Simple ways to control weeds

The bigger part of crop farming seems to be a constant physical war between the farmer and weeds. Agriculturalists describe a weed as a plant growing where it should not be. It does not matter whether the plant growing where it is not wanted is edible or even good looking. As long as it is misplaced, it is a weed, and the farmer has to remove it to stop its pressure on the desired crops.

If, for example, a tobacco plant grows in a bean garden, it competes with the beans for basic ground resources such as water, soil nutrients, sunlight, and growing space. If its leaves are dropped in the field they could get mixed with those of the desired crop growing in the same field and introduce the tobacco smell into the harvested crop. The dry weeds and even seeds may be difficult to separate from those of the harvested dry crops.

Weeds reduce the quality of crop products. They lower crop yields and, if not suppressed in time, they can take over the entire crop field and make it difficult for the farmer to use it again for crop production.Yet fighting weeds takes up time and money, thus reducing profits. To fight the weeds, the farmer may have to hire more labourers or to buy herbicides. Herbicides are poisons that kill weeds but if not carefully handled, the chemicals may be harmful to the crops, the farmer, and the consumers.

Simple weed control measures include planting early, almost as soon as ground preparation is done, so that by the time the weed seeds begin to germinate, the crops will already be strong and well established. In such circumstances it will be the crops to suppress the weeds. It is also good to plant crop seeds according to the recommended rates and spacing. If there are very wide gaps between the crops, there will be plenty of space for the weeds to grow in. Some people burn the weeds after uprooting them so that they are destroyed together with their seeds.

Another effective way to fight weeds is to cover the ground with grass or dry plant leaves in what is commonly referred to as mulching. The grass used should be the type that does not quickly sprout or easily cast its seed. When the ground is all covered, up weeds have no space in which to grow.

Blazers make meek exit in Road to BAL

The Johannesburg Giants left nothing to chance as they took to the floor of the Kasarani Indoor Gymnasium for a 92-71 opening win over Uganda’s Namuwongo Blazers. This was the Blazers’ second loss, meaning they exited the competition without a win.

Experienced player Nkosinathi Sandile Sibanyoni led the South Africans on both ends of the court, scoring a team-high 16 points, pulling down 18 boards, and making two steals – the only double-double in the match.

Lehlogonolo Charles Tholo and Dhieu Abwok Deing added 15 points each; the latter came seven rebounds short of a double-double. Pieter Prinsloo and Joshua Ozabor contributed 14 and 13 points respectively to the win.

The Giants dominated the paint, finishing 52-34 ahead. They also dominated in fast breaks, with a contribution of 34-11, and in second chance points, with 20-10, to secure the convincing victory.

The Blazers went 8-2 ahead in the opening two minutes, but the South Africans quickly tied the game at 8.

Another run for the Ugandans took them 15-8 ahead. However, Prinsloo then started a 16-0 run, leaving the Blazers trailing 24-15 after the opening 10 minutes.

The Blazers got off to a quick start in the opening minute of the second period to make it 24-19, but the Giants responded with Lehlogonolo Charles Tholo shooting from range to extend their lead to 10 points (29-19).

Joel Lukoji Banza and Peter Obleng kept Daniel Juuko’s side in the game with shots from range to make it 33-25.

However, the Giants dominated the final three minutes of the quarter, scoring eight unanswered points to establish a 46-32 lead.

Despite trailing 52-35 early in the second half, Sidy Mohamed Djitte initiated the Blazers’ comeback, scoring five points to reduce the deficit to eight at 58-50. This gap remained at the end of the quarter (64-56).

A 28-15 final stanza assured the Giants of a comfortable win as they head into their final group match against the home side, Nairobi City Thunder.

‘It was a good game for us, despite the tough opening half, which was to be expected as it was our first match of the competition. We recovered in the second half with better rebounding and took better care of the ball for this win. As we head to the next match, we know that the Thunder are a strong team, but we are ready to take them on. We have a strong squad that can compete with them,” said Giants’ forward Sandile Sibanyoni.

Elections: If you must vote …

If you must vote

Then vote not with your belly,

For bellies forget the hand that fed them

Once the stomach turns.

Vote not for the wrapper they drape around you

Or the bag of rice that cannot rebuild a broken bridge.

Don’t let your thumb print poverty

On your own forehead.

Again.

If you must vote

Do not sell your soul for silver.

Then cry when the fire comes

A nation burns from every matchstick

Lit by foolish loyalty.

The man who buys your vote today

Becomes the curse you whisper

When the school remains a shed,

When the hospital coughs in darkness,

When your child spells hope as joke.

You sleep during elections

And expect dreams to govern.

You abandon your power

And wonder why you’re powerless.

If you must vote

Do not vote for a name.

Names cannot build roads.

Tribes cannot fix water.

Godfathers cannot teach your child.

Yet we carry ancestry to the ballot box

and bury our future beneath it.

Why do we keep planting weeds

And expecting fruit?

Why choose the mirror

Over the mind?

A pretty face cannot legislate progress.

A dancing candidate will not step

Into policy.

Ask them what they stand for,

And when they answer only in slogans,

Know they are salesmen,

Not servants.

So stop pointing fingers

With ink still wet on your thumb.

You chose this.

You wore the chain.

You crowned the clown.

If you must vote

Vote with fire in your eyes.

Vote like someone who remembers

How many dreams have died

At the hands of smiling thieves.

Vote with conscience,

Not currency.

With questions,

Not customs.

With vision,

Not division.

And when they come with coins

wrapped in promises, say:

“I am not a market.

I am a citizen.

I am not for sale.

I am the soul of this nation.”

If you must vote

Make it a weapon of wisdom,

Not a signature of silence.

The ironies of Museveni’s strategic foresight

Let me start with a most mundane fact. Our president is our ruler-for-life. He is also known as the Ssabalwanyi (chief fighter), the chief General, Leader of the ‘people’s revolution’, and Chairman of the resistance movement that liberated us.

Mr President is a lifetime freedom fighter who has committed all his adult time, since he was a high school graduate, to the singular struggle for the liberation of the African people. He is a life-time military commander.

He fought the diabolic regimes of Idi Amin and Milton Obote in the 1970s and 80s, then in 1990s and 2000s turned to fighting and decisively defeating the bandits of the Allied Democratic Front and Lord’s Resistance Army, a rather pretentious name that devalues a noble people’s struggle like that of the National Resistance Army.

What is more, even at his advanced age, despite a wobbly stroll that easily betrays the inevitability of the physical toll on the human body, on any day he will grab and sling a Kalashnikov across his chest ready for battle.

If I had the chance, this would be the primarily bio to introduce Mr Museveni as he delivers a powerful lecture at a prestigious army war college. But there is more to his inimitable credentials – his incredible strategic foresight. It is not just his long-held monopoly over a first-rate vision for Uganda, it is also his grasp of the broader African problem, which is impeccable and incomparable.

He has a firm handle on the Ugandan situation, the crux of how to transform the country from poverty to prosperity, but more importantly, he fully understands the contours of regional and continental Africa.

These credentials of the Ssabalwanyi have been on full display on the current campaign trail, in ways that shouldn’t surprise anyone who remotely pays attention to the man’s rhetorical plays and pronouncements.

I will illustrate, starting with the domestic scene and later the regional landscape. True to his unwavering focus on wealth creation and economic productivity as the basis for national transformation, our ruler-for-life has recently put it to young Ugandans in no uncertain terms, to be sure, to refrain from wasting time in cheap politicking and watching European football! Spot-on. But this is where rhetoric diverges from practice.

Mr Museveni is the chief practitioner of unprincipled political manoeuvring. From the last election to the next, he is campaigning in the name of promoting wealth creation when in fact he is playing politics, staying ahead of his competitors by courting voters and having unfettered access to the public while his opponents are blocked by security forces.

Constantly on the political campaign trail, he is compelled to grant all manner of concessions that are neither rationalised nor properly processed into an overarching national strategy. These range from acceding to demands for creation of a new district in Namayingo to offering half a billion shillings to a Sacco in Sebei.

It is the same cheap political manoeuvring that leads to more than 200 unjustifiable and redundant presidential advisors and a bloated Parliament of close to 600 MPs. As to young people wasting away on European football, including unproductive sports-betting, it is hard to look beyond Mr Museveni’s own laissez faire policies and failure to build an inclusive economy that keeps pace with the country’s demographic realities.

Still on the campaign trail, Mr Museveni spoke pointedly about maritime resources, particularly access to the sea. He made a controversial but valid observation – no one nation owns the sea to the exclusion of others for commercial and national defence interests.

Uganda is landlocked – no direct access to the sea. Our way out is through Kenya or Tanzania. Now, would Mr Museveni make the same argument had he been president of Kenya or Tanzania? If we take him at his quite consistent regional integration rhetoric and pan-African claims, probably yes.

He has been adamant in denouncing colonial artificial borders and pushing for greater cross-border free flow of commerce and people. He takes the plaudits for that. Yet again, rhetoric is one thing, action is another. The best way for Uganda to go around its land-locked problem is building efficient rail and road networks.

Kenya that gives Uganda the best way to the sea has done impressively in both rail and road infrastructure. By contrast, Uganda led by a sophisticated and strategic leader for 40 long years maintains an appalling record.

The Kampala-Jinja-Malaba road is so lousy and scarcely worth calling a highway while the century-old colonially constructed rail line fell apart, not to say anything about a planned standard gauge project. All on the watch of Mr Museveni, a leader of remarkable strategic foresight.

Accessing the sea lamentations aside, if the visionary Mr Museveni had turned around Uganda into a true regional power, both Kenya and Tanzania would have every reason to play ball. The East African federation would flourish.

At a minimum, one of the two would highly value Uganda as a trading partner and regional ally. No one takes you seriously unless you are serious!

Venture capital tax exemptions and unrealistic regulations

In July of last year, Parliament passed ground breaking tax exemptions to private equity and venture capital. Both fall under the broad category of private capital markets. As legal practitioners in this sector, we recognise two main categories in the capital markets space: public capital markets and private capital markets. Public capital markets include stock exchanges, the usual unit trusts that have become popular lately, and their fund managers, brokers, and dealers.

In contrast, private capital markets operate primarily through contractual arrangements and are not accessible to the general public. When seeking capital in private capital markets such as in the case of venture capital, a term sheet is executed between a venture capital and a startup. In January of this year, another significant event took place: The Minister of Justice, and the Uganda Registration Services Bureau (URSB) published the Partnerships Regulation 2025. While I have some reservations regarding specific technical aspects of these regulations, I find them largely acceptable. These regulations permit the legal use of investment vehicles such as Limited Partnerships, to establish venture capital funds in Uganda.

However, the income tax provisions only extend tax exemptions to private equity or venture capital funds that are regulated by the Capital Markets Authority (CMA). This requirement presents a challenge.

On January 24, the CMA gazetted the Capital Markets Authority (Licensing and Approval) Regulations, 2025, which aim to introduce the approval of private equity funds. It is important to note that private equity funds are neither approved nor regulated persons under the existing Act.

The CMA justifies these regulations based on Section 50 (5), but the vague and incidental clauses used to define who qualifies as a regulated or approved entity are concerning. This lack of clarity raises questions that may require judicial review.

In 2022, the Solicitor General provided guidance indicating that Parliament should first amend the principal Act, the Capital Markets Authority Act of 1996 (as amended in 2011 and 2016), to legally enable the CMA to introduce regulations regarding Private Equity Funds in Uganda.

Unlike the public capital markets, private capital markets require a more nuanced approach based on the level of market maturity and sophistication. Private capital markets are not regulated in the same manner as public capital markets, which offer securities to the general public.

In 2022 CMA imposed financial requirements that are unrealistic for private funds. Now you need paid-up capital requirement of Shs1.5 billion to set up a venture capital fund.

The question arises: what is this capital for? In capital markets, assets are not held in the same manner as they are by banks. It doesn’t make sense to provide tax benefits only to impose another form of unjustified capital requirements that aren’t grounded in gained market experience, which will have an effect on the ticket sizes venture capital funds can evacuate. Secondly, which investors is the CMA attempting to protect?

Venture capital funds already have sophisticated limited partners and capital call lines, who understand the risks they are undertaking and provide cash infusions accordingly, and these arrangements are normally contractual. CMA can only come in if there is a justified systemic risk.

Moreover, these regulations suggest that the CMA seems to be regulating investors, yet investors themselves are not regulated persons. This raises legal concerns. Tax exemptions in the private capital markets space will only make sense if the regulation is structured the right way, enough said.

Suluhu’s family members in Cabinet stirs debate, but echoes wider African pattern

When Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan announced her new round of government appointments this week, two names stood out immediately, but not for their political résumés.

Her daughter, Wanu Hafidh Ameir, was named Deputy Minister for Education, while her son-in-law, Mohamed Mchengerwa, was appointed Minister for Health. Both are sitting MPs, familiar faces in Tanzanian politics. But their ascent to powerful cabinet roles has ignited a fierce national debate about whether the president is placing trusted leaders in key positions or pulling her own family closer to the centre of state power.

The reaction in Tanzania has been intense. Critics call it a classic case of nepotism, arguing that roles as sensitive as health and education ministries that touch the daily lives of millions should not be handed to relatives of the head of state. Supporters counter that both Wanu and Mchengerwa are qualified and experienced, and that family ties alone shouldn’t disqualify them.

But whether one sees the appointments as strategic or problematic, one thing is clear: Samia’s move is not new. Across Africa, political families have long played outsized roles in government.

The pattern raises deeper questions about loyalty, meritocracy, and the concentration of power.

Zimbabwe: Sons, nephews, and a growing political dynasty

In 2023, Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa came under heavy criticism after naming his son and nephew to his cabinet.

His son, David Kudakwashe Mnangagwa, was appointed Deputy Minister of Finance, a powerful role in a country battling economic instability and runaway inflation. Around the same time, his nephew, Tongai Mnangagwa, was named Deputy Minister of Tourism.

These appointments were met with widespread public backlash. Many Zimbabweans saw them as a signal that the Mnangagwa family was entrenching itself in the state’s most influential positions drawing uncomfortable comparisons to the Mugabe era, where accusations of elite enrichment and political patronage were common.

For analysts in Harare, the appointments fit a broader pattern: a leader consolidating a trusted inner circle at a time when political opposition remains fragile and the state faces significant governance challenges.

Uganda: A family embedded in the state

Few African governments illustrate the fusion of family and political power as clearly as Uganda under President Yoweri Museveni.

For years, Museveni’s wife, Janet Kataaha Museveni, has served in the cabinet, currently holding the influential position of Minister of Education and Sports. His brother, General Salim Saleh, is a long-time presidential adviser on defence and security, wielding substantial behind-the-scenes influence.

Then there is Museveni’s son, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, whose rapid rise through the military ranks has sparked widespread speculation about succession. Muhoozi has served as the commander of the Special Forces Command and later as Chief of Land Forces. His increasingly political public statements have raised fears of an emerging hereditary transition a ‘Muhoozi Project’, as some Ugandans call it.

In Uganda, family involvement in government is not merely symbolic; it is structural. It shapes military command, cabinet decisions, and succession politics all under the watch of a president who has been in power for nearly four decades.

Rwanda: A presidential family integrated into state institutions

In Rwanda, President Paul Kagame also has members of his family occupying significant roles within state institutions.

His daughter, Ange Kagame, works in the Office of the President as a senior policy analyst, focusing on strategic policy and governance issues since 2019.

His eldest son, Ivan Cyomoro Kagame, was appointed to the Rwanda Development Board (RDB) in 2020, an influential agency responsible for driving investment and economic transformation.

Another son, Ian Kagame, is an officer in the Rwandan Defence Force and has been posted to the elite Presidential Guard.

Rwanda is known for its disciplined governance and strict public standards. Still, these appointments have raised questions, especially among regional observers, about whether Kagame like others on the continent is gradually positioning family members to hold greater sway over state affairs.

South Sudan: President’s daughter as senior adviser

In South Sudan, President Salva Kiir appointed his daughter, Adut Salva Kiir, as a senior adviser in the Office of the President.

While South Sudan’s political elite is small and often interconnected, her appointment added to concerns about patronage within a government already grappling with legitimacy issues and widespread public mistrust.

Equatorial Guinea: Africa’s most extreme example

Perhaps the clearest and most dramatic example of political nepotism in Africa is Equatorial Guinea.

President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, Africa’s longest-serving head of state, appointed his son, Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, widely known as Teodorín, as the Vice President.

Teodorín’s rise has been controversial globally. He has faced international corruption investigations, asset seizures in Europe, and accusations of siphoning state funds. Yet at home, he is widely believed to be the president’s preferred successor, cementing a political dynasty that has lasted over 40 years.

The bigger picture: Loyalty, power, and public trust

Seen together, these examples reveal a familiar pattern across the continent: leaders relying on family members in positions of political or economic power often justified as a matter of trust or loyalty.

In some cases, these family members are qualified, educated, and capable. In others, their competence is overshadowed by the optics of nepotism and the risks of concentrating power within a small inner circle.

For Tanzania, the debate around Samia Suluhu’s appointments is not just about two individuals. It is about what their presence at the top signals for governance, accountability, and the future of political leadership.

As Tanzanians watch the new team settle into their roles, the question remains: Will these appointments strengthen the president’s ability to deliver or deepen concerns about power remaining in the family?

Either way, Samia’s move has placed Tanzania within a broader African conversation one that stretches from Harare to Kampala, Kigali to Malabo about where political loyalty ends, and nepotism begins.

Abdisaid Muse Ali, chairperson of Lomé Peace and Security Forum, says that family appointments are now a recurring feature in a number of African governments.

‘They usually tell us less about the individuals involved and more about the way power is organised. Where parties are weak and state institutions have limited independence, bringing relatives into key roles often signals a move to concentrate authority in the presidency, manage succession informally, and narrow the circle of people who have real access to decision making,’ he said.

But Mr Ali, a former Foreign Affairs minister of Somalia, warns of institutional risks, noting that such appointments fuse public office with private loyalty.

‘Even when the individuals are capable, such appointments corrode trust in institutions, weaken checks on the presidency, and tell civil servants that proximity matters more than performance. They sharpen rivalries within ruling coalitions and erode respect for procedure and law, which makes it harder to build a steady, rules-based system of government,’ he said.

President Museveni unveils plans for shs135b Busoga kingdom headquarters

To strengthen cultural heritage and well-being of the People of Busoga, President Museveni officially unveiled the Shs135b Busoga Kingdom Headquarters plan on Friday, November 21.

The project is one of the government’s most significant investments in the region and is expected to transform the Kingdom’s cultural and administrative landscape.

Ms Yudaya Babirye, Minister in Charge of Kyabazinga Affairs in Busoga Kingdom, said the new complex fulfills a request made to the President by Kyabazinga William Nadiope Gabula IV and Queen Inhebantu Jovia Mutesi during their visit to State House Entebbe on May 3, 2024.

‘Kyabazinga Gabula IV made this request to ensure that the Kingdom’s administration and cultural institutions have modern infrastructure to match their growing needs,’ Ms Babirye explained.

Busoga Kingdom had long relied on aging buildings constructed decades ago, which no longer met the demands of the expanding administrative and cultural functions.

‘The building has been designed not only as a symbol of cultural pride but also as a major income-generating asset for the Kingdom. It reflects the President’s broader commitment to strengthening cultural institutions as custodians of identity, unity, and community well-being,’ Ms Babirye said.

The headquarters will house the official Busoga Kingdom offices, the Busoga Lukiiko, the Inhebantu Foundation Tower, a 1,000-seater conference centre, a commercial block, landscaped gardens, and ceremonial grounds.

The National Housing and Construction Corporation (NHCC), Uganda’s leading government real-estate development agency, is slated to execute the project starting in early 2026.

‘It is a big milestone for the ever-growing Busoga pride, progress, and restored cultural glory being driven by the monarch,’ Ms Babirye added.

During a brief ceremony lasting under an hour, President Museveni and the Kyabazinga held private discussions to agree on project timelines and commitments to other developmental priorities in Busoga.

The event was attended by Busoga royal chiefs, princesses, Katuukiro and his deputies, ministers, clan heads, and the Speaker of the Busoga Lukiiko. Top central government leaders from Busoga included First Deputy Prime Minister Ms Rebecca Kadaga, Third Deputy Prime Minister Ms Lukia Naisanga Nakadama, and Ms Justine Kasule Lumumba, among others.

The unveiling of the new headquarters follows the recent handover of the renovated Shs12 billion Igenge Palace in 2022, the official residence of the Kyabazinga.

Built in 1963, the palace was ransacked by soldiers during Idi Amin’s regime in the 1970s and later used as military quarters before being abandoned for decades.

Nyege Nyege at 10: The hits and misses

Today, Nyege Nyege picks up the third and most active day of the edition; initially, Nyege Nyege was a festival where the unmatched energy took people through Thursday to Monday morning or afternoon when the last act played.

However, over the past few years, the festival started tapping into Uganda’s mainstream audiences, which came with a few tweaks; for instance, in 2015, when the first edition of the festival was held, it was mainly a festival celebrating electronic music genres such as gaba, techno and ethno electronic music.

By 2019, as sponsorship swelled and the crowds diversified, the programming shifted. Acts like Catu Diosis, Kampire or Decay – once the pulse of Nyege Nyege – increasingly found themselves pushed to secondary stages as the main stage filled with Afrobeats and dancehall heavyweights such as Pallaso, Sheebah and Vampino. The growth continued, but so did the mainstreaming. Today, even the DJ culture the festival championed has been reshaped to accommodate celebrity crowd-pullers like Lyndah Ddane and DJ Alyshia. As the festival celebrates the tenth edition, we look at Nyege Nyege’s hits and misses over the years.

The wins

Economic impact

Nyege Nyege has over the years been held in various venues, what most of the residents in these places will always say about the festival is the economic impact it leaves. By 2019, for instance, many homesteads next to the first venue, The Nile Discovery Resort, would rent out both their compounds and rooms to revellers who wanted to enjoy the festival without camping at the festival grounds.

Some families charged up to Shs100,000 per camper, which was less than what the festival grounds charged but a lot of money for someone who was simply letting 10 or more people sleep in their compound. When the festival moved grounds as it has over the years, resorts and hotels made a killing. According to Resident Advisor magazine, in 2024 alone, the festival generated more than $2m (Shs7b), in spending, much of which benefited local hotels, vendors, and small businesses.

Cultural and Musical Innovation

Nyege Nyege is more than a party, it is a cultural revolution that has celebrated mainstream kidandali but has also given space to burgeoning talent from as far as Gulu, Mbale, Soroti and Arua; it is Nyege Nyege through their record label, the Nyege Nyege Tapes that has allowed diverse artistes such as MC Yallah to realise a dream as touring artists.

Nyege Nyege Tapes has over the years created a roster, the biggest label with working Ugandan artistes such as Alpha Otim, Catu Diosis, Kampire and of course MC Yallah, who recently performed at the Glastonbury Festival in England.

Resilience and growth

For a festival which started each campaign with a fight and vows, the festival has come way too far. At first, the festival was fought by the then minister of Ethics, the late Simon Lokodo, for apparently being a recruitment ground for homosexuals. Then it was attacked by religious leaders, accusing it of being evil. It was also criticised by the Speaker of Parliament Anita Among, who vowed it would not take place as long as she was still Speaker.

The fact that Anita Among is still a Speaker and the festival has happened thrice in her reign is a true mark of resilience. Of course, as years have gone by, many of the voices fighting the festival have realised that perception of it and what exactly happens at the festival are two different things.

Support from locals

Nyege Nyege initially started as a platform championing electronic music, which wasn’t popular among the masses, yet as years have rolled by, the festival has managed to create a mix between Uganda’s mainstream and the Greater Jinja’s industries with electronic music. Today, the festival enjoys support from locals, many of whom are happy it exists.

Misses/criticisms

Moral and religious backlash

For all the festival has done, Nyege Nyege continues to attract negative publicity from church leaders, who often blame Uganda’s degeneration on the event. There has been recurring debates about the festival and what it is really about. Some religious leaders have also claimed that satanism and occultism are practiced at the festival.

Poor media coverage

Nyege Nyege Festival attracts a wide number of local and international media. However, for most of the time, it is only the foreign media that covers the festival for the arts. Local media coverage is usually polarised, seeking people getting drunk, dancing in suggestive ways, which has distorted how many people end up understanding the festival. For the time the festival has existed, for instance, its economic prowess, and cultural impact have mostly been published by a few legacy medias and mainly international outlets. The achievements of Nyege Nyege Tapes, for instance, are rarely outlined to an extent that many Ugandans don’t even know there is a record label under the Nyege Nyege brand.

Perceptions of exclusion

In a country where ticket prices for events are still as low as Shs10,000, many Ugandans feel like the festival ticket price excludes people without a bigger financial backing. Some argue ticket prices or the cost of travel to Jinja exclude local Ugandans, making it more accessible to wealthier or international visitors.

Failure to get a home

Nyege Nyege is hosting the 10th edition and while at it, they are also moving to their fourth venue. Over the years, the festival has been held at the Nile Discovery Resort, Itanda Falls, Jinja Golf Course and now, Kalagala Falls. Much as the crowd has been following the festival wherever it goes, there have been missed opportunities of storytelling and creating legacies around venues. Nile Discovery was a central location, not too near and yet not very far, a win-win for both the guests and service providers. How long will they last at Kalangala?

Overall assessment

Big win:

Nyege Nyege has become more than just a music festival – it’s a cultural institution and economic driver. It has helped build and export East Africa’s underground music scenes, especially electronic and experimental genres.

Still navigating:

But it operates in a tough space. There are strong cultural tensions in Uganda about morality, and public perception is split. Logistical challenges (transport, camping) and safety perceptions remain barriers.

Potential:

If the organisers continue to refine their approach, investing in transport, improving local engagement, and managing security well – Nyege Nyege could become a model for how African festivals can grow responsibly.

Isabirye walks into Lugogo with noose around his neck

The so-called ‘Authority Derby’ couldn’t have arrived at a more dramatic moment. Friday’s duel between KCCA and URA carries implications far beyond points and league positions.

It comes wrapped in tension, whispers, and managerial uncertainty – all of it orbiting one man. Alex Isabirye must approach this match as if it were his last.

Every decision, every substitution, every minute on the touchline matters. URA’s management is reportedly scanning the horizon for a steadier hand, and only a powerful impression tonight can quiet the swirling rumours. For Isabirye, it is survival through performance.

KCCA revival

KCCA, meanwhile, host the clash with their own frustrations. The 1-0 loss to Vipers at Kitende left them stuck at 11 points from six matches – steady but insufficient for a side with title aspirations.

Coach Jackson Magera wants a response, something sharper, more assertive, and more clinical. The arrival of URA, wounded and wobbling, offers both danger and opportunity.

URA’s struggles are painfully public. Heavy transfer business raised expectations, yet the output has been alarmingly thin. Just one win in six matches – a narrow, nervy, and frankly fortunate 3-2 escape against hapless UPDF – is a poor return for a squad built to challenge.

The rest of the run has been a trail of uninspiring draws: Bul, Nec, Express, Maroons, and Lugazi. Five goals scored, four conceded, eight points earned, and an eighth-place standing that irritates fans and alarms management.

Raised axe

This is why Isabirye stands in the spotlight. With three coaches – Simon Peter Mugerwa (Mbarara City), Jimmy Kintu (Calvary), and Hussein Mbalangu (Nec) – already axed this season, he knows the axe is sharp and the patience is thin. A timid display tonight may well accelerate conversations in URA’s boardroom.

Yet even in decline, URA possess tools that demand respect. Nelson Ssenkatuka’s pace, Nicholas Kabonge’s creativity, Fred Amaku’s power, Joseph Ssemujju’s intelligence, Laban Tibita’s movement – it is an attacking cast built for menace.

But menace has not translated into mastery. The Tax Collectors remain indecisive and blunt in the final third. Against KCCA, precision, decisiveness, and courage will be non-negotiable.

For KCCA, one man could tilt the duel: Ivan Ahimbisibwe. The striker traded URA’s blue-and-white for KCCA’s yellow in July and now faces his former employers with added motivation.

Magera will hope Ahimbisibwe exploits a URA backline that has been fragile, unsettled, and prone to lapses.

Away in Hoima, at Butema Royal Park, freefalling Buhimba United – nine points from six games – host second-from-bottom Mbarara City, who are still reeling from the departure of coach Mugerwa and sit on just two points from six matches. It is a survival battle of its own.

StarTimes Uganda Premier League

Friday

Buhimba United vs. Mbarara City, 4pm

KCCA vs. URA, 8pm

Ten-fold growth strategy for Uganda: Business unusual for tourism

The Government of Uganda has set an ambitious growth strategy for the next 15 years. It’s called the 10-fold growth strategy.

The strategy targets to propel Uganda’s economy from $50 billion to $500 billion by 2040. This growth will be driven by agro-industrialisation; tourism development; mineral-based development including oil and gas; and science, technology, ICT and innovation including the creatives industry (knowledge economy).

My interest is tourism. Uganda possesses vast tourism potential but lots of it has not been harnessed. Although small, Uganda is home to over to 43.9 percent of the world’s mountain gorillas, 7.8 percent of the world’s mammal species, including the unique tree climbing lions and white rhinos, 11 percent of the world’s bird species (1,063 bird species), Africa’s primate capital (Kibale Forest), and variety of butter flies and insects.

The beautiful mountain ranges including the snow-capped Rwenzori Mountain ranges, numerous fresh water lakes and rivers including second largest lake in the world (Lake Victoria) and the source of the world’s longest river (River Nile). The country boasts wonderful cultural heritage assets, friendly climate, fresh food and the friendliest people in the world.

Uganda is green and its terrain makes it an extraordinary destination.

In spite of this abundant asset base, tourism has consistently not received appropriate support. This sector has potential to impact every aspect of the economy, thereby spurring growth in every sphere of the economy. I am happy that at last, Uganda’s tourism is going to receive strong support from government. Leaping from the current $2 billion to $50 billion in annual earnings in 15 years will require a complete change in the way things are done. Government must walk the talk in addressing core issues that have for decades constrained tourism development.

The issues that have consistently been studied and documented are: tourism infrastructure, asset conservation, product development, marketing, skilling, standards, technology integration, research and access to finance for tourism enterprises. If the $50 billion target is to be realised, both government and private actors must learn the culture of sitting together to agree on priorities, and both have to learn to commit to what they agree to do. Government must create an enabling environment for the private sector to thrive, and these have to be given space and support to drive tourism numbers.

Careful planning is needed to avoid mass tourism, and instead focus on value. Uganda has enough assets to tap into various niche markets to drive the right investment and type of visitors. Disorganised growth will only bring chaos and will undermine the long-term survival of the tourism sector. The time has come for universities to direct their research towards solutions that will improve tourism development. PhD and Masters research projects have to be aligned to the national priorities. Our research should inform policy and decision making at various levels.

My view is that the private sector has to be organised around Uganda Tourism Association (UTA), the umbrella association for the private sector. Government has to treat UTA as a partner in tourism development and must involve it in planning, execution and evaluation of priority programmes. This means that government has to engender genuine engagement and collaboration, and provide deliberate financing of the key activities of UTA.

All development partners in tourism have to align their interventions to the sector priorities, and must demonstrate how they contribute in concrete terms. Simply put, if Uganda is to reach anywhere close to the $50 billion mark, it can no longer do business as usual. Everything has to change, and must change immediately! The clock is already ticking towards 2040!