Category: Daily Trust

Barring any unforeseen circumstances, the 2026 Zenith Bank Women’s Basketball League will tip off on Sunday August 16 in Lagos and August 17 in Jos, with teams battling for honours in the annual national competition.

The elite women’s basketball league is sponsored by Zenith Bank in conjunction with the Nigeria Basketball Federation (NBBF).

NBBF Secretary-General, Amina Amanchi, confirmed that the Atlantic Conference will commence in Lagos on August 16, while the Savannah Conference will get underway in Jos on August 17.

The league is divided into the Atlantic and Savannah Conferences, with the top four teams from each conference advancing to the finals in Lagos after the Phase 1 and Phase 2 rounds.

Eight teams will compete in the Atlantic Conference in Lagos: First Bank, Sunshine Angels, IGP Queens, First Deep Waters, Delta Force, MFM, Dolphins and Bayelsa Whales.

The Savannah Conference in Jos will feature Nigeria Customs, Royal Aces, Titans, Nasarawa Babes, KADA Angels, Nigeria Army, Plateau Rocks and Air Warriors of Abuja.

Meanwhile, Zenith Bank Group Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer, Dr Adaora Umeoji, expressed delight at the return of the competition, saying the tournament has played a significant role in developing basketball talent in the country.

‘We look forward to this every year because we are proud that this tournament has over the years produced superstars for Nigeria and placed Nigeria above all other countries on the continent,’ Umeoji said.

The music has stopped. The guests have eaten. The photographs have been taken. Government has paid its part of the bill. Some 1,500 couples have begun married life across Kano State.

But economics, unlike the wedding guests, do not go home after the ceremony.

Indeed, for the newly married couple, that is precisely when economics arrives, usually without an invitation.

There will be food to buy, accommodation to maintain, healthcare to pay for and, in time, children to raise and educate. There will be transportation costs, electricity bills and the thousand little expenditures that transform the romance of establishing a home into the economics of sustaining one.

This is why Kano State’s latest mass marriage programme deserves a conversation that goes beyond the familiar argument over whether government should be paying for weddings.

That debate is understandable. Some Nigerians see the programme as a legitimate social intervention rooted in religious values, compassion and the desire to strengthen families. Others ask whether scarce public resources should finance marriages when governments face competing demands for education, healthcare, water, infrastructure and employment.

Both positions deserve to be heard.

But perhaps we are asking the wrong or at least an incomplete question.

If government has already decided that assisting vulnerable citizens to establish households serves a legitimate social purpose, the more economically interesting question may be: how can we make every naira spent on that social objective work harder? In other words, after the wedding, what next?

Recent reports indicate that Kano committed about N1.5 billion to the programme involving 1,500 couples across its 44 local government areas. The package included dowry and start-up support, household items, medical screening and counselling.

That means government has already done something economically significant: it has deployed substantial public resources at the precise moment 1,500 new households are being established.

The opportunity is therefore not necessarily to spend more. It is to extract more development from what is already being spent.

This introduces a concept that should increasingly matter in Nigerian social policy: the social return on public expenditure.

The conventional question asks: how much did government spend? A better question asks: what lasting economic capacity did that expenditure create?

If N1 invested in a social programme provides immediate relief and disappears into consumption, it has achieved something. But if the same naira provides relief while also stimulating local production, building household assets, expanding financial inclusion and increasing future income, it has achieved considerably more.

That is the economic proposition behind reimagining Kano’s mass marriage programme.

The wedding should remain. The religious and cultural foundations should remain. The social objectives should remain. But the wedding should become Day One rather than the graduation ceremony of the programme.

The household is an economic institution

Marriage does not merely unite two people. It creates a household. And households are among the most important institutions in any economy.

They consume, save, borrow, invest, supply labour, establish enterprises, accumulate assets, educate children and transfer human and financial capital from one generation to another.

Economists therefore spend enormous effort studying household behaviour.

Yet when governments support marriage, we sometimes behave as though the economic significance of the household ends with the wedding gifts.

Perhaps we have been celebrating the ceremony while overlooking the economic institution being created.

That is where Kano’s opportunity begins.

Imagine if every couple participating in a publicly supported mass marriage programme entered simultaneously into a voluntary Household Prosperity Programme.

Alongside medical screening and marriage counselling would be a simple household economic assessment. What does the husband presently do? What does the wife do? What skills do they possess? Where will they live? What productive opportunities exist within that community? Does either spouse already operate a business? Do they have financial accounts? Are they members of cooperatives? What single constraint capital, equipment, skills, land, irrigation, finance or market access is preventing either person from earning more?

These are not bureaucratic questions. They are the beginning of economic diagnosis. Because poor households are rarely poor simply because they lack cash.

One household may possess skills but lack capital. Another may have capital but no reliable market. A farmer may have land but inadequate irrigation. A talented tailor may need better equipment. A food processor may need packaging, certification and access to supermarkets rather than another piece of equipment selected for her by somebody sitting behind a desk in Kano.

Development policy occasionally suffers from the touching confidence that government knows exactly what poor people need without troubling them with the question. A Household Prosperity Programme would begin differently.

Diagnose first. Intervene second.

And because households differ, the intervention must also differ.

For a couple in an agricultural community, the pathway may be irrigated farming, livestock production or participation in an organised value chain. For another, it may be apprenticeship or vocational certification.

Someone already running a viable microenterprise may require working capital.

Another household may need no government financed business whatsoever. Stable employment, savings, insurance and access to affordable finance may be considerably more valuable.

The objective should therefore not be to manufacture 1,500 identical entrepreneurs.

Nigeria already possesses a remarkable number of entrepreneurs, including many who entered entrepreneurship because unemployment left them little choice.The objective should instead be to help create 1,500 economically resilient households.

From empowerment to markets

This distinction takes us into rural development.

Kano’s 44 local government areas do not have identical economies. Their agricultural resources, commercial traditions, infrastructure, skills and proximity to markets differ.

Why, therefore, should their economic inclusion programmes look identical?

Participating households could be mapped against the productive opportunities of their communities.

Where an area has comparative advantage in tomatoes, households could enter production, aggregation, processing and off take arrangements. Elsewhere, the opportunity might lie in rice, wheat, livestock, dairy, leather, textiles, food processing, crafts, logistics or services.

The essential principle is simple: Do not start with what government wants to distribute. Start with what somebody is willing to buy.

That may sound obvious.

Unfortunately, considerable sums have been spent over the years proving that it is not.

The difference between sustainable enterprise development and ceremonial empowerment is usually the presence of a market.

A sewing machine is not an economic programme. A cow is not an economic programme. A grinding machine is not an economic programme. They become productive assets only when skills, inputs, finance and customers surround them.

This is why private sector actors, processors, aggregators, financial institutions, cooperatives, large retailers, exporters and digital marketplaces should participate in designing the economic pathways.

Government should gradually move from being the distributor of things to becoming the orchestrator of opportunities.

The wedding itself can stimulate Kano’s economy

There is another dimension that deserves attention. A mass marriage programme is itself a sizeable procurement event. Couples need furniture, mattresses, textiles, clothing, food, household equipment and other necessities.

Traditionally these are recorded simply as programme costs. But they can also be understood as economic demand.

Suppose a deliberate proportion of programme procurement is competitively sourced from qualified businesses within Kano State. The furniture comes from local carpenters and manufacturers. Textiles and clothing involve Kano producers and tailors. Food comes from local farmers and processors. Other household necessities come from local SMEs where quality and price are competitive.

The expenditure begins travelling. Government pays a local supplier. The supplier pays workers. Workers purchase food. Farmers receive income. Businesses restock. Savings enter financial institutions.

The original social expenditure has begun generating secondary economic activity. Suddenly, the question is no longer merely: ‘How much did the wedding programme cost?’

It becomes: ‘How much economic activity did the programme generate?’

This is the multiplier we should be interested in.

Not every naira can or should remain within Kano, and procurement must never become an excuse for protectionism, inflated prices or political patronage. Value for money must remain paramount.

But where competitive local capacity exists, social expenditure can simultaneously become local economic development expenditure.

The carpenter earns because somebody married. The farmer earns because somebody married. The tailor earns because somebody married. The financial institution acquires a customer because somebody married. The insurer acquires a household because somebody married.

Marriage has created demand. Good economic policy simply ensures that more of the resulting value circulates productively before leaving the local economy.

From wedding gift to financial history

Perhaps the most important opportunity, however, is financial inclusion. The programme already provides participating households with financial support. But money received once is considerably less powerful than access to finance built over time.

Every participating adult should therefore emerge from the programme with an individual financial identity and access to an appropriate regulated financial account.

The emphasis on individual matters.

Marriage creates a household, but it should not extinguish either spouse’s economic identity.

A woman receiving productive support should retain control over the asset, enterprise or savings intended for her. Couples can additionally establish household savings arrangements and joint financial goals.

Small, regular savings could be encouraged. Financial literacy could be provided in practical rather than classroom form. Appropriate micro insurance and health coverage could be introduced. Where Islamic finance is preferred, suitable Sharia compliant products should be available.

Over time something important begins to emerge.

A financial history. Savings behaviour becomes visible. Enterprise cash flows become visible. Repayment behaviour becomes visible. And eventually a household that entered the programme requiring government assistance may become eligible for finance on its own commercial merit.

That is when social protection begins turning into financial inclusion. And financial inclusion begins turning into economic independence.

The Household Prosperity Pathway

The architecture can therefore be surprisingly simple.

Wedding ? Household Economic Profile ? Financial Identity ? Skills/Employment/Productive Asset Market Linkage ? Savings and Insurance ? Credit History ? Household Resilience ? Graduation

The most important word in that chain is the last one.

Government support should have an exit door.

The purpose of economic inclusion cannot be to create increasingly sophisticated ways of remaining a beneficiary. It must be to help households reach the point where they progressively require less assistance.

This principle is not experimental economics. Around the world, what development practitioners describe as economic inclusion or ‘graduation’ programmes increasingly combine social assistance with skills, productive assets, savings, coaching, finance and market access. Their central insight is that vulnerable households frequently face several constraints simultaneously; removing only one may therefore produce disappointing results.

Kano need not copy any foreign model wholesale. Indeed, it should not.

But it can learn from the underlying economics and build something culturally indigenous around institutions that already command legitimacy within Northern Nigerian communities.

Cooperatives can organise production and savings. Financial institutions can provide appropriate accounts and subsequent credit. Islamic finance institutions can develop Sharia compliant products. Zakat and sadaqah can support genuinely indigent households. Private firms can provide off take and market access. Development institutions can provide technical assistance and independent evaluation.

Religious and traditional institutions can reinforce social legitimacy, accountability and household responsibility.

Government becomes the platform around which these actors coordinate rather than attempting to perform every function itself. It does not need to become banker, farmer, tailor, livestock breeder and marriage counsellor simultaneously. The modern state already has enough on its matrimonial plate.

Changing what we count

Perhaps the most profound reform would require no additional expenditure at all. It would simply require changing the definition of success.

Under the conventional model, success is easy to announce: 1,500 couples married.

Under the proposed model, that would merely describe enrolment. The real results would come twelve, twenty four and thirty six months later.

How many households have stable sources of income? How many participating women maintain active individual savings? How many households accumulated productive assets? How many enterprises survived? How many participants moved from government grants to commercial finance? How many obtained health insurance? How much programme procurement went competitively to Kano businesses? How many additional jobs were created around participating enterprises?

And critically: How many households no longer require direct government economic support?

From these measures Kano could develop a simple Household Prosperity Scorecard.

The scorecard needs not become another elaborate index designed principally to impress conferences.

Its purpose is practical. It should tell government whether participating households are becoming stronger.

Imagine the difference between two announcements. The first says: ‘Kano State Government sponsored the marriage of 1,500 couples.’

The second, three years later, says: ‘Of the 1,500 households enrolled, 1,100 now maintain sustainable livelihoods; 900 have accumulated productive assets; 1,300 operate active financial accounts; household incomes have risen materially; and hundreds have graduated from direct government assistance.’

The first records an event. The second records development.

The economic test

This gives us a simple way to judge the programme.

For every naira Kano spends, we should eventually be able to ask what happened to: household income, household savings, productive assets, local procurement, jobs created and future dependence on government support.

That is the programme’s social return on investment.

It would also allow policymakers to compare alternative designs.

Perhaps a particular livelihood intervention produces little improvement. Stop it.

Perhaps households linked to organised agricultural off takers perform significantly better. Expand that model. Perhaps matched savings work better than unconditional enterprise grants. Learn from it.

Perhaps women controlled productive assets generate stronger household welfare outcomes. Scale them.

Public policy becomes iterative rather than ceremonial.

And because the programme generates data over successive cohorts, Kano gradually builds an evidence base about what actually helps vulnerable households become economically resilient.

A Kano experiment worth watching. There are obvious safeguards.

Participation must remain voluntary and limited to consenting adults. Economic benefits must never become inducements into marriages that would otherwise not occur. Eligibility should be transparent. Women’s education and economic participation must not be displaced by marriage. Productive assets assigned to women should remain under their effective control. Programme procurement must be competitive and independently auditable.

And the programme must resist one particularly Nigerian temptation: success should not automatically produce another agency. Kano does not necessarily need a new commission, board or authority with headquarters, official vehicles and a beautifully embossed logo. The existing programme can become the laboratory.

Select participating households. Profile them. Assign appropriate economic pathways. Connect them to finance and markets. Use local procurement where competitive. Track outcomes. Publish the results. Learn. Improve the next cohort.

If the model fails, Kano will have learned something useful. But if it succeeds, the state may have stumbled upon something much bigger than a mass wedding programme.

It could begin developing an indigenous model of productive social protection built around household formation. And therein lies perhaps the wider Nigerian lesson.

We often look abroad for development models and rightly so. There is no virtue in refusing to learn from others. But adaptation matters.

The best development model for Kano may not arrive fully packaged from Washington, London, Singapore or anywhere else. It may begin with something already deeply embedded in society, viewed through a different economic lens. Marriage is one such institution.

Government has chosen to intervene at that moment.

The challenge is therefore to make the intervention work harder.

The music will still play. The couples will still celebrate. Families will still gather. Photographs will still be taken. But when the guests eventually leave, another programme quietly begins.

One concerned not simply with helping people marry, but with helping the household they have created to earn, save, invest, insure itself, accumulate assets and ultimately stand economically on its own.

That is the transition from welfare to productive social protection.

From beneficiaries to economic participants.

From counting weddings to measuring household prosperity. And perhaps that should become the ultimate test of Kano’s experiment.

Not: How many couples did government help to marry? But: How many economically sustainable households did government help to create?

After all, if public policy has helped 1,500 couples say ‘I do,’ perhaps its greater achievement would be helping those households reach the point where they can confidently say: ‘We can.’

Managing Director of the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC), Dr. Kayode Opeifa, has congratulated Mrs. Sarah Abiara, Nigeria’s first female locomotive driver, on her recognition with the Women in Logistics and Transport (WiLAT) Role Model Award.

Abiara received the honour at the 14th WiLAT Nigeria Day 2026 Conference and Awards held at the Oriental Hotel, Lagos, in recognition of her pioneering role and contributions to railway operations in Nigeria.

Opeifa described the award as a significant recognition of Abiara’s professionalism, courage and determination in breaking into a field traditionally dominated by men.

He said her achievement represents a source of pride not only to the Nigerian Railway Corporation but also to women seeking careers in technical and operational areas of the transport industry.

‘Mrs. Abiara’s journey demonstrates what is possible when competence, determination and opportunity come together. Her recognition is well deserved and serves as an encouragement to other women and young people who aspire to build careers in railway operations,’ Opeifa said.

Abiara joined the NRC in 2013 and completed her locomotive driver training the following year, becoming the first woman in Nigeria to qualify and operate as a locomotive driver.

Since then, she has remained one of the notable examples of women making significant contributions to the country’s railway system.

Opeifa also commended WiLAT Nigeria and the Chartered Institute of Logistics and Transport (CILT) Nigeria for recognising professionals who have distinguished themselves in the transport and logistics industry.

He reaffirmed the NRC’s commitment to creating opportunities for qualified personnel irrespective of gender, while strengthening training, professionalism and capacity development across its operations.

The WiLAT conference, themed ‘Driving Results: Time Mastery in Logistics and Transport,’ attracted transport professionals, government representatives and industry stakeholders who discussed productivity, discipline, innovation and improved service delivery in the sector.

Chairperson of WiLAT Nigeria, Pharm. Khadijat Sheidu-Shabi, said the organisation would continue to promote mentorship, professional development and increased participation of women in leadership and technical positions within the logistics and transport industry.

The NRC management said Abiara’s latest recognition reinforces the growing role of women in Nigeria’s railway sector and highlights the importance of providing opportunities for more women to take up operational and technical careers.

By 2027, Nigerians will once again be asked to make one of democracy’s most important decisions: who should represent them and who should govern them. But between one election and another, an equally important question deserves attention: how much opportunity do Nigerians actually have to speak directly to those elected in their name? Democracy should not be a conversation that takes place only once every four years.

This is particularly important for members of the National Assembly. Senators and members of the House of Representatives are sent to Abuja to represent their people, make laws and provide oversight. Yet, in many constituencies, meaningful engagement between lawmakers and citizens becomes irregular once elections are over. Nigeria should therefore consider making monthly constituency town halls a normal part of legislative representation.

There is no need to pretend that Nigerian politics operates entirely according to political science textbooks. Governors wield enormous influence over party structures in their states and frequently have considerable say in who gets nominated, supported or positioned for seats in the National Assembly. Some lawmakers are consequently regarded as political protégés, what Nigerians commonly call the ‘godsons and goddaughters’ of governors and other powerful politicians. Others could perhaps be described, with some humour but also uncomfortable truth, as ‘cash-sons and cash-daughters’: products not so much of political mentorship as of the financial muscle and transactional character of our politics.

If governors possess this much influence over who goes to Abuja, why not put some of that influence to good democratic use? A governor who helped a senator or House member emerge should also encourage that lawmaker to return home every month, sit with constituents, listen to them and take their concerns back to Abuja. Political influence should carry public responsibility.

These town halls should not become another political jamboree where praise singers occupy the front row, politicians deliver long speeches and everybody goes home without meaningful engagement. The representative should actually listen. Farmers should explain the challenges affecting agriculture; teachers should discuss education; traders and entrepreneurs should talk about taxation and the cost of doing business; young people should speak about unemployment and opportunities. Traditional and religious leaders, women, professionals, civil society organisations and persons with disabilities should also have their voices heard.

A legislator should be able to return to Abuja and say during a debate that a particular position reflects what constituents expressed at their town hall. That is representation. We have become accustomed to judging legislators mainly by constituency projects: who built classrooms, installed solar streetlights, provided boreholes or distributed empowerment materials. These interventions may be useful, but legislators are not primarily elected as contractors or development agencies. Their responsibilities include legislation, appropriation, oversight and representing their constituents in national decision-making.

Regular town halls could therefore improve both accountability and the quality of legislation. When an important tax bill is before the National Assembly, why shouldn’t legislators hear first from businesses and workers in their constituencies? When constitutional amendments are being considered, citizens should have an organised opportunity to express their views. The National Assembly is supposed to be the People’s House, and the people’s voices should regularly find their way into that House.

Governors should encourage this culture regardless of party. This is not an argument for governors to control legislators; the independence of the legislature must be protected. It is an argument for converting political influence into public accountability. Meetings could rotate among local government areas, dates could be publicly announced and lawmakers could report what they have done in Abuja. Each meeting could produce a simple constituency priority document, with the representative reporting at the next meeting on what progress has been made.

But accountability should not stop with legislators. As preparations gather momentum towards the 2027 general elections, presidential candidates should recognise that Nigerians deserve something better than vague promises and post-election policy surprises. Candidates should tell the electorate, as clearly as possible, what they intend to do with the country before asking for its mandate.

Nigeria faces fundamental questions that cannot continue to be avoided during campaigns only to emerge after a government has been inaugurated. Does a presidential candidate believe Nigeria should retain its present federal arrangement? Does he or she support greater devolution of powers and resources to the states? Should Nigeria consider stronger regional structures or a return to parliamentary government? What is the candidate’s position on proposals for a looser or confederal arrangement? These are not merely academic questions; they concern the basic architecture and future of the Nigerian state.

The economy deserves the same clarity. What is a candidate’s position on the naira and the exchange-rate regime? If further depreciation or devaluation forms part of the economic programme, Nigerians should know before voting. If subsidies are to be removed or restructured, explain the proposal during the campaign. If major new taxes are contemplated, tell the electorate. Candidates should similarly explain their approaches to inflation, public debt, electricity, unemployment, industrialisation and the cost of living.

No president can foresee every crisis. International conflicts, economic shocks and emergencies sometimes compel governments to alter course. But there is a difference between responding to unforeseen circumstances and introducing fundamental policy changes that were never properly presented to the electorate. Major reforms should, as far as reasonably possible, derive from an informed democratic mandate.

The 2027 presidential election should therefore become a competition of ideas as much as a contest of personalities. One candidate may favour greater market liberalisation while another prefers stronger state intervention. One may support restructuring while another defends the existing federal arrangement. One may favour parliamentary government while another rejects it. Let the alternatives be clearly presented and allow Nigerians to decide.

Our television stations, newspapers, universities, professional bodies, organised labour, business associations and civil society should make such policy clarity unavoidable during the campaign. Presidential debates should interrogate candidates specifically about the naira, restructuring, taxation, subsidies, debt, security and the constitutional structure of the country. Where a proposed policy will impose immediate hardship in expectation of future benefits, candidates should have the courage to explain that trade-off before the election.

The larger issue is the relationship between citizens and political power. Democracy cannot function properly when politicians intensely seek the people’s attention during campaigns and become difficult to reach afterwards. Every month, legislators should return home to hear what their people are saying, while those seeking the presidency should clearly explain what they intend to do before Nigerians vote.

Nigeria faces too many serious choices for another election dominated mainly by personalities, ethnicity, religion, slogans and political arithmetic. Those seeking the people’s mandate should tell the people what they intend to do, while those who already hold that mandate should regularly return to hear what the people want. That is how the People’s House can genuinely become the people’s house, and as 2027 approaches, Nigerians should insist on one simple democratic principle: tell us before the election, not after it. Enough of post-election policy surprises.

Speaking during the grand campaign mega rally of the APC ahead of Saturday’s election at the Freedom Park, Osogbo, Osun State, on Thursday, Senator Barau said two key things were hindering the development of the state.

Senator Barau, who is the Secretary of the national campaign council of the APC for the Osun Governorship Election, said the first challenge hindering the development of the state was a lack of good leadership to lead the path for its development.

Amid a mammoth crowd that thronged the venue of the campaign rally, he said the candidate of the APC possesses the capacity to turn around the fortunes of the state for the benefit of its people.

‘Osun State is a state that has enormous potential and enormous resources, both natural and human.’

‘But the problem is that it doesn’t have a governor to harness these resources. What is needed at this moment is to elect APC’s AMBO, who has the requisite pedigree and the requisite background to harness these resources,’ he said.

He added that, ‘Apart from that, there’s one thing that is also lacking. Osun State is not within the mainstream of Nigerian politics. What is needed at this stage is to bring Osun State into the mainstream of Nigerian politics.

‘ As we speak, we have 31 states being governed by the APC. But Osun is isolated. So, you (voters) need to go out on Saturday to bring Osun into the equation of our national politics by voting for APC.

‘When you do that, Osun State will gain and develop. Please, on Saturday, go out there and vote for APC’s candidate. By doing so, you have voted for development and for infrastructure.’

He urged the people of the state to shun any issue capable of causing crisis before, during and after the election.

Dr. Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, the National Chairman of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), has stated that Nigerians will vote the All Progressives Congress (APC) out of power in 2027, provided the election process is free and fair.

Baba-Ahmed argued that the APC’s primary concern should not be opposition political parties, but the Nigerian electorate, who possess the ultimate power to determine the outcome of elections.

He made these remarks while discussing political realignment and opposition strategy ahead of the 2027 general elections during an interview on DITV/Alheri Radio in Kaduna.

According to him, political parties do not determine election outcomes; the electorate decides which candidates and parties emerge victorious.

‘They know that if they allow a free and fair election to take place, Nigerians will not vote for them. That is what they are afraid of,’ he said. The PRP chairman added, ‘It is not opposition from other political parties that they should fear, but opposition from the Nigerian electorate, because political parties don’t vote-Nigerians do.’

He maintained that the APC is aware that allowing citizens to freely choose their leaders would likely work against the party in 2027.

Baba-Ahmed also cautioned opposition politicians against forming alliances solely to remove President Bola Ahmed Tinubu without having a clear, substantive plan for governing the country.

‘We know there are people who are only looking for the removal of Tinubu so that they can do whatever they want, or replicate the same policies Tinubu is currently implementing. Later, they may claim a mistake was made,’ he warned.

He emphasized that the PRP would not support any politician merely based on their ambition to become president.

‘In the PRP, we will not agree to simply support someone because they have the ambition to become president. We will not enter into such an arrangement. We must first see what they intend to do before we agree,’ he stated.

He added that any political coalition supported by the PRP must have a clear agenda for addressing Nigeria’s major challenges, such as insecurity, poverty, hunger, and the general suffering of citizens.

Baba-Ahmed noted that the party would carefully examine emerging political alliances ahead of 2027 to determine whether they are driven by genuine intentions or personal political ambitions.

‘We can recognise deception, and we can also recognise good intentions,’ he said.

The chairman of the committee, Yusuf Gagdi (APC, Plateau), in a phone conversation with our correspondent, declined to comment on the progress of the investigation, saying doing so could undermine the process.

Concerns continue to grow over the next step of the investigation, particularly after the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) concluded its own probe into the controversy and cleared the Presidency of involvement in the alleged establishment of the council.

At its last public sitting, the committee examined documents and testimonies relating to the purported council, including evidence from government institutions on how the PFIPC allegedly obtained official recognition and accessed government processes despite questions surrounding its legal existence.

The committee had earlier said it uncovered what it described as extensive document fraud, including the use of purported government documents and the creation of an alleged Directorate of Administration and Support Services under the State House, which officials said did not exist.

The State House also denied issuing any appointment letter to the purported Director-General of the PFIPC, Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi, while the Federal Road Safety Corps explained how vehicles associated with the council obtained official government number plates.

Earlier, the committee chairman had said the discrepancies uncovered would form part of the panel’s final assessment of the matter.

However, seven days after the committee indicated that it would brief Nigerians on its findings, there has been no public statement from the panel on the outcome of its investigation or the date for the release of its report.

The committee had earlier promised to conclude the investigation and make its findings public.

Lawmakers had also said they would interact with Adeyemi, who is in custody, at an undisclosed date and location, rather than conduct the session publicly, citing the need not to interfere with ongoing investigations and court proceedings.

Nevertheless, his lawyer and family members rejected the decision and demanded a public hearing for the ‘self-acclaimed’ DG.

The committee’s final report is expected to provide clarity on how the purported council operated, the role of government institutions that interacted with it, and whether officials or private individuals facilitated its activities.

Nigeria has been a proponent of regional integration for decades, and businesses have been dealing with several checkpoints, irregular checks and high delays for decades. These obstacles have encouraged a culture of rent-seeking, where the rules are not transparent and where there are opportunities for unofficial payments. The cost is borne by manufacturers, exporters and consumers who pay more because goods spend longer than necessary at ports and border posts. Customs modernisation is not just a matter of using new technology, it’s a matter of breaking the institutionalisation of inefficiency.

Custom modernization is being driven by digital customs systems, automated risk assessment, cargo tracking, scanners and other modern systems which substitute for the human element, providing a transparent and objective method to verify a cargo’s contents. The use of electronic documentation, automated risk assessment, cargo tracking and modern scanners eliminates the human discretion by replacing manual verifications with a transparent and objective approach to verifying or validating a cargo’s contents. This makes it harder to control procedures, and easier for those that comply to move goods faster. Consistent customs procedures also help make investment more attractive as companies will be more likely to expand if they can have a clear idea of costs and delivery times. From this perspective, scanners are not just security gadgets, but instruments of economic reform.

Yet technology alone will not solve the problem. Any reform that reduces opportunities to make illegal profits is likely to be opposed by those who profit from the current situation. The fight isn’t just between scanners and smugglers, it’s between institutional change and corruption. Even the most advanced equipment can be an empty hope if there is no accountability, transparency and political commitment.

AfCFTA can boost exports in Africa by 81 per cent by 2035, and help pull approximately 30 million people out of extreme poverty, if accompanied by appropriate trade facilitation reforms. Efficient customs systems, however, are essential for ensuring that goods move rapidly and reliably across borders, to achieve those benefits. Effective institutions are the ones that will preserve markets opened by trade agreements.

This is particularly important due to Nigeria’s geographical location. The country is one of the largest economies in Africa and the most populous country in Africa, so its customs performance impacts on trade throughout West Africa. Bottlenecks in Nigeria’s borders affect regional trade and drive up logistics costs for companies trading on the African continent. This will consequently enhance Nigeria’s competitiveness and bolster her leadership in Africa’s emerging single market if its customs would be made efficient.

Smuggling is one of the greatest obstacles to this goal. The illegal trade undermines the confidence in government at the borders, weakens legitimate businesses and deprives the government of revenue. Modern scanners can help turn the tide by improving risk management by enabling customs officials concentrate their focus on suspicious cargo and by allowing legitimate cargo to pass through customs more quickly. The goal is not just to catch criminals and intercept contraband, but to ensure compliance becomes easier and more rewarding than evasion.

This is where the NCS-Afreximbank partnership comes into play. In addition to financing and technical cooperation, the collaboration backs regional transit systems, one-stop border posts and harmonised customs processes that can help cut transaction costs across Africa. The reforms reflect a broader understanding that economic integration requires institutions capable of supporting trade rather than obstructing it.

It is fair to say that critics are correct in pointing out that digitisation is not the solution to corruption. If we have poor monitoring then we may just be replacing the same issues with a new electronic system. But if Nigeria does not reform, and chooses not to do so because the process is so painful, the country will be rejecting an inefficient system that has stunted Nigeria’s economic development for decades. Modernisation of customs needs to be complemented by transparent governance, ongoing staff training, more inter-agency cooperation and political will.

The key measure of Nigeria’s free trade aspirations will be how efficient its borders are, rather than the agreements it negotiates. Each of these missed deliveries, and each of the missed checkpoints, and each of these unofficial payments is a hit on the competitiveness of the country, and a blow to AfCFTA’s promise. The scanners that are coming to Nigeria’s borders are not just signs of technological advancement, but of transparency versus opacity and productivity versus inefficiency. The successful implementation of customs modernisation in Nigeria will boost trade within the region and create new economic opportunities. If it fails, smugglers will continue to exploit institutional weaknesses, leaving Africa’s boldest trade project to falter where it matters most – at the border.

Eyewitnesses said that several miners were also injured in the incident.

The incident occurred on Wednesday evening while the victims were carrying out mining activities at the site.

A resident of the community, Albert Danlami, said the incident occurred at about 7pm, when the pit suddenly collapsed on the miners, describing the incident as devastating.

Danlami said the victims were trapped underground following the collapse, prompting residents and other miners to commence efforts to recover their corpses.

According to him, the incident caused panic in the community as residents rushed to the mining site following the collapse.

The Publicity Secretary of the Berom Youth Moulders-Association (BYM), Rwang Tengwong, also confirmed the incident to our correspondent.

Tengwong said seven miners lost their lives in the incident, adding that the victims were at the mining site when the pit collapsed.

He said efforts were made to rescue the miners after the incident, but they were found dead.

Our correspondent reports that collapse of mining pits has claimed many lives of minerals in various mining communities in Barkin Ladi, Jos South, Riyom and other LGAs.

Muslim and Christian leaders in West Africa have pledged to promote the authentic values of their religions and reject their exploitation to fuel conflicts, violence and extremism.

The leaders made the commitment in the Abuja Accord signed on Wednesday at the end of a two-day International Conference on Diversity and Social Peace, organised by the Saudi-based Muslim World League in collaboration with the Jama’atu Izalatil Bid’ah Wa Iqamatis Sunnah in Nigeria (JIBWIS).

The communique, read by Garbadeen Muhammed, a member of the organising committee, said religious leaders had a responsibility to ensure that religious teachings were not distorted or used to promote violence and extremism.

‘Religion, in its essence, is a message of mercy and peace. Religious leaders bear the responsibility of highlighting the authentic values of religions and rejecting their exploitation to fuel conflicts or justify violence and extremism,’ the leaders said.

They affirmed that religious, cultural and ethnic diversity should be seen as a source of civilisational enrichment rather than a cause of conflict and division.

The leaders also stressed the role of religion in promoting peace, strengthening citizenship, encouraging dialogue and cooperation, and using shared values to build a more secure and prosperous future for Nigeria and West Africa.

They said social peace was a fundamental pillar of national security and could only be achieved through the joint efforts of state institutions, religious and educational institutions, the media and civil society organisations.

The leaders identified inclusive national dialogue as an effective means of addressing the causes of tension, while urging stakeholders to strengthen trust among people of different faiths and ethnic backgrounds.

They also called for greater efforts to promote intellectual security and protect communities from calls to extremism, fanaticism and hatred.

According to them, religious discourse should be based on wisdom, moderation and the middle path.

The communique highlighted the need to empower young people and women and involve them in national initiatives that promote peace, social responsibility and the values of citizenship.

The leaders also emphasised the role of educational and religious institutions in raising generations that respect diversity, embrace tolerance and coexistence, and protect national identity while respecting religious identity.

They noted that sustainable development was inseparable from social peace, while security and stability provided the environment needed for societies to prosper.

The religious leaders, representing different faiths and denominations, pledged to sustain regular institutional dialogue and strengthen cooperation on issues that promote national unity and safeguard the security and stability of society.

They proposed the establishment of a coordinating body for Muslim and Christian leaders and institutions in Nigeria, in collaboration with the Muslim World League, to coordinate joint initiatives and strengthen consultation and cooperation on matters of common interest.

The leaders also urged the media and cultural institutions to promote responsible public discourse, counter rumours and inflammatory rhetoric, and highlight successful examples of peaceful coexistence and harmony.

Rabi’ul Awwal: Sultanate council asks Muslims to look out for new moon today

From Salim Ashir Mahuta, Sokoto

The Sultanate Council, Sokoto, has called on Muslim faithful to look out for the new moon of Rabi’ul Awwal 1448AH today, August 13, 2026.

The council made the call in a statement on Wednesday signed by Prof. Sambo Wali Junaidu, Wazirin Sokoto and Chairman, Advisory Committee on Religious Affairs, Sultanate Council, Sokoto.

According to the statement, Thursday, August 13, which corresponds to 29th Safar 1448AH, has been designated as the day for Muslims to look for the new moon of Rabi’ul Awwal 1448AH.

The council urged Muslims who sight the moon to report it to the nearest District or Village Head for onward communication to His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar, the Sultan of Sokoto and President-General, Nigeria Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA).

Rabi’ul Awwal is a significant month in the Islamic calendar, particularly because 12th Rabi’ul Awwal is traditionally observed by many Muslims as the date of the birth of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH).

The date is observed by many followers of various Sufi orders and other Muslims through Maulud gatherings, lectures, recitation of the Holy Qur’an and other religious activities to commemorate the birth of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH).

The Sultanate Council prayed for Allah’s assistance to Muslims in the discharge of the religious duty of moon sighting.