Category: Daily Trust

In 2003, on the watch of former President Olusegun Obasanjo, the World Values Survey declared Nigeria as home to the world’s happiest people. By 2024, however, Nigeria had plummeted from this endearing and shimmering position to 104 in the happiness index.

In spite of this precipitous plunge to the nadir of happiness – and for obvious reasons – tribute must be paid to the forbearance and fortitude of Nigerians. For in spite of difficulties, equating, if not surpassing those of such basket cases as Nepal and Bangladesh, Nigerians have carried on with uncommon perseverance and long-suffering.

By the same token, homage must be paid to the can-do and never-say-die spirit of the Nigerian. This spirit is epitomised and exemplified by the tendency of the Nigerian, against the odds, to fend for himself/herself in nearly all facets of life. Where governments – federal, state and local – are hopelessly derelict in providing such basic infrastructure and amenities as roads, water, electricity, schools, hospitals, etc. – Nigerians, especially better-heeled ones, are forthcoming. They have weighed in, thereby filling these lacunae.

Most Nigerians provide access roads to their estates, streets and households. They drill their boreholes. They invest in private schools (Crèche, Primary and Tertiary). They invest in solar panels to make up for the shortcomings of our electricity and distributing companies (GENCOs and DISCOs), whose acronyms do not suggest or convey any seriousness or sense of purpose.

If homage is paid to Nigerians for providing for themselves, where their governments have failed, woefully and spectacularly, tribute must be paid to their sense of enterprise and industry. Drawing from a proud work ethic that celebrates and lionizes persons who fend for themselves and others rather than relying on handouts, most Nigerians have found recourse in one enterprise or the other. This has led to a proliferation of small and medium-sized businesses (SMEs) across the country.

Referred to in economic parlance as the informal sector, small businesses employ more Nigerians than any other, apart from the agricultural one, which hitherto led the way until the advent of oil.

In spite of the behemoth known as the Organised Private Sector (OPS), the informal sector of the economy has co-opted many of our youths, who ordinarily would have been idling away or constituting a menace, from our streets. This has kept millions of our youths gainfully employed. It has also imbued them with genuine hope.

Yet, even this sector, arising from the vagaries of government policies and predilections, is receiving one of its severest buffetings. This writer’s survey of a number of small businesses in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and four states adjoining it, suggests that they are facing a number of existential and life-threatening headwinds.

Power or electricity is one of the major challenges. Sometimes, for nearly one week, electricity will not be supplied by the DISCOs covering these states and the FCT to the chagrin of businesses. A week ago, nearly all districts of the FCT went without electricity for five days. It was the same in neighbouring Niger State. Kaduna was worse: It went without electricity for seven days, reducing that state to the Stone Age.

In the absence of electricity, most businesses in these states and the FCT have had to rely on generators, thus incurring additional costs. And since they are located in what are referred to as civil service states, their being bereft of industries, they run on losses. They can hardly pass off these costs on their customers who are smarting under cost of living crises and whose disposable incomes have shrunk to near zero.

Transportation is another challenge. Following the withdrawal of fuel subsidy, the cost of transportation has quadrupled. In most cases, workers do not reside close to their places of employment. In Abuja, this state of affairs is worse: Not less than ninety percent of workers reside in suburbs and outskirts outside the City Centre. This has compelled employers to increase salaries marginally, to downsize or to devise a curious roaster in which staffers come to work thrice in a week and in rotation. These, of course, have consequences for morale and joblessness.

In one hotel at Wuse II, investigations show that most of the staffers have been laid off due to the hard times. Staffers are invited to work only on a need basis and when the hotel records a high volume of room bookings. Meanwhile, whether there are guests or not, the hotel must run its generators on a daily basis to secure the premises, present a semblance of activity and preserve the foodstuffs it has stocked in its refrigerators.

Compounding the contrivance of an intriguing working roaster for staff or finding recourse in casuals, which offends Labour practices, are multiple taxations imposed, roughshod by federal, state and local governments. In nearly all these states and the FCT, demand notices for ground rents are issued by the state and Local Governments simultaneously. All manner of taxes are also demanded. Worse of all, they are usually issued cavalierly and with sadistic relish. It is as if the business person has committed an offence for daring to venture out or to invest.

These obnoxious multiple taxations and other vexatious charges have reared their heads in recent times. These have arisen out of a frenzied quest for Internally Generated Revenues (IGRs). It is healthy for states to generate revenue and to rely less on statutory monthly federal allocations. But the haughty manner in which taxes are imposed and the sadistic manner in which they are exacted goes beyond the pale. It hardly encourages the small business person to venture out or to invest, thereby creating jobs in the process. Neither have we seen, apart from white elephant flyovers being constructed in state capitals, any concerted efforts by state governments to address our infrastructure deficit or the provision of amenities.

This writeup is intended to call attention to the havoc governments, especially state and local, are wrecking on businesses and the urgent need for our tax reform to streamline and harmonise taxes in the three tiers of government.

The fears of the small business person must not only be assuaged, an environment must be created for him/her to thrive. Otherwise, rather than grow, the economy will remain in its doldrums with negative consequences.

The continuously lower contribution of the manufacturing sector to Nominal Gross Domestic Product (GDP) should instruct us. By the recent accounting of the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the contribution of the Manufacturing sector to Nominal GDP in the second quarter of 2025 was 6.87%, lower than the figure recorded in the corresponding period of 2024 at 7.84% and for good measure, lower than the first quarter of 2025 which was 10.78%. We don’t have any figures relating to the growth rate of the informal sector. But your guess is as good as mine!

Wives of soldiers detained for committing various offences in Borno State have pleaded with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and military authorities to pardon their husbands.

Appealing for mercy, the leader of the group, Rose Emmanuel David, who spoke on behalf of 30 other women, said, ‘If Boko Haram terrorists can be pardoned, why not our husbands?’

She noted that the detention of their husbands at the 7 Division Military Police Facility has put them under emotional stress and financial hardships.

‘Some of our husbands were detained for one year and eight months; the children born after them have grown up without knowing their fathers.

‘Many of us are faced with serious financial hardships. I’m personally surviving the situation by frying bean cake (Akara) for sale.

It’s very difficult for us to adapt to the new situation,’ she said.

She pleaded with the president to find a place in his heart to forgive their husband in the spirit of Nigeria at 65 celebrations.

‘We acknowledge their mistakes, they have deeply reflected, and now seek a second chance to serve their country with renewed loyalty.

‘We respectfully call on His Excellency, President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to grant them a presidential pardon.’

‘We also appeal to the National Assembly, the Executive Governor of Borno State, and all Nigerians of goodwill to support this plea.

‘It is important to remember that amnesty has been extended to repentant insurgents and bandits who once raised arms against the state.

‘These soldiers are Nigerians too, men who once risked their lives to defend our people and preserve our nation. They deserve the same mercy, so they can once again fight for peace, unity, and security,’ she said.

Last week, Special Court Martial (SCM) convened by the Acting General Officer Commanding 7 Division Nigerian Army and Sector 1 Operation HADIN KAI (OPHK), Brigadier General Ugochukwu Unachukwu, has slammed 2 Senior Non-commissioned Officers and 2 Non-Commissioned Officers for Arms/Ammunition racketeering as well as Aiding and Abetting the Enemy.

Ima Niboro, former presidential spokesman, has responded to comments made by Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser on Information and Strategy to President Bola Tinubu, about ex-President Goodluck Jonathan.

Responding to Onanuga’s claim of Jonathan’s ‘dismal’ record in office, the former aide said while he respects Onanuga as a senior colleague, he disagrees with the assessment of Jonathan’s tenure.

‘Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s presidency was not perfect. No presidency is. None will ever be. But Jonathan’s was far from the caricature of ‘ruin’ and ‘cluelessness’ that Onanuga now paints,’ he said in a piece.

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He highlighted several achievements of the Jonathan administration, including the growth of Nigeria’s foreign reserves to $42 billion in 2015, the establishment of a Sovereign Wealth Fund, the rebasing of Nigeria’s economy which made it Africa’s largest, reforms in agriculture, and the creation of new universities.

He also pointed to infrastructure projects such as the Abuja-Kaduna railway, the commencement of the Second Niger Bridge, and the modernisation of airports.

‘Whether Jonathan runs in 2027 or not, his record remains what it is: the economy’s expansion, agricultural reform, revived rail, modernized airports, new universities, governance innovation, health gains, and deepened democracy. These cannot be erased by the flourish of anyone’s pen. Nigerians lived them. Nigerians remember,’ the former spokesman said.

He added that Jonathan’s peaceful concession in 2015 strengthened Nigeria’s democracy and should not be overlooked.

‘I respect Bayo Onanuga as a senior colleague and compatriot. But to this statement of his. this premature assault on a man who has not declared for 2027. I respond firmly, respectfully, and unequivocally: No, Sir,’ he stated.

To borrow the words of John Buchan in The African Colony, history ‘is always in the happy position of judging from the high standpoint of accomplished fact.’ It is from such a vantage point that we can now look back upon the life and career of Engineer Muhammed Abba Gana, CON, and reflect on both the substance of his achievements and the lasting example of his integrity.

In Abuja, where temptation has often overwhelmed principles and crippled consciences, his record is a striking contrast with others who held high positions in government. He left office on May 29, 2003, after serving as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, without acquiring a house, a plot of land, or even the whisper of scandal attached to his name. This, in a city that has for decades been synonymous with land speculation, inflated contracts, and the abuse of power, is remarkable to say the least. His legacy is not simply in what he built or administered, but in what he refused to take, and in the incorruptible standards he set for himself and for the office he occupied and edified for a fleeting moment in our history.

From its inception, Abuja has been more than just a capital city. It has been a laboratory of Nigerian politics-a place where leadership is tested, where resources are contested, and where reputations are either burnished or destroyed. Many ministers before and after Engineer Abba Gana have found the city a slippery terrain, filled with opportunities for personal enrichment. The lure of land allocations, the temptation of contract manipulation, and the pressure to serve sectional interests have undone many otherwise promising careers. Into this treacherous environment stepped Engineer Muhammed Abba Gana. With quiet resolve and deep moral conviction, he charted a different course. His stewardship of the FCT is remembered as one of transparency, discipline, and a firm insistence on fairness. He understood that Abuja was not merely a city to be managed, but a symbol of Nigeria’s unity and aspiration. To abuse its resources would be to betray the very purpose for which it was created.

The hallmark of Engineer Abba Gana’s public life has always been service and integrity. These are no longer fashionable virtues in Nigeria’s political space today, but they remain the qualities without which public office is reduced to mere speculation, plunder and profiteering. Engineer Abba Gana consistently demonstrated that integrity is not about grand gestures or loud proclamations, but about the quiet refusal to bend principle for gain. As minister, he was known for resisting pressure from powerful quarters, for turning down dubious deals, and for treating land, the lifeblood of Abuja politics and power play, as a trust rather than a commodity. He made decisions not on the basis of what would enrich himself or appease cronies, but on what would serve the collective interest of Nigerians. His legacy is measured not in estates or properties acquired or stolen, but in the respect that attaches to his name, and in the memory of a city that, for a brief moment, was governed by fairness and devotion.

But Engineer Abba Gana was not merely an administrator; he was a democrat in the truest sense. Long before and long after his tenure as minister, he devoted himself to Nigeria’s difficult march toward democratic governance. He was an active participant in party politics, a loyal stalwart of his political family, and a consistent advocate of dialogue and compromise. In Nigeria, where politics is often a zero-sum game, his approach was one of tolerance and balance. He believed in institutions rather than personalities, in processes rather than shortcuts and expediences. He understood that democracy is not perfected overnight, but through patience, negotiation, and the cultivation of trust. This devotion to democratic principles reflected his broader worldview; that politics, at its best, is not about self-promotion, but about the creation of a fairer society.

Beyond Abuja, Engineer Abba Gana’s influence radiated across Nigeria’s political landscape. He served as Political Adviser to the President, a position that required both discretion and wisdom. In that role, he provided guidance at moments of national difficulty, always seeking to lower the temperature of politics and to emphasise the need for stability. He was a bridge-builder, someone trusted across divides, and someone whose advice was valued because it was grounded in honesty rather than expediency. His service spanned decades, and in every role he left behind a reputation for integrity. Whether as Commissioner in his native Borno State, as a party official, or as minister in Abuja, he remained consistent in character. There are few figures in Nigerian politics who can claim such continuity of purpose, unblemished by scandal or corruption.

In contemporary Nigeria, where cynicism about politicians and public officials runs deep, Engineer Abba Gana’s story is a refreshing reminder that another way is possible. His life is proof that one can serve the state without exploiting it, that one can hold high office without succumbing to greed, and that one can leave government poorer in material terms but richer in moral integrity and respect. It is often said that the true measure of a public servant is what he leaves behind. Engineer Abba Gana left no estates, no questionable fortune, no trail of bitterness or division and no sense of guilt about misdeeds perpetrated while in position of power and leadership. What he left behind was far more valuable: the memory of decency, the example of integrity, and the reassurance that Nigeria has once produced leaders of genuine honour.

John Buchan’s phrase resonates clearly here. History does not deal in promises or intentions; it judges by accomplished fact. And the accomplished fact of Engineer Muhammed Abba Gana’s career is that he embodied the best qualities of public service at a time when such qualities were scarce. His stewardship of the FCT demonstrated that transparency was possible. His devotion to democracy demonstrated that principle could guide politics. His personal integrity demonstrated that wealth is not the only reward of service but that respect and reputation can be rewards of greater permanence. In a political culture too often defined by greed and opportunism, Engineer Abba Gana’s life is a rebuke to cynicism. It is also a call to future generations of leaders to remember that the essence of public service is not accumulation, but sacrifice; not indulgence, but responsibility.

Today, as Nigeria grapples with profound challenges of governance, insecurity, development, and national cohesion, the example of Engineer Muhammed Abba Gana shines even brighter. It is not only a personal story of integrity; it is a national lesson in leadership. He showed that it is possible to hold power lightly, to use authority wisely, and to leave office with head high and dignity intact. History has already judged him, not with the ambiguity of unfulfilled or nullified promises, but with the clarity of accomplished fact. Few public officials can hope for such a verdict. Fewer still can claim it with such quiet assurance. We can still savour the delight of having him around us, giving wise counsel and leading younger generations towards virtue and truth. We can still enjoy watching him in his distinctive black waist-coat or ‘Farmala’ and black Fez cap or ‘Kalawus’, that stand him out as a proud Kanuri patriarch who carries along with him the heritage of Borno wherever he goes.

As Nigeria marks 65 years of independence, its cultural complexity is both a source of celebration and tension.

Home to over 250 ethnic groups and more than 500 languages, Nigeria is one of the most diverse nations in the world. So how has Nigeria’s ethnic, cultural, and religious diversity shaped its journey-and what might it mean for the next 65 years?

His Royal Highness, Miskoom Yahaya Kwande, is the Longkwo of Kwo Chiefdom in Qua’an-Pan Local Government Area of Plateau State. Before ascending the throne, the 96-year-old elder statesman was an active politician, former Nigerian Ambassador to Switzerland; teacher; civil servant and administrator. The traditional ruler in this interview shares his perspectives on Nigeria’s evolution, tracing the country’s history from before independence to its current state, highlighting key developments and challenges along the way.

You are one of those who witnessed the Independence Day celebration in 1960. How did it go?

Every part of Nigeria was celebrating in its own way. People had the opportunity to come together and make merriment.

First October has now become a possibility of putting people, families back together. Another aspect of the October 1st celebration is that it allows people to showcase their cultural heritage. Participants, especially cultural dancers, adorned themselves in unique, often custom-made costumes. This celebration brought people together, providing an opportunity for smaller tribes to display their cultural prowess. I believe this cultural display was a significant part of the October 1st ceremony.

Was there much awareness by the masses about what Nigeria was going into?

No, but people were very happy. People were very happy and whether they knew the meaning or not is another thing. It is only now that the meaning is clear, but in our days in the 60s, definitely it was not too apparent. The colonial masters used to put together schoolchildren, armed forces of different kinds, police, army to display and that used to be the ceremony. Only very few knew what it meant. For those of you who were the elite then, did you have any apprehension about whether the new set of leaders were going to manage the responsibility thrust on them?

The Britons are clever. All our colonialists were extracting what they wanted and at the same time showing love to us. I was a district officer in charge of a division, which is the area of my responsibility, I felt proud and people in the town were also happy. We were not allowed to stay in our offices more than 15 days for the 30 days of the month. You had to go and meet the people and know how they were faring; you go to a dispensary and see whether the medication is adequate, whether drugs were available.

And you went to the school and the children were so proud to see you. But at the moment, everything seems to be on the computer and the telephone. If you have a telephone, you have the whole world. So, the man you are ruling is not touched to know that there is a particular person responsible for his health. People don’t. When you look at all these, how many times will you take your mind back? Have you seen the chairman of your local government coming into your village and dancing with the villagers and chatting with them so that he would talk about their welfare? The level of education was not there as it is today. So, you couldn’t say whether the British were doing well or not doing well. All we knew was that the British were masters and they were doing things. But at the moment, people seem to be aware of the responsibility of leadership, so they can criticise. And the whole thing is now decentralised in such a way that the matter of responsibility cannot be compared with the past.

It’s 65 years now since independence, how in your view has Nigeria fared?

From an honest mind, we have progressed. I remember that there used to be only one secondary school in the whole northern Nigeria that the government was controlling. Then they had two secondary schools. My brother, we are talking about one million secondary schools now. I’m not talking about the standard of what is now being taught. But I definitely must tell you that we have progressed. This telephone is progress. Even the quality of our food is progress. Solar light is progress. Up to a small village, I don’t know if anyone who is true to himself or honest to himself, can say that Nigeria has not progressed.

Certain things have gone back, deteriorated, like transportation in the sense of railways but I must tell you that we have progressed.

You were one of those close to the Sardauna, can you recall the efforts he made towards uniting the North?

Our leaders then had different minds altogether, not only Sardauna. They had different minds of ruling. They came with the influence of honesty from the British, in the sense of not cheating who you are ruling, who you are governing. They inherited that. And we that were civil servants assisting them, believe me, we came with that fear. You didn’t need somebody to stand by you. We had what you call auditors in the midst of officers. You could not talk about corruption to the officials of the government. Unlike now that it is so rampant, even in your households, corruption is nothing anymore.

Sardauna was an individual. And of course, all his ministers were practicing what would please Sardauna. He had nothing on his mind other than improving the lot of the people. He had to delay independence at first so that he could bring his own people on board. He was a man that had no other interest than the seat of the Sultan of Sokoto.

Otherwise, he didn’t bother about anything other than uniting Northern Nigeria. We were even proud to call ourselves Northerners, as if it was a title, because our leaders couldn’t differentiate the Ngas man from the Gomai man or from the Berom man. And exactly the same thing, we grew up with friends, civil service colleagues, from Sokoto, from Katsina. And he was interested in your welfare. He wanted to know who you were and if you were happy.

They worked very hard to unite Northern Nigeria. And when he was asked by a journalist, why Northern Nigeria alone? He said, no, when you unite Northern Nigeria, you unite the whole of the Federation, because we were sober. Wealth was not what mattered to him. I served as an administrative officer, a DO in charge. They didn’t even know what Kwande was. They didn’t know it was a village, not my name alone. There was no discrimination, no religious or cultural differences. You did your own thing. They loved you even when you were not their own. A Fulani man would put a stick across his back. And if you found an Egon, he did not care whether you put it on the back or you put it in front of you. We were just citizens of Nigeria, but peculiar to be patriotic citizens.

What was the situation like in the country after the January 1966 coup?

Well, we started deteriorating. That is the bad thing about us. You know, that reminds me, when I took the wrong way to go to my village on holiday, with a difference of only about 30 kilometres, I was queried that I was displaying dishonesty. And I had to prove that the bridge on the shuttle way was broken and it was published in the New Nigerian.

And that’s why I escaped being sacked from the service. That honesty is no longer there. The traditional rulers are not making things better in the sense that the more you steal, the more they honour you. And you know, when you are made, when you are given a title, a royal title, then everybody in the village will testify that you deserve it. And the honour that the British used to give us, KBE, you were looked at as a wonderful human being who deserved the Queen’s honour.

Now it is, who do you know? If you are not careful, you will find a neighbour that is well-connected getting a higher honour than you. And you wonder what it is that makes him different from you; but it’s just a connection.

Nigeria has experienced coups and counter coups; would you say the intervention of the military helped in uniting the country?

The intention was to unite. But then the players missed the point when it appeared that a tribe were the players. That was when they missed the point about uniting this country by the military coup. But the way the late General Muhammadu Buhari and his deputy went about theirs was another thing.

The intention of the military to me was good because corruption, elements of differences between tribes were beginning to gain ground. They wanted to stop it. When your country is going down the drain, and you are in the military, and you think that you can arrest the trouble, and not make things worse, then I will support it.

The challenges confronting Nigeria since 1960 like insecurity, corruption and mutual suspicion on ethnic basis are still there. Can the country overcome these problems?

Yes, the challenges can be overcome. What we need in this country is discipline and a change of attitude. Once people change their attitude and become disciplined, there is hope. I still believe that if people want something, they can do it because in the past, Nigerians were very disciplined and trusted.

Should traditional rulers be given constitutional roles?

The set of traditional rulers we have today is not the same as what we had in the years back because most of them are graduates. They know what they are doing. They come in just because they are honouring their tradition. Why do you allow the traditional rulers to remain as part of your constitution without action, without responsibility? They can prevent insecurity because they know who is who in the village. So, once a role is given to them, they would help significantly in reducing insecurity in the country.

Where did Nigeria miss it?

The only thing that I feel is not being done by the government is the question of tax payment. I don’t know why the government of Nigeria seems to neglect head taxes, you know, individuals paying two naira, or six naira, or one naira. It is a matter of pride. When you now say you take it away from them because you now have oil money, you are taking away the patriotism of a citizen of Nigeria because he likes challenging the government by telling it that it is using the money and not doing much.

An ordinary man on his farm will turn around and if he sees somebody passing, he will think, look, they are using their money uselessly. They don’t seem to care because he has paid five naira in a year. But when you take it away from him, the responsibility of citizenship is no more there. So, if I am to advise, I would like paying head tax to be made compulsory and organised properly. That will help even the population of our country.

On this day 65 years ago, the flag of the United Kingdom, Union Jack, was lowered for the Nigerian flag to be hoisted for the first time in what signified a departure from decades of colonial rule.

It was a historic event that ushered Nigeria into the comity of nations that had won the struggle for self-rule and through the anti-colonial struggles that dominated the politics of the developing countries of that era.

With Princess Alexandra representing Queen Elizabeth II of England, Nigeria’s Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, received the constitutional instruments of independence in an occasion attended by world leaders and important dignitaries from within the country.

By that, Nigeria achieved two feats, it joined the league of other African nations like Liberia, Egypt, Morocco, Ghana, Guinea and others that had been under self-rule prior to1960 and did not miss what was termed ‘The year of Africa’ when many other African countries that included Cameroon, Togo, Madagascar, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia, Benin, Niger, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Chad and others gained independence. Those who were old enough when Nigeria gained independence recall that on October 1, 1960, the whole nation was in festive mood with the elite who understood the significance of the occasion and the masses who could barely decipher the implication of what had truly happened.

The Longkwo of Kwo Chiefdom in Qua’an-Pan Local Government Area of Plateau State, His Royal Highness, Miskoom Yahaya Kwande, in an interview with Daily Trust, recalled the events of that period.

He said, ‘People were very happy; whether they knew the meaning or not. Whether they knew what they were doing because of the independence, very few must have done so, but I believe the awareness of being an independent person was felt.’

Former Minister of State for information and Communication, Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki Nakande, also recalled that he was in primary school when Nigeria gained independence, stating that though he was in the northern part of the country in Jos, the air of conviviality was felt.

He said he and other pupils were given flags and asked to match at the parade grounds in commemoration of the event.

Nigerian students living in London head for Nigeria House to celebrate Independence from British rule on 1st October 1960 Photo: William Vanderson/Fox Photos/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

Issues that shaped decades

Another significant stride was recorded by Nigeria, three years after when in 1963, it became a republic cutting off the apron strings of British monarchy and having a ceremonial president as well as jettisoning its reliance on the Privy Council in London for appeals in judicial matters and establishing its own Supreme Court.

With independence, the entire gamut of leadership rested on the shoulders of the indigenous politicians while focus shifted from the pre-independence mantra of anti-colonial struggles and demand for self-rule, to demand for political participation through the various parties which sought elections at the various parliaments to form the central government.

The prominent political parties then were the Action Group (AG) led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo; the National Council of Nigeria Citizens (NCNC), led by Nnamdi Azikiwe; and the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) led by Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto.

Those who recall what people of that era deployed to win elections and the tactics employed to control their region admitted it created tension across the country which gave the military the excuse to intervene.

The Western Region later became combustible leading to the declaration of a state of emergency while the Benue province also erupted in violence in what was later termed the Tiv riots.

Even with the highly charged political atmosphere, the Sir AbubakarTafawa Balewa government was able to record significant strides. It completed and commissioned the River Niger Bridge, created the Midwest region, conducted a head count and held parliamentary elections.

By January 1966, however, the feared eruption came in form a military putsch when some military officers eliminated key figures in the Tafawa Balewa led administration including the prime minister in what went down the country’s first military coup.

The coup not only changed the power configuration in Nigeria but introduced a new dimension in the politics in Nigeria.

Further to that it heighted suspicion and almost succeeded in dividing the nation with the North threatening to pull out leading to the June counter coup in which many including the head of state General Aguiyi Ironsi were killed.

Prominent civil rights activist, Comrade Chom Bagu, said the coup of 1966 was what denied Nigeria the opportunity to grow as it opened the door to all kinds of experiments that did not augur well for the country.

He said, ‘It made Nigeria to deviate from what the regional government was doing. Countries that were at the same level with Nigeria like Singapore and Malaysia that took different routes are now far ahead and we have not been allowed to grow the political class.’

On his part, Nakande said the intervention was unfair as it targeted only people from one side of the country, hence engendered the retaliatory coup of July 1966.

He said by interfering with the formation of democracy and the growth of institutions, military interventions made the situation even worse. Both military and civilian regimes that came after one another were unable to create a consistent national development strategy.

The brouhaha, trading of recriminations, mutual distrust heightened tension and the inability to appease both sides led to the attempt by the then governor of the Eastern Region, Col. Chukwuemeka Ojukwu to pull his region out of Nigeria by the declaration of the nation of Biafra, causing a war which lasted two years and six months ending in January 1970.

Gowon, in the views of many, managed the aftermath of the civil war by declaring, no winner, no vanquished, and attempted to reintegrate the Eastern region back to Nigeria.

Nigeria also recorded significant developments in the aftermath of the civil war with the implementation of the development plans where destroyed infrastructure were rebuilt and many other projects were constructed. Gowon also increased the number states to 12.

Nakande believes that the military era served as a blessing to the nation because that was when many infrastructural facilities were built. It was during that time that Nigeria became a significant member of oil producing countries and joined the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting countries (OPEC).

Notwithstanding, his administration was overthrown in 1975. The new administration headed by Murtala Ramat Mohammed announced a terminal date for the return to civil rule and created seven more states raising the number of states to 19. Murtala lasted only six months in office as he was assassinated on February 13, 1976 by a group of army officers led by Col Bukar Dimka.

Murtala’s Chief of Staff, Supreme headquarters, Olusegun Obasanjo, took over and kept faith with the earlier promise made by his predecessor to hand over power to civilians and was able to conduct election and hand over to a new administration on October 1, 1979, ushering in Alhaji Shehu Shagari as Nigeria’s first executive president.

Four years and three months in office, the military struck again, sacking the democratic structures known as the 2nd Republic, replacing it with a new military government headed by Muhammadu Buhari.

Buhari’s Chief of Army staff, General Ibrahim Babangida, in August1985, sacked his former boss and took over power in what is described as a palace coup.

Expectedly, the political experiment plunged Nigeria into one of its most trying times with the cancelation of the June 12 1993 elections believed to have been won by MKO Abiola.

The pressure mounted on the military administration to honour the mandate made Babangida to step aside making way for what he called the interim national government headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan to president over the affairs of the nation.

But the then secretary of Defence, General Sani Abacha overthrew Shonekan and reigned for five years before he died in office and General Abdulsalami Abubakar stepped in to fill the void.

Abdulsalami conducted elections and handed over to a civilian administration in which Obasanjo again emerged as president. Obasanjo reigned for eight years and was succeeded by then governor of Katsina State, Umaru Yar’adua who was in office for nearly three years but died in office on 5th May, 2010. Yar’adua’s deputy, Goodluck Jonathan, stepped into the shoes and ruled till 2015 when he lost his bid to come for another term as he was defeated by Muhammadu Buhari who reigned for eight years and handed over to the current president Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

‘Standard of living on decline since 1960’

Speaking on the anniversary, the publicity secretary of the Afenifere under late Ayo Adebanjo, Prince Justice Faloye, questioned what is being celebrated when the country is regressing from the standards of living and quality of life it had at independence in 1960.

He said the only new thing has been the rotation of power to some sections of the country.

Tracing history, Faloye said the military takeover of government and the policies they pursued crippled the country’s economy, especially from 1978.

He said the neo-liberal policies such as the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) and removal of subsidies wiped out the purchasing power of the citizens.

‘Since 1978 when Obasanjo brought the ‘Ali Must Go’, it has been downward; things have been getting worse,’ he said.

‘That is one of the reasons that China has overtaken America and UK because of this ‘trickle down economics’ brought by Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, which only pays the rich and the poor suffer.

‘Poverty in Nigeria has increased while those countries that did not take the neo-liberal policies have moved forward.’

He called for a return to the welfare state of abundance for all and restructuring to restore true federalism among the federating units.

In his view, a professor of Political Science at the University of Nigeria Nsukka, Prof Obasi Igwe, said the country’s 65 years have been marked by injustice and inequality among the various components.

‘Our reliance on petro-dollars is not good’

Prof. Murtala Mohammed of the department of history and international studies, North West University, Kano, said Nigeria’s major problem lies in the fact that early leadership increased ethnic competition rather than creating a cohesive social contract.

He added: ‘Nigeria’s biggest economic blunder, as seen through the lens of critical political economics, was its over reliance on oil earnings starting in the 1970s. Nigeria grew overly dependent on crude oil exports, ignoring industry, technology, and agriculture in favour of diversifying its economy and developing new industries. He said this over-reliance made government vulnerable to changes in the price of oil globally, skewed fiscal policy, and fostered corruption.

‘From the perspective of leadership and governance, Nigeria’s failure has been attributed to a lack of vision, accountability, and continuity. Instead of focusing on the politics of transformation, leadership has frequently been relegated to the politics of survival,’ he said.

But some hail Nigeria for surviving major turbulences that threatened its existence that included the Western region imbroglio; the coup and counter coup of 1966; the Civil war; overthrow of Gowon; the abortive coup of 1976; the June 12 imbroglio, the recent Boko Haram crisis and pre-election violence

The country also has unique experiences. For instance, four former heads of state, Aguiyi Ironsi; Murtala Mohammed; Sani Abacha and Yar’adua died in office while five of its leaders, Ironsi, Gowon, Murtala; Shagari, Buhari and Shonekan were overthrown from office.

Further to that, two of its leaders, Obasanjo and Buhari came back as democratically elected presidents after serving as military heads of state while one, incumbent; Jonathan was defeated in a general election.

Ironsi, Murtala, Shonekan, and Abdulsalami served for less than a year in office, while the longest serving were Gowon, nine years, Babangida, eight; Buhari, ten; and Obasanjo, eleven (Both under military and democratic rules)

With the ups and downs, people still believe there’s hope for Nigeria and that the nation has established its presence in the comity of developed nations.

Comrade Bagu said: ‘There’s hope and there’s no hope. We should look and take inspiration from the experiences of other countries. We have to look in the direction of other countries that were at the same level with us but politics is not allowing forces to elect the right leaders as the emerging leaders are tied to godfathers and want to maintain old privileges.

‘Any new person that wants to make it in different ways has no hope as he would be blocked and strangulated,’ he stressed.

Prof Muhammad on his part said Nigeria’s future depends on a serious realisation that it cannot keep going in the same direction and expect different outcomes.

‘The foundation of national regeneration must be the reconstruction of institutions. To break free from the cycle of mis-governance, it is essential to strengthen the rule of law, safeguard electoral integrity, and improve accountability. In the absence of reliable institutions, government will remain transactional and leadership will remain individualised.

‘Nigeria must make a concerted effort to strengthen monitoring agencies, protect the court from political meddling, and professionalise its bureaucracy so that they can combat corruption in more than just words,’ he said.

Unprepared leaders behind our woes – Dr. Sufi

A political analyst, Dr. Kabiru Sufi, has said Nigeria’s developmental setbacks stem largely from unprepared leaders who assume office without concrete plans for governance.

Speaking in an interview, Dr. Sufi said reversing the trend requires leaders with a ‘Marshall Plan-like approach’ that integrates political, economic, and social reforms rather than prioritising one sector at the expense of others.

‘We need leaders who are prepared with a holistic approach-focusing on political, social, and economic solutions to our problems. If we only focus on political issues and leave the economy to suffer, or focus mainly on economic issues while political crises erode the progress being made, we will remain stuck,’ he explained.

Reports by John Chuks Azu, Abuja; Salim Umar Ibrahim and Ahmad Datti, Kano

The move by the federal government to amend the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021 continues to generate disquiet in the sector with industry analysts and experts cautioning that such a move has far-reaching implications on the sector.

Besides they said it could destabilise the sector as the PIA is barely five years into its operation.

Daily Trust reports that President Bola Tinubu has approved the amendment aimed at whittling the powers of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC).

Also it was learnt that part of the proposed amendment is to vest the power and role of concessionaire of all oil and gas exploration and production assets in the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC).

The proposed amendment would also make the NUPRC the representative of the Federation in all Joint Venture (JV) agreements with the international oil companies (IOCs) and independent companies.

Also proposed is the removal of the Ministry of Petroleum Incorporated (MOPI) as a shareholder of NNPC, while making the Ministry of Finance Incorporated (MOFI) the sole shareholder of the national oil company.

Daily Trust reports that the federal government has JVs, Production Sharing Contracts (PSCs), Sole Risks and other contractual arrangements with the IOCs. In most cases the NNPC has 60 per cent while the IOC holds 40 per cent.

If the amendment scales through the management of these JV assets would come directly under the NUPRC.

Relevant federal agencies were said to have been notified of the proposed amendment to the PIA 2021. However, the draft of the Bill is not yet in the public domain.

However, the move is generating disquiet in the sector with stakeholders warning that the amendment might destabilize the industry just a few years into the life of the PIA.

Petroleum expert and Technical Director at Template Design Limited, Bala Zaka, expressed concerns with the petroleum industry bill before it even became an Act, saying its inability to provide a win-win situation for investors and the government led to the exodus of international companies from the onshore operations.

‘For somebody like me, those were the kind of laws that needed to be introduced and some modified so that we’re going to enjoy the benefits of activities in the oil and gas industry. That was my thought when the idea of a petroleum industry bill came up,’ he said.

He added that the law ended leading to, first of all, deregulation and a skewed deregulation that encouraged some indirect hostilities that were going to force some of the international oil and gas companies to abandon the conditions and oil fields that they have developed on land and swamp and shallow waters and only concentrate on deep offshore.

He said, ‘But when the Act came up finally, the Act ended up becoming skewed. It was very clear that the Act ended up incorporating so many things that people like me with an objective mind didn’t expect. Because some of the things we discovered are rearing their heads now. First of all, it came up with deregulation.

‘Deregulation without control. Instead of focusing on liberalisation, that will make sure we invite additional investors, but also make sure there is proper organisation so that the Nigerian government, either through NNPC or whichever body, will be able to regulate in the interest of investors and the government. It didn’t do that.’

He lamented that the Act has ended up trying to privatise all the national patrimony of citizens.

‘When you go to other countries, till this moment, you see both local and international oil and gas investors investing or carrying out peaceful activities on land concessions, shallow waters, swamps, and deep offshore.

‘But with this Act now, all of us have seen that all the international oil companies have experienced artificial business climate hostilities that have forced them to leave the concessions they had on land and swamp. Many of them have run deep offshore. And the few of them that are remaining decided to leave Nigeria. That was not the kind of petroleum industry Act that I expected.’

‘A sector can be liberalised and it will do well. In the context of the Nigerian oil and gas industry, I expected to see more of liberalisation. There is a major difference between liberalisation and deregulation. When you liberalise, you allow more players to come in, but you also make sure the powers of regulatory authorities in that country are not diluted. No country will go and allow the powers of regulatory agencies to be diluted. Once you allow their powers to be diluted, then that country or that agency or that country will be like a banana republic.

‘What we should rather do in the context of Nigeria is this. Those you have put in charge of those regulatory agencies, if they are not doing well, continue to change them until you get the right people.’

On his part, Wumi Iledare, Professor Emeritus of Petroleum Economics, said concerns regarding PIA amendments shortly after its enactment may lead to policy instability, discourage long-term investment, and be perceived as benefiting select interests, thereby undermining the act’s original objectives of stability and investor confidence.

As Nigeria today marks its Sapphire Jubilee (65 years of existence) as an independent nation, after gaining independence on October 1st, 1960, the dispensation calls for deep reflection over the journey so far and a new vision, having undergone significant rites of passage over time.

Firstly, there is the need to congratulate this great nation and its people for having weathered the challenges of nation-building and remaining as one political entity for this long. It needs to be recalled that several nations, both in Africa and other parts of the world, which not only started before and after Nigeria’s formation but also shared the same dream of nationhood, are no more due to a multiplicity of both endogenous and exogenous factors.

The story of Nigeria could also have been otherwise, given its leadership circumstances. Assembled from a collection of disparate ethnic nation-states by the British colonialists in 1914, and subjected to different leadership scenarios comprising colonial and serial rule alternation between democratically elected civil administration and the frequent truncation of same by military incursions into governance through coup d’états in 1966, 1975, 1976, 1983, 1985, and 1993, the country’s retention as a single entity today remains one of the most successful exercises in unity in diversity, as far as nation-building is concerned. Of even more significance is that Nigeria has, since 1999, enjoyed an unbroken run of democratic rule for all these 26 years. This political positive accentuates the merit of celebrating Nigeria at 65, for holding on to the vision and sustaining the mission of its founding fathers, even in the face of vicissitudes.

Yet, the fact remains incontrovertible that Nigeria could have achieved much more at 65, given its innate, humongous potentials and resources. With a population of 45 million at independence in 1960 and 220 million at present, the country has always been a giant on the African continent, as well as a voice to be reckoned with across the world. In terms of economy, Nigeria is endowed with a rich variety of strategic resources, ranging from large expanses of arable land for agriculture, lush flora and variety of fauna, as well as humongous oil and gas deposits and other minerals, which guarantee its position as a rich nation.

However, against the backdrop of its endowments and potentials, Nigeria has, for this long period, been a victim of arrested development, courtesy of multiple leadership failures. While it was hailed as the giant of Africa in the light of its status and promise at independence, the current state of Nigeria leaves much to be desired, due to generations of leadership whose failures denied it a better course of progress. Hence, Nigeria is currently reeling from the ravages of insecurity, with insurgency and other tendencies that have negatively conditioned daily life across the entire country. For instance, on a daily basis, insurgents attack one community or the other with fatal consequences. To further accentuate the ravages of insurgency in today’s Nigeria is the fact that several communities, and even local government areas, are at the mercy of insurgents, with residents paying ransom to the occupying insurgents.

The crime of kidnapping human beings for ransom has become a growing business venture in today’s Nigeria. So bad is the situation that senior government officials at various levels are discreetly and openly negotiating peace deals with insurgents.

Beyond the scourge of insurgency lies the more pervasive syndrome of endemic corruption in literally all aspects of government business. Courtesy of the deep-seated malaise of corruption, public largesse has been largely privatized by the political leadership community, leaving the masses to their wits. As a result of the widespread syndrome of corruption, Nigeria loses the bulk of the public largesse to private interests, as public interest-oriented projects suffer. Also, courtesy of the syndrome of corruption, even the political space remains compromised, as the country serially fails to elect the right calibre of leaders to take charge of its affairs. In the final analysis is the concern over the prospect of redeeming the country from its largely self-inflicted challenges.

That is why the need for a new vision that will propel the country along a new course remains mandatory. This new vision needs to be anchored on the premises of a united Nigeria, as well as the rule of law. With respect to the fostering of unity, the leadership needs to work assiduously along the course of integrating the disparate ethnic nation-states that make up the country, as the amalgamation process that spawned Nigeria under the colonial rule of Britain in 1914 is not yet completed.

The goal of unity will hardly be realized unless there is a deliberate attack on the freedom of impunity. This is where the rule of law needs to be actualized to ensure that the constitution and the laws of the country are obeyed by all and sundry.

We at Daily Trust believe that this task is for all Nigerians to key in, put in their best, be more patriotic, and have a strong belief in Nigeria. Once we can do this, our journey to the Promised Land can be realized.

Daily Trust wishes every Nigerian a happy 65th Independence Anniversary.

Governor Uba Sani has brought succour to the 50 year quest of Danbushiya village in the Millennium City in Chikun local government, by commencing the construction a 15 kilometer road when he assumed office.

Sarkin Danbushiya, Alhaji Muktar Haruna, disclosed this on Wednesday when the governor went on an inspection tour of the Keke-Danbushiya road project which will link over 15 communities.

The Village Head said that the people of the community have been promised that the road will be constructed since the military era, adding that the dream only came true when Governor Uba Sani came on board.

Alhaji Muktar thanked the Governor for bringing dividends of democracy to the area, which include a Primary Healthcare Centre, schools and enhanced security.

He further said that lessons have commenced in the Science Secondary School that Governor Uba Sani built in the area as students are presently receiving instructions in the school.

According to him, the Governor has so demonstrated love for the people of the area, so much that ”We want the name to change from ”Millennium City” to ”Governor Uba Sani Millennium City”

Speaking at the event, Governor Uba Sani recalled that when he came on board, ”we made it clear to everyone that we will try as much as possible to take development to every part of Kaduna State.”

The Governor said that he met with the people of Danbushiya, ”sat down with them, discussed with them and realised that this is a very important road that links about 15 communities.”

”As a Government, we found it extremely important and necessary, to put in a lot of money, to ensure that we construct an asphaltic road that will connect these communities,” he added.

The Governor who promised that the road will be commissioned in nine month’s time, commended the community for giving the contractor all necessary support.

Governor Uba Sani also inspected the ongoing reconstruction of Ahmadu Bello Stadium which will to become a safer and more modern sports arena that meets international standards when completed.

He also inspected the ongoing renovation of a Primary Healthcare Centre at Mando community in Igabi local government area