legislative Assembly (Kenya, South Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda) in 2016 in order to ensure all member states share the same definition and commitment to prosecute cases of cross-border FGM. The Bill also calls for the establishment of a regional coordination body, and the need to implement initiatives to eliminate it.

The Regional Inter-ministerial Declaration to End Cross-border Female Genital Mutilation in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Ethiopia and Somalia (2019) calls for similar actions, as does the Pan African Parliament action plan to end FGM in Africa (2016). Both Kenya and Uganda have specific provisions for cross-border FGM offences that apply to nationals and foreigners, whether within or outside the country.

What purpose do the pieces of legislation serve if they are paper tigers?

Ms Dora Byamukama, a lawyer and advocate, says even if only one FGM case is prosecuted, or none at all, the existence of the law remains important. Ms Byamukama, who was the architect of the 2010 Anti-FGM Act, explains that culture plays a huge role in limiting prosecutions. ‘You cannot successfully prosecute cultural practices when there is no witness protection, when people fear stigmatisation, and when sensitisation is not done alongside implementing the law. Even the number of cases that have been prosecuted shows that it is possible,’ Ms Byamukama says.

She adds: ‘You cannot change a longstanding customary practice by just passing a law. You need intensive sensitisation alongside prosecution because you must touch people’s hearts, help them understand the negative impacts, and encourage communities to abandon the practice. That support then strengthens the ability to prosecute offenders.’

Recently, EALA granted leave to Ms Byamukama to introduce the East African Community Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Bill, 2016. The Bill, which seeks to outlaw the cultural practice across the region, is considered critical and is expected to significantly reduce the number of people still engaging in FGM.

Ms Byamukama notes that FGM leads to numerous complications, including early child marriage, defilement, health problems that may result in HIV transmission, injuries, and even death.

She explains that with the advent of the EAC Common Market Protocol-which enables free movement across borders-the influence and spread of cultural practices such as FGM could increase if not addressed. Surveys estimate more than 200 million women in 27 African countries have undergone FGM.

What is law enforcement’s take?

The Sipi Regional Police spokesperson, Fred Chesang, confirms that incidents of FGM are still being practiced in the region. He says the police have not failed in their duty to arrest the culprits or investigate FGM cases, but the main challenge is that such cases are simply not reported. The police, Mr Chesang insists, have the capacity to handle the cases once reported. ‘We have never received a case of FGM and failed to investigate or arrest the culprits.’

Background

Uganda has the lowest rate of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) in East Africa. In 2016, the national prevalence of the practice among girls and women 15 to 49 years was determined to be 0.32 percent, a decline from 0.64 percent reported in 2006. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), FGM has no health benefits and causes serious short and long-term consequences, including excessive bleeding, infections, childbirth complications, and psychological trauma. The WHO estimates that more than 230 million girls and women alive today have undergone FGM in 30 countries in Africa, the Middle East and Asia where FGM is practiced.

Museveni to Break Ground on USh2 Trillion Devki Steel Plant in Tororo

President Yoweri Museveni will on November 23 preside over the groundbreaking of the USh2 trillion Devki steel plant in Tororo. He will be accompanied by the presidents of Kenya and Rwanda, Dr William Ruto and Mr Paul Kagame respectively.

Devki Chairman, Dr Narendra Raval, reveals that when completed in December 2027, the plant will produce one million tonnes of steel every year. ‘It will be the biggest such facility in the Eastern and Central African region, second only to what is in South Africa,’ he says.

Dr Raval explains steel maker Devki Ltd, a Kenyan company, has invested in the project because of the massive amounts of iron ore deposits in Uganda, as well as a stable and predictable tax policy implemented by the government.

Iron ore deposits in Uganda are estimated at 500 million tonnes, and the country doesn’t allow exports of this raw material, not even to neighbouring East African countries.

‘These are the two key factors that made us to think of constructing the plant in Tororo,’ he says.

The plant will directly employ 15,000 Ugandans, and many more indirectly. The Devki Chairman says indirect employment could be as high ten times this number.

The output from the plant will exceed Eastern Africa’s requirements, with Dr Raval explaining that the steel will be consumed in Uganda, and also exported to Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, Southern Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

‘Uganda,’ said Dr Raval during an interview at the Devki offices in Ruiru, ‘will be on the world map as a primary steel producer from iron ore.’

He expressed his happiness that the Uganda government has promised to ban steel imports once production at the Tororo plant begins.

‘This is reassuring to us as investors,’ says the Devki Chairman, pointing out that the one million tonnes produced every year will more than meet the region’s steel needs.

He says steel is important in industrialisation, infrastructure development, and in the construction of low-cost housing (whether by individuals or government).

‘So, other than creating employment opportunities, the steel plant will support the region’s industrialisation drive,’ says Dr Raval. He added that the Devki Tororo steel plant will be a game-changer for East Africa’s development quest, ‘a bold step for the region’s industrialisation.’

Devki is a leading producer of a comprehensive range of premium steel products used in construction, among other sectors. It has diversified and grown for more than two decades into the largest multi-product steel manufacturer in Kenya, with the Tororo plant its first cross-border venture.

Advocates renew push for Legal Aid Bill

Legal aid advocates have renewed pressure on the government to urgently pass the long-delayed National Legal Aid Bill, warning that millions of Ugandans, especially the poor and vulnerable, continue to face injustice simply because they cannot afford a lawyer.

This renewed push came during a stakeholder engagement in Kampala, where the Legal Aid Service Providers Network (LASPNET) joined the Uganda Law Society (ULS) and other actors to demand immediate action on the Bill that has stalled for years.

LASPNET Executive Director Sylvia Namubiru said Uganda’s justice system still overwhelmingly favours those with financial means, leaving nearly 80 percent of citizens without access to legal support.

‘Justice is not a privilege for the rich; it is a constitutional right, and without a government-funded legal aid system, millions of Ugandans remain excluded. We need this Bill passed now,’ Ms Namubiru said.

She noted that although civil society and volunteer lawyers continue to provide support, the current approach, largely dependent on donor funding, is neither stable nor sustainable.

‘A strong state-funded legal aid scheme is the only guarantee that justice will reach the poorest Ugandans. People should not rely on foreign donations to solve local justice problems,’ she added.

Ms Namubiru also criticised the technical objections that have delayed the Bill.

‘There was broad support for this Bill from civil society, faith-based institutions and legal aid providers, and a technicality should not be the reason people remain unprotected,’ she said.

Uganda Law Society (ULS) Vice President Anthony Asiimwe echoed the concerns, warning that the country’s legal needs far exceed the capacity of volunteer and low-cost legal practitioners.

‘Only 20 percent of Ugandans can afford legal fees. That should worry the nation. A constitutional right is meaningless if people cannot afford representation,’ he said.

Mr Asiimwe urged lawyers across the country to rally behind LASPNET’s advocacy and expand pro-bono services as Parliament continues to delay.

‘This is our opportunity to give back because many Ugandans cannot walk into a law office and pay. It’s our duty to support them,’ he said.

He added that passing the Bill would expand nationwide access to legal aid, regulate and accredit service providers, strengthen pro-bono work, reduce case backlog through early representation, and increase legal protection for women, children, and rural communities.

Why the national legal aid bill stalled

The Bill, originally tabled as a Private Member’s Bill, had already secured a Certificate of Financial Implication, indicating readiness for passage.

However, Parliament’s Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Committee halted its progress after the Attorney General advised that several clauses would impose financial obligations on government, contrary to Article 93 of the Constitution, which bars Private Members from introducing Bills with spending implications.

Research by HiiL (2016, 2020, 2024) shows that 80 percent of Ugandans experience legal problems, mostly related to land disputes, domestic violence, family conflicts and criminal matters, further underscoring the urgent need for a legal aid framework.

Access to justice run

At the same event, LASPNET and ULS unveiled the Access to Justice (A2J) Run 2025, scheduled for November 29, 2025, at the Law Development Centre grounds in Makerere.

The event,a fundraising drive for the proposed Legal Aid House, will feature 3km, 5km and 10km routes, alongside a Legal Aid Open Day and a sports and fun event for lawyers.

Over 5,000 participants are expected, with Buganda Kingdom Minister of Lands and Properties, David F.K. Mpanga, serving as Chief Runner.

Tritons Tour switches on Namboole floodlights

Mandela National Stadium Namboole will make history today as the first ever international women’s rugby team from the United Kingdom steps onto Ugandan soil to play.

Triton women from the UK will this Saturday battle Uganda and Kenyan legends in the historic fixture under the lights.

This trip organized by Tritons 2025 Sports Tour is the maiden for any group from the UK women’s rugby circles to tour Uganda.

Many of the participants have never met before but will be united by this unique seven-day journey that combines rugby and community engagement.

Beyond competition, the event aims to inspire the next generation of players from the countries involved while celebrating the pioneers who paved the way for women in rugby.

Big initiative

Uganda Rugby men’s and women’s Legends has partnered with the Uganda Rugby Union, Kenya Women Rugby Legends and the Uganda High Commission in London. It has been sponsored by Uganda Airlines and Renata Group who are in charge of travel and logistics.

The UK women’s squad is led by former England and Harlequins star Shaunagh Brown who has been a big advocate for equality in sport.

‘This tour is about more than just rugby,’ said Tony Dunkerley, Director of Tritons Sports Tours. ‘We are bringing together people who love the game and giving them the chance to discover East Africa, not as tourists, but as teammates. Sport has a unique power to connect people, and this tour is all about building friendships across cultures and borders.’

With its ‘Beyond the Game’ ethos, the Tritons Sports Tour promises to leave a lasting legacy, celebrating sport, adventure and the shared values that unite rugby communities across the globe.

Under Namboole floodlights

The sporting highlight of the tour will feature a triple-header this afternoon at the outside pitch starting with the Uganda U20 A and B-teams facing each other, then Tritons men’s battle Uganda Legends in a curtain-raiser match that will be followed by the headline women’s fixture between a mix of Kenya and Uganda women rugby legends versing their Triton counterparts under floodlights, a first at Namboole Stadium.

‘The timing of the Tritons Tour couldn’t be better, coming right after the Lady Cranes’ bronze medal at the Africa Women’s Sevens in Nairobi. We’re keen to bring our retired women players back into the fold and are already planning a combined men’s and women’s tour to the UK in 2026,” added Ibra Nyango, Chairman of the Uganda Rugby Legends.

Triton Rugby Tour

Saturday fixture – Namboole

Uganda U20 A vs. Uganda U20 B, 2pm

Uganda Legends vs. Triton Men, 4pm

Uganda/Kenya Women Legends vs. Triton Women, 6pm