Category: Daily Trust

The recent request by President Bola Tinubu to the National Assembly for approval to raise $20.52 billion and pound 1.045 billion in fresh external loans has once again brought Nigeria’s growing public debt burden into sharp focus. Although the President has justified the proposed borrowing on the grounds of the country’s enormous infrastructure deficit and the need to finance critical projects across various sectors of the economy, the announcement has understandably generated considerable concern among Nigerians.

These concerns cannot be dismissed as mere opposition to government borrowing. They must be viewed against the background of Nigeria’s debt accumulation over the past decade, the relatively limited visible impact of such borrowing on infrastructure development and the growing proportion of government revenue devoted to servicing existing debt. The fundamental question Nigerians are asking is whether borrowed funds are being efficiently deployed, transparently managed and translated into tangible developmental outcomes.

Nigeria’s public debt statistics provide sufficient grounds for this concern. As at June 30, 2026, the country’s total public debt stood at ?166.79 trillion, comprising domestic debt of ?91.59 trillion, representing 54.91 per cent, and external debt of ?75.20 trillion, equivalent to $54.52 billion, representing 45.09 per cent of the total. This represents a phenomenal increase from the ?11.24 trillion public debt stock recorded in December 2014.

While part of this increase reflects naira devaluation, and the securitization of previously accumulated obligations, the scale of the expansion over a relatively short period raises legitimate questions about debt sustainability and the developmental returns on borrowed resources. More importantly, Nigeria’s debt challenge should not be assessed exclusively through the conventional debt-to-GDP ratio. Although this ratio may appear moderate by international standards, the more immediate fiscal constraint is the country’s capacity to generate sufficient revenue to service its obligations. Debt service has, in recent years, consumed an exceptionally high proportion of government revenue, averaging in excess of 70 per cent over the period under consideration. This leaves progressively less fiscal space for infrastructure, education, healthcare and other essential public services.

The composition of Nigeria’s debt portfolio also raises important questions about the extent to which borrowing has been linked to productive investment. The Federal Government’s domestic debt stock outstanding by instruments as at June 30, 2026, stood at ?86.99 trillion. Of this amount, discretionary FGN Bonds accounted for ?64.84 trillion, representing 74.53 per cent of the total, including ?22.11 trillion in securitized Ways and Means advances. By comparison, FGN Sukuk outstanding amounted to only ?1.19 trillion, representing 1.37 per cent, while FGN Green Bonds accounted for a mere ?47.36 billion, or 0.05 per cent. The overwhelming dominance of conventional government securities, particularly instruments that are not necessarily tied to specific infrastructure projects, contrasts sharply with the relatively insignificant contribution of instruments specifically designed to finance identifiable developmental investments. This is not to suggest that all conventional government bonds are unproductive or that their proceeds cannot finance capital expenditure. Rather, it highlights the need to rebalance the debt portfolio towards financing instruments that establish a clearer connection between borrowed funds and identifiable development projects.

The external debt portfolio presents a related challenge. Of Nigeria’s external debt stock of $54.52 billion, Eurobonds account for a significant proportion, amounting to about $18.55 billion. Although Eurobonds provide access to international capital markets and can help diversify the sources of government financing, they are generally not structured around specific infrastructure assets or projects. Their proceeds may be applied to broad budgetary purposes, depending on the terms of the issuance and the government’s stated financing objectives.

Furthermore, Nigeria faces substantial future Eurobond repayment obligations. The outstanding repayment schedule includes a $1.5 billion bullet repayment falling due in November 2027, followed by significant annual maturities from 2028 through 2034, before repayments resume in 2036 and continue into 2051. These obligations underscore the importance of carefully managing the country’s refinancing and foreign exchange risks. They also reinforce the need to reconsider the composition and structure of future external borrowing rather than continually relying on conventional debt instruments without sufficient attention to the developmental use of their proceeds.

It is against this background that greater consideration should be given to Sukuk as an alternative and complementary instrument for financing Nigeria’s infrastructure requirements. Properly structured Sukuk provide an opportunity to link the raising of funds to clearly identified assets and development projects, thereby creating a financing framework in which the purpose of borrowing is more transparent and the application of proceeds can be more effectively monitored. This makes Sukuk particularly relevant to a country seeking to address a significant infrastructure deficit while simultaneously rebuilding public confidence in government borrowing.

Nigeria is not starting from scratch in this regard. The Federal Government introduced its Sovereign Sukuk programme in 2017, and successive issuances have been deployed principally towards the construction and rehabilitation of federal roads across the six geopolitical zones and the Federal Capital Territory. The programme has demonstrated that Sukuk can mobilize substantial domestic financial resources for identifiable infrastructure projects. At the subnational level, Osun State issued an ?11.4 billion Sukuk in 2013 to finance the construction of 26 schools, while Lagos State subsequently accessed the Sukuk market to finance road infrastructure. These experiences demonstrate that Sukuk is a financing instrument that can be deployed by both federal and state governments, irrespective of the religious composition of their populations.

The results achieved through the Federal Government’s existing Sukuk programme provide an important basis for scaling up its use. The roads financed through successive issuances demonstrate the practical connection that can be established between public borrowing and physical infrastructure delivery. However, with outstanding Federal Government Sukuk accounting for only about 1.37 per cent of the domestic debt portfolio, its current scale remains too small to make a transformational impact on the country’s infrastructure deficit.

An important consideration is that Sukuk financing is not limited to the domestic capital market. Both domestic and foreign loans can be sourced through Sukuk structures. The Federal Government could therefore explore international sovereign Sukuk denominated in US dollars, euros or other suitable currencies to mobilize long-term financing from international banks, conventional institutional investors, sovereign wealth funds, pension funds and other global investment institutions. The proposed external borrowing of $20.52 billion and pound 1.045 billion offers an opportunity to examine whether a significant proportion of the financing requirements could be raised through international sovereign Sukuk rather than relying exclusively on conventional external loans.

Different Sukuk structures could be deployed depending on the nature of the projects. Al-Ijarah Sukuk could finance existing or identifiable infrastructure assets through leasing arrangements, while Al-Istisna Sukuk could be used to finance the construction of new infrastructure such as roads, bridges, and power facilities. Al-Musharakah could support commercially viable infrastructure investments involving partnerships between government and private investors. The flexibility of these structures makes it possible to develop a diversified infrastructure financing programme rather than rely on a single financing model. A carefully designed international sovereign Sukuk programme could also attract investors who might otherwise not participate in Nigeria’s conventional Eurobond issuances, thereby broadening the country’s financing options and investor base.

More importantly, the appeal of Sukuk lies in its potential to strengthen transparency and accountability in the utilization of public borrowing. One of the principal reasons for public scepticism towards government borrowing is the perceived disconnect between the amounts borrowed and the infrastructure outcomes delivered. Nigerians are increasingly concerned that governments accumulate enormous debt obligations without providing sufficient information about the projects financed, the amounts disbursed, the physical progress achieved and the economic returns generated. This perception has weakened public confidence in borrowing as an instrument of development. Sukuk can help change this narrative, provided that its project-linked features are supported by effective institutional and contractual safeguards.

Each issuance should identify the projects to be financed, their locations, approved costs, implementing agencies and expected completion periods. The proceeds should be paid into dedicated, ring-fenced accounts and released only against verified project expenditure. Independent technical auditors should certify work completed, while periodic public disclosures should provide information on funds raised, amounts disbursed, outstanding balances and actual physical progress. Where appropriate, special purpose vehicles should be established to administer the transactions and provide clear reporting and governance arrangements.

This approach is also consistent with the spirit and objectives of the Fiscal Responsibility Act 2007. The Act establishes important principles for responsible fiscal management, including the requirement that borrowing be undertaken for capital expenditure and human development, subject to the applicable statutory conditions. Section 44 specifically provides that government borrowing should be applied only to capital expenditure and human development, while the Act also provides for transparency, accountability and prudent management of public resources.

Indeed, Sukuk can provide a practical financing mechanism for advancing these objectives by establishing a more visible connection between the resources mobilized and the capital projects for which they are intended. However, Sukuk should complement, rather than substitute for, full compliance with the Act. The fact that a loan is raised through Sukuk does not automatically establish that the borrowing satisfies the statutory requirements. Proper project appraisal, legislative scrutiny, debt sustainability analysis, procurement compliance and expenditure monitoring remain indispensable.

There is also a compelling case for state governments to embrace Sukuk more actively. Given the enormous infrastructure requirements at the subnational level, state governments should explore domestic Sukuk issuances to finance roads, schools, water projects, markets and other essential public infrastructure. States with viable revenue-generating assets or identifiable public infrastructure projects could develop their own Sukuk programmes, subject to the necessary legal approvals, credit assessments and investor requirements.

This would deepen the domestic capital market, provide institutional investors with additional investment opportunities and reduce exclusive dependence on conventional bank loans and government bonds. It would also encourage greater discipline in project selection, preparation and implementation, since successful Sukuk issuance requires clearly defined underlying transactions and credible financing arrangements.

By and large, the issue is not whether borrowing by the government should stop altogether. A country with enormous infrastructure deficits and development aspirations cannot reasonably expect to finance all its requirements from current revenue. Borrowing, when properly structured and prudently managed, can be an important instrument of economic transformation. The more fundamental issue is the quality, purpose, structure and accountability of the borrowing. Nigeria must move away from a debt management approach that places disproportionate emphasis on how much money can be raised towards one that gives equal, if not greater, attention to what the money will finance, how it will be spent and what measurable economic and social benefits will accrue to citizens.

The proposed $20.52 billion and pound 1.045 billion external borrowing should therefore provide an opportunity for a fundamental rethink of the country’s financing strategy. Rather than a complete resort to conventional loans, the Federal Government should undertake a serious assessment of the proportion of its proposed infrastructure financing that can be mobilized through international Sukuk.

The National Assembly, in considering the proposed borrowing plan, should also request a comparative assessment of conventional external loans and Sukuk, including their respective costs, repayment obligations, foreign exchange implications, underlying asset requirements and accountability mechanisms. This would enable legislators to consider not only the amount Nigeria intends to borrow but also the financing structures that can best support the delivery of the projects for which the borrowing is intended.

It goes without saying that Nigeria does not necessarily have a shortage of financing instruments. What it urgently needs is a financing framework that restores confidence in the relationship between public borrowing and public benefit. Scaling up Sukuk, in both domestic and international capital markets, offers an opportunity to achieve this objective. The relatively small Sukuk issuances undertaken so far have helped finance identifiable road infrastructure and demonstrated the instrument’s practical relevance to Nigeria’s development needs. A substantial expansion of the programme could make a much greater contribution to infrastructure development, while broadening the investor base and strengthening project-level transparency.

All said, government borrowing should not merely create additional liabilities for future generations; it should create enduring assets that improve productivity, expand economic opportunities and raise living standards. Sukuk, properly structured and transparently administered, can help Nigeria move closer to that objective.

Uche Uwaleke, a financial Economist, is Director of the Nasarawa State University Institute of Capital Market Studies and President of the Capital Market Academics of Nigeria. He is also a member of Daily Trust Board Of Economists.

There is something deeply troubling about the ease with which grave allegations are made in Nigeria, the speed with which they harden into public verdicts, and the reluctance of those making them to accept the scrutiny they routinely demand of others. The recent incident involving Omoyele Sowore in Ado Ekiti shows why credibility, consistency and evidence matter, particularly when the allegations concern political violence and security agencies.

Let me be clear. No citizen, regardless of politics, should be subjected to violence, intimidation or unlawful restraint. If Sowore and his team were attacked at Tawakalitu Restaurant, those responsible must be identified and prosecuted. If the attack was politically sponsored, the sponsors must face the law. But these are matters for credible investigation, not social media declarations.

The first question is how a kidnapping became an attack at a restaurant. Sowore reportedly posted that he had been kidnapped and that his whereabouts were unknown. Within 39 minutes, he posted that he and his team had been attacked. Less than an hour later, he announced that they were receiving treatment at the Police Hospital in Ado Ekiti. The account then settled on Tawakalitu Restaurant, where he said they had gone to eat after a radio programme.

A kidnapping can precede an attack, and an attack can cause confusion. The question is why the first account spoke of an abduction to an unknown location, while the next named a specific place and described an assault.

A report made in confusion differs from a deliberate misrepresentation. We do not yet know which applies. That is why the chronology needs clarification.

The police describe the incident as an altercation; Sowore insists it was an attack. The distinction matters, but neither description should be accepted as final. The police cannot assume their preliminary view settles the matter, and Sowore cannot expect his account to become definitive merely because he is an activist and opposition politician.

The police have since arrested 11 suspects. Arrests are not convictions. They do not establish who started the confrontation, whether it was politically motivated, or whether others were involved. Then comes the allegation against the Department of State Services. Sowore reportedly accused the DSS of tracking his movements and supplying his location to the attackers. Yet, by his own account, he was sitting in a restaurant.

A restaurant is a public place, not a secret location. What would tracking someone already seated there achieve? Is there evidence that the DSS monitored him or tipped off the attackers? Or is the allegation built on the assumption that because an attack occurred, a security agency must have facilitated it? These are different propositions requiring different standards of proof.

The DSS has been in litigation with Sowore for over a year. That history is relevant, but it proves nothing either way. Litigation does not make unlawful conduct impossible, just as an activist’s history of confrontation with security agencies does not make every allegation credible. Until evidence connects the DSS to the incident, the allegation must remain an allegation.

There is also Sowore’s relationship with the police. He has previously described the police as irresponsible and accused officers of breaking his hand. Yet in Ekiti he reportedly had police protection, was rescued by police officers and was treated at a police hospital. Deji Adeyanju reportedly confirmed that officers were with him but were overpowered.

An injured citizen deserves treatment, and a person in danger deserves protection, whatever his past criticisms. It does, however, expose the weakness of sweeping condemnation. If the police are beyond redemption, why is their intervention accepted without qualification when convenient?

Perhaps institutions can be flawed without being worthless. The same force can contain officers capable of both misconduct and professional service. That nuance is missing from the blanket denunciations dominating public discourse. Sowore’s accusation against the Ekiti State Government and the Commissioner of Police deserves similar scrutiny. The Commissioner reportedly rejected the kidnapping account, which Sowore sees as an attempt to minimise the attack. He may be right. But a preliminary assessment is not proof of complicity. If the investigation is compromised, the evidence must show it.

Sowore was recently involved in public confrontations at the Federal High Court in Abuja, including one with a lawyer who allegedly called him a tout and another with correctional officers. These incidents do not prove he started the Ekiti confrontation. They do underline the need to examine his conduct with the seriousness he demands of others.

Human rights advocacy cannot be a shield against scrutiny. Nor should controversial conduct become an excuse to deny anyone protection. The danger in our politics is that allegations are treated as verdicts, with evidence expected to catch up later. Once an agency, a government or an opponent is accused, supporters rush to condemn, opponents rush to celebrate, and the facts become secondary. That is not accountability. It is the politics of accusation.

The police must publish a credible account of their investigation. The suspects must be treated according to law. CCTV footage must be preserved and examined. The allegations against the DSS and the state government must be investigated independently, and anyone found culpable prosecuted.

Sowore, too, must clarify the chronology of his statements and substantiate the grave allegations he has made.

A democracy cannot assume that the loudest accuser is the most truthful, or that the most powerful institution is the most culpable. The right to speak is fundamental. So is the responsibility to speak truthfully.

Sowore deserves protection. His allegations do not deserve automatic acceptance. Credibility is not conferred by activism, opposition or the history of one’s grievances. It is earned through consistency, evidence and a willingness to face the scrutiny one demands of others.

Ahead of the 2027 gubernatorial poll in Kwara State, an African research and strategy consultancy specialising in opinion polling, NU Northstar Research, has reported that 31 per cent of voters have not undecided or declined to disclose their preference in the governorship race.

However, the poll reported that the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate, Salihu Yakubu Danladi, is leading his Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) rival, Bolakale Kawu, by 63 per cent to 34 per cent among voters who have expressed a voting preference, according to a new opinion poll.

The findings, signed by the Head of Research, NU Northstar, Mr Ebuka Iloh, are based on a survey of 30,000 registered voters across the state’s 16 local government areas and 193 wards.

Iloh said the survey was conducted between September 2 and October 20, 2026.

The report also puts the ruling APC candidates ahead of their PDP counterparts in all three senatorial districts.

Among the entire electorate surveyed, Danladi recorded 43 per cent support, compared with Kawu’s 24 per cent, while 31 per cent were undecided or declined to disclose their preference.

Zakari Mohammed of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) polled one per cent, while Ridwan Apaokagi of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) recorded less than one per cent.

A breakdown of the governorship findings showed that Danladi led in all three senatorial districts and all 16 local government areas.

His highest margin was recorded in Kwara North, where he polled 71 per cent against Kawu’s 26 per cent among decided voters. In Kwara Central, the figures were 56 per cent and 41 per cent respectively.

The closest local government contest was recorded in Ilorin West, Kawu’s home local government, where Danladi led by 51 per cent to 46 per cent. The poll, however, identified 58 of the state’s 193 wards as too close to call, while Danladi recorded clear leads in 135 wards.

Kwara South accounted for the largest concentration of undecided governorship voters, with 43 per cent yet to identify a preferred candidate.

The corresponding figures were 28 per cent in Kwara Central and 24 per cent in Kwara North. All six local governments where undecided voters exceeded 40 per cent were in Kwara South.

Young voters aged between 18 and 29 also recorded the highest level of uncertainty, with 37 per cent yet to make a choice.

Undecided voters were also more concentrated in Kwara South, where 36 per cent had yet to identify a preferred senatorial candidate, compared with 25 per cent in Kwara Central and 19 per cent in Kwara North.

On voting patterns, 64 per cent of respondents said they intended to support the same political party in both the governorship and senatorial elections, while 15 per cent indicated a possibility of splitting their votes. Another 21 per cent were uncertain.

The survey also examined public assessment of the incumbent administration.

Bad roads emerged as the most frequently identified problem statewide, cited by 25 per cent of respondents. However, priorities differed across the senatorial districts, with electricity prominent in Kwara Central, road infrastructure in Kwara South and insecurity in Kwara North.

According to the research team, the exercise combined telephone interviews, street surveys and online questionnaires to capture voters’ preferences, perceptions of government performance and concerns across different communities.

Daily Trust reports that the controversial outcomes of the APC’s candidate selection processes have deepened divisions within the ruling party in Kwara State.

Fifteen influential party leaders, operating under the aegis of the G-15, had rejected candidates backed by Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq and warned the party’s national leadership of the potential consequences of the internal crisis ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The G-15 which later rebranded as ‘The Otoge Progressives,’ comprising former ministers, serving and former lawmakers, party chieftains and grassroots mobilisers, has reportedly thrown its weight behind the PDP governorship candidate, further complicating the APC’s political calculations in the state.

One of the group’s members, Senator Saliu Mustapha, who represents Kwara Central, has since defected to the PDP and secured the party’s senatorial ticket.

His emergence as the PDP’s senatorial candidate sets up a direct contest against Governor AbdulRazaq, who is also seeking election to the Senate on the APC platform.

Some prominent leaders of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Albasu Local Government Area of Kano State have accused the member representing Albasu state constituency in the Kano State House of Assembly Hon Musa Tahir Hungu and the council Chairman Garba Aliyu Hungu of supporting the NDC Kano South senatorial candidate Kassim Ibrahim Bataiya.

The APC members also petitioned Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and the party’s State Working Committee, calling for disciplinary action against the party chieftains for alleged anti-party activities.

The aggrieved APC members alleged that the two officials were working against the interests of the APC and its senatorial candidate, Senator Kawu Sumaila.

In a petition signed by more than 300 party officials and leaders across the wards and local government, the APC members called on the governor and the APC leadership in Kano to investigate the allegations and determine whether the actions of the two officials violated the party’s constitution.

According to them, the relationship between the two officeholders and Bataiya dates back to their previous political affiliation, alleging that the NDC candidate played a role in assisting the two officials, before their present position in the APC.

The petitioners further alleged that some elected councillors, political appointees and local government party officials had continued to participate in activities organised by the NDC senatorial candidate, with some allegedly attending his campaign rallies and encouraging support for his candidacy.

They accused the Albasu Local Government Chairman of making available the local government town hall to Bataiya for political meetings and the launch of his senatorial campaign despite being a member of the opposition NDC.

They said a fact-finding committee had been set up by the political leadership of Albasu Local Government, under Dr Yunusa Adamu Dangwani, to examine the allegations.

However, the petitioners alleged that the two officeholders denied the committee the opportunity to carry out its assignment.

On the distribution of government empowerment programmes, the petitioners alleged that benefits intended for party members and supporters had frequently been diverted to individuals they described as loyalists of the NDC senatorial candidate.

They expressed concern that genuine APC members in Albasu had been marginalised in the distribution of such benefits, calling for greater accountability in the implementation of state government programmes at the grassroots.

They further alleged that while other local governments provided 30 buses or more to transport party members to the Kaduna rally, Albasu chairman provided only 17 buses.

The stakeholders argued that the allegations, if established, could undermine party discipline, unity and the APC’s electoral prospects in Albasu and the wider Kano South Senatorial District.

They therefore called on Governor Yusuf, as the APC leader in Kano State, and the party’s State Working Committee to examine the relevant provisions of Article 21 of the APC constitution and determine whether the alleged activities of Garba Aliyu Hungu and Musa Tahir Hungu constitute anti-party conduct punishable under the party’s rules.

The petition was signed by Hon. Adamu Abdu Fanda, Caucus Chairman; Hon. Wada Ibrahim Daho, Caucus Secretary; former member of the Kano State House of Assembly, Hon. Sunusi Usman Bataiya; Isyaka Danyaya, Albasu APC Deputy Chairman; and several other local government and ward party officials.

All efforts to contact Hon. Garba Aliyu Hungu and the council chairman Musa Tahir Hungu for their response was not successful.

US President Donald Trump has agreed to facilitate a visa for the Ghanaian mother of Javits Frimpong, a teenager killed while walking to school in New York.

New York City Mayor, Zohran Mamdani, announced Trump’s intervention on Saturday, as Ghana demanded justice for 15-year-old Frimpong, whose killing has shaken the Bronx.

‘The murder of a child is a pain no parent should have to endure, let alone from thousands of miles away,’ Mamdani declared.

The mayor said Trump agreed during their telephone conversation to grant a visa immediately to the teenager’s mother, Doris Gyamfi, who lives in Kumasi, Ghana.

However, the White House had not independently confirmed the arrangement, and it remained unclear whether the visa had been issued by Saturday evening.

Frimpong was shot in the abdomen around in the morning in Bronx’s neighbourhood.

Police officers rushed him to St. Barnabas Hospital, where he was pronounced dead while investigators began searching for three suspected teenage assailants.

The teenager had moved from Ghana in October 2025 to reunite with his father, Thomas Frimpong, hoping to pursue his education and build a promising future.

‘He was very clever, so he always says he wants to be a physician,’ his grieving father told newsmen in New York.

The elder Frimpong said his son had complained of persistent bullying at DreamYard Preparatory School, where two students were reportedly suspended, although police have not established any connection to the killing.

Ghana’s Foreign Affairs Minister, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, subsequently contacted the bereaved father, conveying condolences from President John Dramani Mahama and promising government support.

‘We will pursue justice, and we will make sure that those who did this do not get away with it,’ Ablakwa declared.

Ghanaian diplomats in New York visited the family while the government demanded a thorough investigation and pledged legal and consular assistance to secure accountability.

Following Mamdani’s announcement, Ablakwa welcomed Trump’s intervention and disclosed that Ghana would finance the mother’s travel, assist with visa arrangements and support funeral expenses.

‘The Government of Ghana welcomes your intervention and President Trump’s timely decision,’ Ablakwa said, acknowledging the cooperation between the American and Ghanaian authorities.

Bronx Congressman Ritchie Torres also expressed grief, saying: ‘Our entire borough is mourning a young man who should have had his whole future ahead of him.’

The New York City Department of Education offered counselling and cooperation with investigators, stating: ‘Our hearts are with this young person’s family and school community during this unimaginably difficult time.’

Meanwhile, vigils brought together Ghanaian residents, religious leaders and neighbours demanding justice on Saturday as police continued investigating the killing without announcing arrests or establishing a motive.

The Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar III, has conferred traditional titles on two of his sons, a renowned philanthropist, an Islamic scholar and other prominent personalities.

The two sons, Abubakar Sadiq Abubakar and Shehu Usman Abubakar, were turbaned as Sarkin Dawaki Tsakar Gida and Fagachin Sokoto, respectively, at a colourful ceremony held in Sokoto on Sunday.

Also turbaned were renowned philanthropist and Islamic scholar, Alhaji Murtala Abdulkadir Dan’iya, as Dallatun Sokoto, and Prof. Mansur Ibrahim as Danmasanin Sokoto.

Others included Alhaji Abubakar Hussain as Sarkin Bai; Alhaji Aminu Isa-Buhari as Danmalikin Sokoto; Prof. Ishaq Oloyede as Kuliyan Sokoto; Dr Peter Igoh as Kakakin Daular Usmaniyya and Hon Almustapha Rabah as Bauran Sokoto.

Others were Dr Balarabe Kakale as Wakilin Makarantar Daular Usmaniyya; Alhaji Bello Abbas; Alhaji Gandi Umar as Sarkin Galmar Sarkin Musulmi; and Alhaji Abdulqadir Bello-Jeli as Sarkin Fulotin Sokoto.

Speaking at the ceremony, the Sultan said the traditional titles were conferred on the recipients based on merit, their contributions to society and the recognition of their individual achievements.

The monarch urged the newly turbaned title holders to regard their appointments as a call to greater service, commitment and responsibility, rather than merely as symbols of honour.

He also encouraged them to use their positions to promote peace, unity, religious tolerance and the development of the Sokoto Caliphate and the country at large.

Speaking to journalists after his turbaning, Dan’iya expressed appreciation to the Sultan for finding him worthy of the traditional title of Dallatun Sokoto.

He described the honour as a great privilege and recognition, pledging to continue contributing to the development of society, particularly in the areas of philanthropy, religious activities and support for the less privileged.

The ceremony attracted prominent personalities from within and outside the country, including the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Tajudeen Abbas, among other dignitaries.

Nigeria has advanced into the semi finals stage of the U17 Women’s World Cup following a 1-0 victory over Venezuela in Morocco on Sunday.

The Flamingos overcame the tough Venezuelans in the quarter-final encounter thanks to a late penalty by Azeezat Oduntan in a match of few chances.

Giant-killing Venezuela came into the match at the Mohammed VI Football Complex after pulling off a shock win over Germany in the round of 16.

However, they were kept at arm’s length by Akeem Busari’s side, restricted to counter attacks that led to four chances that were well saved by Nigerian goalkeeper Jane Ijirigho.

Nigeria, on the other hand, continued to probe the South Americans for an opening until the spotkick arrived minutes before the end.

Olubebe Umejiaku was the player fouled in the sequence, the impressive striker was brought down in the box and referee Hyeonjeong Oh pointed to the spot.

The decision was upheld despite a VAR review, and captain Oduntan sent the Venezela goalkeeper the wrong way to seal Nigeria’s return to the last-four stage since 2022.

The win is Nigeria’s fourth consecutive in the competition, setting a record of four regulation-time victories for the first time.

Nigeria will play their second-ever semi-final in the tournament against Brazil, conquerors of China PR, on Wednesday, November 4.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has accused the APC Presidential Campaign Council of seeking to obscure President Bola Tinubu’s ‘unfulfilled electricity promise with a long recital of laws, committees, bonds and projects’.

In a statement issued by Phrank Shaibu, Director of Strategic Communication of the ADC Presidential Campaign Council, Atiku said: ‘The APC should spare Nigerians the spectacle of celebrating paperwork while homes and businesses remain in darkness. After three and a half years, families still struggle to keep their homes lit. Traders and small business owners spend scarce resources on alternative power, yet struggle to keep their businesses alive. Nigerians are billed for electricity they cannot rely on. President Tinubu promised steady power and an end to estimated billing. That promise has not been kept.

‘Across Nigeria, consumers are placed in Bands A, B, C, D and E and charged different rates. In many areas, Band A customers pay about ?209.50 per unit before VAT. Rates for the other bands vary by state and electricity provider. Yet across every band, the same hardship endures: the power fails, but the bill arrives. No family should have to weigh the cost of electricity against the cost of food. No business should be left to pay more while receiving less.

‘The government now says it plans to end electricity subsidies from 2027, even as it insists there will be no immediate tariff increase. Nigerians are entitled to a clear answer: what will happen to their bills when the subsidy ends? I will work with state governments and regulators, within the law, to abolish the present band system and replace it with a fair, transparent and affordable framework that protects households and holds power companies accountable for the electricity they deliver. Steady power that Nigerians can afford will be a national priority.

‘When President Tinubu campaigned in 2022, he made an unmistakable commitment. He said: ‘If I don’t give you constant electricity for four years, when I come back for a second term, don’t vote for me.’ Nigerians have lived through those four years. They do not need his campaign council to interpret his words for them. They need him to answer for them.

‘His administration has not built a single new generation infrastructure of its own to increase Nigeria’s power capacity. Yet it has floated a multitrillion naira bond programme to settle legacy debts owed to generation companies, without showing Nigerians how this financial intervention has produced the steady electricity they were promised. Paying old debts is not the same as building new power infrastructure. Bonds cannot be presented as a substitute for power in people’s homes.

‘Meanwhile, Nigerians face VAT on electricity, and the Nigeria Tax Act provides for a 5 per cent surcharge on certain fossil fuels, including petrol and diesel. The government says the surcharge has not been activated and would require a ministerial order. At a time when families already struggle to meet the cost of energy, Nigerians deserve to know why another potential charge has been placed before them.

‘Dele Alake’s statement cannot light a home. Signing a law is not electricity. Raising a bond is not electricity. Approving a project is not power delivered. Nigerians cannot cook, study, work or sustain a business on announcements. President Tinubu invited Nigerians to judge him by his performance. They have done so. What they seek is simple: reliable electricity they can afford, and a government that keeps its word.’

Former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Yakubu Dogara, has said Nigeria’s security challenges predate the administration of President Bola Tinubu, noting that terrorism, insurgency and banditry had been entrenched in the country before 2023 when Tinubu assumed office.

Dogara, who is the Chancellor of Achievers University, Owo, Ondo State, spoke at the institution’s 16th convocation ceremony, where 836 graduands received various academic qualifications.

He said the country’s security problems were rooted in years of porous borders, illegal arms proliferation, youth unemployment and the spread of extremist ideologies.

‘Insecurity in Nigeria did not begin with this administration. This is no excuse, because the facts need no defence. Terrorism, insurgency, banditry, kidnapping and communal violence did not arrive in 2023,’ he said.

Dogara added that the challenges had developed over several years, stressing that their roots went deep before Tinubu assumed office in May 2023.

He, however, noted that Tinubu had consistently identified national security as a major responsibility of his administration. He also congratulated the graduands, saying the country needed their talents, creativity and innovation.

In his address, the Pro-Chancellor of the university, Prof. Bode Ayorinde, said Nigeria had made significant progress in expanding access to tertiary education but expressed concern about the prospects of graduates after leaving school.

Ayorinde cited figures from the National Universities Commission, which put the number of universities in the country at 312 as of June 2026, comprising 77 federal, 67 state-owned and 168 private institutions.

He said the institutions represented a huge investment in human capital, with parents, governments and lecturers making sacrifices to produce skilled professionals, but questioned what opportunities awaited graduates after completing their studies.

The Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Omolola Irinoye, said the university had remained committed to providing quality education that combines intellectual development, practical skills, character building and social responsibility since its establishment.

Nigerian fashion designer and founder of Vodi Group, Seyi Vodi, has recounted how he started his entrepreneurial journey with his N3,600 monthly National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) allowance.

He urged beneficiaries of a multi-billion-naira empowerment programme in Kwara State to embrace discipline, patience and prudent financial management.

Vodi spoke during the unveiling of a N4.2bn empowerment package by former All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship aspirant, Ambassador Abdulfatai Yahaya Seriki-Gambari, in Ilorin.

The intervention comprised N1bn in cash and about N3.2bn worth of equipment and other items.

It also includes 150 vehicles and modern sewing machines presented as support for residents to improve their livelihoods and establish sustainable businesses.

Seriki, who is the Managing Director of Kursi Investments Limited, Abuja, also declared that the initiative was intended to mobilise support for President Bola Tinubu and Vice-President Kashim Shettima ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Speaking at the event, Vodi said he began trading while serving as a corps member.

He said he used his modest monthly allowance to identify business opportunities and gradually build an enterprise.

He recalled travelling to Aba market in Abia State to purchase men’s boxers, which he subsequently resold to fellow corps members at a profit.

According to him, the experience taught him the importance of identifying opportunities, starting small and reinvesting available resources rather than waiting for substantial capital.

Vodi said his journey to business success was neither immediate nor effortless.

He noted that it took more than 26 years of hard work, discipline and gradual expansion to build his business to its present level.

‘For my business, we grew step by step. It took me almost 26 years and more to get here,’ he said.

He cautioned beneficiaries against diverting empowerment funds and equipment to luxury consumption, particularly expensive phones and other items that would not contribute to their economic growth.

‘You have to be prudent. You need money to scale up your business. A beneficiary who receives an industrial machine can multiply it in the coming years if they are prudent,’ he said.

The fashion entrepreneur also advocated skills-based empowerment.

He argued that providing beneficiaries with vocational tools and equipment could deliver more sustainable results than distributing cash without assessing their needs and business capacities.

‘The best form of grant is empowerment through skill acquisition tools. You don’t just give people grants or empowerment without first doing due diligence. You don’t pluck money from a tree. Money doesn’t come easily,’ he said.

Also speaking, human rights activist, Deji Adeyanju, urged beneficiaries to embrace patience, discipline and delayed gratification.

He warned that careless spending could undermine the objectives of the intervention.

He specifically cautioned against using funds meant for business development to acquire expensive phones and other luxury items.

Earlier, Seriki said the empowerment programme was motivated by his desire to give back to society and create opportunities for people to improve their economic circumstances.

‘The purpose of this empowerment is to help people progress in their own way. All I am doing is giving back to the society that brought me this far,’ he said.

He added that people who had attained financial success should use their resources to improve the lives of others.

‘When God blesses you and you have enough, failing to make other people smile means you are poor in spirit. Making other people happy is something I strongly believe in and enjoy doing,’ he said.

Mustapha said the intervention was not the first time Seriki had undertaken a major programme to support residents.

He expressed hope that the gesture would not be his last.

The senator also challenged his opponents to identify verifiable contributions to infrastructure and human capital development made before assuming public office.