Category: Daily Trust

The Zamfara State Government has approved the reinstatement and payment of seven months’ salary arrears for 103 teachers earlier affected by the verification exercise conducted by the Ministry of Education, Science and lTechnology.

Commissioner for Education, Science and Technology, Malam Wadatau Madawaki, disclosed this while briefing journalists on the outcome of the review of the teacher verification exercise.

Madawaki said the affected teachers were wrongly omitted from the list of verified staff due to what he described as ‘commission or by omission’ during the verification process.

‘After the verification exercise, we found out that 103 of these teachers were mistakenly affected. They were supposed to be in the list of declared teachers,’ he explained.

The commissioner said following the discovery, the ministry wrote to Governor Dauda Lawal seeking his approval for the reinstatement of the affected teachers and the payment of their withheld salaries.

‘From January up to July 2025, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology wrote a letter to His Excellency, the Executive Governor, requesting him to graciously approve the registration of these 103 teachers,’ he said.

‘Alhamdulillah, the Executive Governor, as a caring father, has approved their registration and also the payment of their outstanding monthly salaries from January to July 2025’, he said.

He emphasized that the ongoing reforms in the education sector are part of the government’s broader efforts to sanitise the system and ensure efficiency in public service.

Lere Olayinka, the Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication and Social Media to the FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, has responded to recent comments by Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, accusing him of making unfounded criticisms merely to attract media attention.

Obi had recently visited the LEA Primary School in Kubwa, Abuja, where he described the condition of the school as a ‘national disgrace’ and said it reflected the country’s lack of commitment to education.

He specifically noted that classrooms lacked chairs and toilets.

Obi also stated that, during his time as governor of Anambra State, he visited all primary and secondary schools and left public funds for the state upon leaving office.

But in a statement, Olayinka accused Obi of constant criticism of government actions. He countered that the current FCT administration, under Wike, is renovating 73 schools across the six Area Councils, with 21 already completed.

A Shari’a Court sitting in Danbare, Kano State, has arraigned a man, Malam Shaddadu, for allegedly selling his son’s house without his consent.

The complainant, Muhammad Shaddadu, told the court that his father had previously bought two tricycles for his half-brothers.

He said tragedy struck when one of them was attacked and killed by hoodlums, who also stole his tricycle.

Muhammad explained that his father wrongly blamed him for the incident, took him to court, and he was subsequently remanded in prison. However, he said the court later acquitted him of all charges.

Upon his return home, Muhammad alleged that his father had sold his house, under the assumption that he would not return.

However, when the charge was read, the father denied the allegation and pleaded not guilty.

In his ruling, the presiding judge, Malam Munzali Idris Gwadabe, observed that the matter was a family dispute between father and son.

He subsequently transferred the case to the Court of Arbitration for reconciliation between the parties.

Suspected Boko Haram insurgents have launched a deadly ambush on security forces in Kashimiri village, Bama Local Government Area of Borno State, killing the Commanding Officer of the 202 Battalion, five soldiers, and three members of the Civilian Joint Task Force (JTF).

Several other soldiers, including the Commanding Officer of the 222 Battalion, Konduga, sustained injuries, while one soldier was abducted by the assailants.

Daily Trust gathered that the troops, who had conducted a clearance operation on Friday, were ambushed while returning to Bama.

A survivor of the attack said the incident occurred at Kashimiri, located about 25 kilometres from Bama town and 93 kilometres from Maiduguri, the Borno State capital.

The soldier said, ‘We were deployed for a clearance operation after intelligence indicated that a coalition of terrorists from various locations had gathered to launch an attack on Bama, Kawuri, or Awulari.

‘Our assignment from the 7 Division of the Nigerian Army was to disrupt their plan. We achieved our mission – destroyed their camp, and rescued women and children. Unknown to us, they had prepared an ambush ahead.

‘We lost the Commanding Officer of the 202 Battalion, five soldiers, and three Civilian JTF members instantly. They opened fire from behind; when we turned to face them, another group launched RPGs from the front. Bullets rained from both sides.

‘The Commanding Officer and the soldiers around him died on the spot. One RPG hit a Civilian JTF member, killing him instantly. It hurts when people say we were killed during a clash – we completed our mission successfully, only to be ambushed on our way back to Bama. That’s the reality of war.’

He further revealed that troops under the Joint Task Force North East, codenamed Operation Hadin Kai, killed dozens of the terrorists during the clearance operation, with several others fleeing with gunshot wounds.

‘They are still picking up the corpses of the terrorists we neutralised, but no one talks about it. As security forces, we are ever ready to sacrifice our lives to protect our nation.

‘We evacuated all eight corpses – five soldiers and three Civilian JTF members – but intercepted radio communications indicating that one of our soldiers, Bello, was captured alive.

‘They use Channel 8 for communication, and we have continued to intercept their signals. They call the names of their fighters, and when someone doesn’t respond, they say, ‘he has slept,’ meaning he’s dead,’ he said.

A senior military source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, confirmed the attack but noted that troop morale remains high.

‘Operations are ongoing on all fronts to maintain pressure on the terrorists, rescue the abducted soldier, and deny them any breathing space,’ he said.

He explained that the troops used motorcycles due to the difficult terrain of the area.

‘They successfully completed their mission, but unfortunately, we lost some of our men. Because of the flexible nature of motorcycle operations, engagements rarely last more than 30 minutes,’ he added.

The source also confirmed that reinforcements had been deployed to track down the abductors.

‘Based on our intelligence, Bello was captured alive, and we will do everything possible to rescue him,’ he said.

Bama has witnessed a resurgence of insurgent activities in recent months.

On September 5, 2025, terrorists killed more than 60 people in an overnight attack on Darul Jamal village, just a few kilometres from the latest ambush site.

Following that attack, the Nigerian Air Force carried out airstrikes that reportedly killed 30 militants after receiving reports of the massacre in the community, where residents had only recently returned after years of displacement.

In another incident, insurgents attacked a military base in Banki, nearly overrunning the barracks and looting arms and ammunition.

Last Friday, I watched the Senate screening of Professor Joash Amupitan with a mild sense of déjà vu. The professor was nominated to fill the vacant post of Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). I wasn’t expecting anything dramatic, as this Senate and the executive have been working hand in glove, and one would not expect them to truncate the nomination. Nevertheless, the senators put some hard questions to Prof Amupitan, and as expected, he answered brilliantly. It was a well-choreographed event which produced the expected result. At the end, the Senate President didn’t even need to count the votes; loud ayes confirmed Prof Amupitan as the next INEC Chairman.

When President Tinubu proposed Prof Amupitan as the new INEC Chairman, what immediately caught the eye was that the president had deemed it convenient to relinquish the post to the region away from his own, as President Goodluck Jonathan did in 2010, when he appointed Professor Attahiru Jega to replace Professor Maurice Iwu. It’s a pity that when Prof Jega’s tenure ended in 2015, President Muhammadu Buhari jettisoned that formula and decided to appoint his successor, Professor Mahmood Yakubu, from his home region. As a result, the appointment didn’t sit well with the public and was criticised initially. In the long run, it was only the even-handed performance of Professor Yakubu that overturned the initial misgivings about his appointment.

Prof Amupitan came to the INEC chair with rich credentials. Though born and raised in Kogi State, he lived most of his adult life in Jos. He is a thoroughbred product of the University of Jos (UniJos), having earned most of his academic credentials from there. He studied law there and graduated with an LLB in 1987. After his sojourn in Law School and his call to the Bar, he returned to the university in 1989 and joined his department as an academic. In due course, he earned the LL.M. and the PhD and rose to become a professor.

He went through the mills, teaching and researching, producing learned articles for journals and writing books. For administrative experience, Amupitan headed his department, then became dean of the faculty and rose to the post of Deputy Vice Chancellor of the university. His peers in the learned profession recognised him as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN).

By a curious coincidence, Professor Mahmood Yakubu, who is handing over to Professor Amupitan, also began his academic career in 1986 at the University of Jos. Born and raised in Bauchi State, Yakubu toed the teaching line early in life. He attended the Teachers College, Toro, and proceeded to Sokoto University, where he garnered a first-class degree in history. He is reputed to be the first to have a first-class degree in history from the northern part of the country. He joined UniJos as an academic from 1986 to 1992, and during this period, attended Cambridge University and Oxford University, both in the United Kingdom, for M.Phil. and PhD, respectively.

He thereafter moved to the Nigerian Defence Academy, Kaduna, where he served as Head of the Department of History, Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Social Science, and Dean of the Postgraduate School. As an academic, Yakubu had a pedigree, having published well-regarded books, such as Sa’adu Zungur: An Anthology of the Social and Political Writings of a Nigerian Nationalist and Emirs and Politicians; Reform, Reaction and Recriminations in Northern Nigeria 1950-1966, among others. On many instances, on this page, I have had occasions to make references to Emirs and Politicians, a book that I have found to be unsurpassed in dealing with the intricate and testy relationship between the two antagonists of that period, which still reverberates today.

Prof Yakubu gained further public exposure when he was appointed as the Secretary of the Education Trust Fund (ETF), the precursor of the present-day Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND). Shortly after leaving TETFUND, he was named INEC Chairman in 2015. By the time he left INEC, Mahmood Yakubu had served a record of 10 years. His tenure, though long, had been relatively quiet without the hullabaloo that had characterised tenures of past INEC Chairmen. We must admit that Prof Yakubu has been an achiever at INEC, especially by the deployment of technology to solve long-standing credibility problems associated with elections. In particular, the introduction of BVAS and IREV has enhanced confidence in election results and boosted trust in the outcomes of the election more than at any time in the past.

Prof Amupitan will be expected to build on what has so far been achieved in INEC. This much is what he had pledged to the senators during the screening exercise. The great lawyer that he is, I am not surprised that he never shied away from giving a direct answer to each question posed by the senators, even when the query challenged his integrity. When Senator Seriake Dickson asked him to respond to the rumour that during the last presidential election, he was part of the Tinubu defence team at the courts, Prof Amiputan gave a robust reply, challenging any interested party to check the 2023 Law Report and see whether his name was listed among the lawyers in that suit.

Despite efforts to empower Micro and Medium Enterprises in the country, most businesses in the informal sector still earn low amidst high cost of doing business, a report by financial technology company, Monieppint has shown.

According to Moniepoint, the informal economy is still largely youth-driven, with 73 per cent of business owners aged between 18 and 44.

‘Businesses owned by people aged 35-44 increased to 35 per cent, compared to 29 per cent in 2024,’ it noted.

However, the report noted that women-owned enterprises declined slightly to 35 per cent, while men controlled 65 per cent.

It also added that ’44 per cent of informal businesses make less than N20,000 daily in revenue,’ while ’70 per cent earn below N50,000 in profit’ it stated.

A breakdown of the report by Daily Trust further showed that cash remains the dominant payment method for most informal enterprises in Nigeria.

The report launched to mark the fintech’s decade of operation over the weekend noted that one in four informal businesses report that digital payments account for less than 10 per cent of their total business revenue.

‘For most informal businesses, digital payments are an option, and typically not the full story. 1 in 4 of them say that digital payments account for less than 10 per cent of their total business revenue.

‘Only 16 per cent of them say that digital transactions account for over 50 per cent of their business revenue.’

The finding sits alongside other constraints, low profits, multiple levies, and limited access to large loans, which keep most operators reliant on offline transactions despite rising use of transfers for supplier payments.

‘The number of businesses in retail and trade increased to 44 per cent, followed by other services (33 per cent), agriculture (7 per cent), arts, entertainment, and recreation (4 per cent),’ according to the study.

Despite this dominance, ‘profit margins are low and often eroded by inflation, multiple taxation, and lack of access to credit,’ Moniepoint reveals.

Gender inequality persists, as ’41 per cent of women-owned businesses earn less than N10,000 per day in profit, compared to 34 per cent of men-owned.’

The gap underscores structural financial and cultural barriers to female entrepreneurship.

The report details the demographic, operational, financial, and digital trends shaping the sector amid rising inflation and evolving policy efforts.

The South-West, led by Lagos, continues to dominate, hosting one-third of all informal businesses. Lagos alone accounts for ’16 per cent of businesses in the informal sector – about the same as the North-East and South-East combined.’

In terms of structure, 85 per cent of operators are sole proprietors, and only 40 per cent employ labour – mostly one to three workers.

Moniepoint revealed that longer-established businesses are twice as likely to hire staff, indicating that survival and growth are critical to job creation potential.

The report also highlights that many informal operators ‘pay some form of taxes or market levies (89 per cent).’

However, poor understanding of business registration and its benefits continue to deter formalisation.

Under ‘Credit, Taxation, and Financial Behaviour,’ the report indicates that 70 per cent of informal businesses depend on informal credit sources like family and friends, while digital payments are gradually replacing cash transactions, signalling improved financial inclusion.

On the policy front, experts emphasised the need for simplified registration systems, gender-sensitive financial products, and digital literacy support.

Dr. Nurudeen Abubakar Zauro noted that inflation rose from ‘22.41 per cent in May 2023 to 34.8 per cent by December 2024,’ before easing to 21.88 per cent in mid-2025, urging targeted interventions such as conditional cash transfers and accessible credit.

Similarly, the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry’s Director-General, Dr. Chinyere Almona, called for ‘coherent regulatory empathy’ and tiered compliance structures to prevent excessive taxation from driving small businesses deeper into informality.

According to Moniepoint, while Nigeria’s informal economy remains resilient and adaptive, structural barriers in finance, regulation, and digital infrastructure hinder its potential to contribute sustainably to GDP and formal employment.

Ahead of the FCT area councils’ chairmanship elections scheduled for February 21, 2026, not less than 104 members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Kuje Area Council have dumped the party for the All Progressives Congress (APC).

The APC’s chairmanship candidate in the council, Danjuma Samuel Shekwolo, received the decampees at the weekend.

Shekwolo, who was joined by the party chairman, state welfare secretary, and some party leaders of the All Progressives Congress (APC), received the defectors at a brief ceremony at Kayarda-Kasa in Kuje Area Council.

Our correspondent reports that among the defectors were the Special Adviser on Nomadic Affairs to the incumbent chairman of the Kuje Area Council, Surajo Suman, Alhaji Bala Umar, Mallam Ibrahim Bello, among others.

The APC chairmanship candidate, while addressing the decampees, congratulated them for making a wise decision to join the ruling party and assured them that they would not regret their decision.

He described the decampees as leaders and solid members of the PDP and assured them that the APC would provide equal opportunities and privileges for both old and new members, adding that the party doors were still open for others to join.

Speaking on behalf of the decampees, Mr. Surajo attributed their decisions to the absence of pro-people leadership in the PDP administration in the council.

Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser on Information and Strategy to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has called for disciplinary measures against Aloy Ejimakor, one of the lawyers representing the detained leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu.

Onanuga accused the lawyer of professional misconduct after he participated in a protest in Abuja demanding the release of his client.

Ejimakor was among demonstrators led by activist, Omoyele Sowore, who converged on the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) on Monday to call for Kanu’s freedom.

The IPOB leader has remained in custody since his re-arrest in 2021 and is currently facing trial on charges bordering on treasonable felony. Reacting to the protest, Onanuga took to his official X handle to criticise Ejimakor’s action, describing it as ‘shambolic’ and unbecoming of a legal practitioner.

‘I wonder what Mr. Ejimakor was thinking when he decided to join this shambolic protest,’ Onanuga wrote.

‘As a lawyer, he should be aware of the principle of sub judice, particularly in relation to the ongoing treason case before the court.

‘The prosecution has concluded its case, and it is now incumbent upon Mr. Ejimakor and the other lawyers to mount a strong defence for Kanu.’

The presidential aide accused Ejimakor of abandoning his professional responsibilities in favour of what he termed ‘extra-legal tactics’ aimed at influencing judicial proceedings.

‘Rather than focusing on preparing a strong case, Mr. Ejimakor has resorted to extra-legal tactics, joining a career anarchist, to influence the process,’ Onanuga said.

He further questioned the lawyer’s adherence to professional ethics and urged relevant legal bodies to intervene.

‘Ejimakor’s action questions his commitment to the ethics of the legal profession. Legal authorities should consider appropriate sanctions for the unethical conduct of the bearded lawyer,’ he added.

Meanwhile, Ejimakor said he had been arrested alongside some protesters and taken to the Federal Capital Territory Police Command headquarters in Abuja.

The Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC), which is responsible for maintaining ethical standards within the profession, is yet to issue any statement regarding Onanuga’s call.

The unfolding development in Nigeria’s political landscape, where four state governors elected on the platform of the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) have resigned from the party to join the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), with more reportedly set to follow, makes a mockery of Nigeria’s democratic journey. It portends a dangerous trend towards the erosion of multi-party democracy and a descent into a despicable one-party state.

Within just a few days in October, two governors, Enugu’s Peter Mbah and Bayelsa’s Douye Diri, announced their resignation from the PDP. Mbah, the lone PDP governor in the South East, made his move with a well-scripted but muted justification. ‘After a long walk, we have decided to leave the PDP and join the APC. Our vision has now found stronger reinforcement at the federal level. Our move is bigger than politics but about alignment with the centre,’ he said. His words, delivered to a region known for advocating true federalism and devolution of powers, reek of irony.

While Nigerians were still processing the Enugu development, Diri followed suit. Unlike Mbah, he offered no elaborate justification, merely citing ‘obvious reasons.’ What obvious reasons? As a governor completing his second term, he can hardly claim fear of losing re-election. Though he has yet to join the APC formally, reports suggest his defection is only awaiting a grand ceremony that has now become a political ritual.

These two have joined their southern colleagues, Akwa Ibom’s Umo Eno and Delta’s Sheriff Oborevwori, who made similar moves earlier in the year. Until these defections, Enugu, Bayelsa, Delta, and Akwa Ibom had been strong PDP strongholds since 1999. None of their governors had ever lost a re-election bid. What changed? Particularly for those still eligible for re-election in 2027, the motivation appears less about governance and more about political survival and self-interest.

While it is the constitutional right of every citizen to associate with any political organisation, such rights must be exercised within the bounds of the law. The law is clear that a political party, not the individual, sponsors a candidate for election. As affirmed in the landmark Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi v. Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and Others (2007) case, votes cast during an election belong to the party, not the candidate. In that light, these governors have erred by transferring the mandate of one political party to another.

This newspaper hopes the Supreme Court will one day pronounce a definitive position to codify this principle and protect the sanctity of party mandates.

Beyond the legal implications, however, lovers of democracy must be alarmed at the ruling party’s relentless drive to absorb nearly all opposition figures. While every political party naturally seeks to expand its membership, this expansion must be organic, not driven by a sinister ambition to transform Nigeria into a one-party state.

That the opposition is already in disarray only compounds the danger. Yet, the deeper problem lies in the political and electoral systems that permit such rampant cross-carpeting without consequences. The claim by defecting governors that they seek alignment with the federal government to attract development is nothing but claptrap. Reports suggest that Enugu, even under the opposition, has recorded more tangible development in recent years than some APC-controlled states.

What these defections truly demonstrate is a disregard for the electorate. Good governance, not alliance with the centre, should guide political choices. Opposition politics is a pillar of democracy; abandoning it for convenience exposes a lack of principle and commitment to democratic ideals.

The constitutional provisions on cross-carpeting need urgent review to safeguard the spirit of democracy. The judiciary must also be courageous in interpreting the law to preserve party integrity, particularly in cases involving lawmakers, where the law already provides clear guidance.

Above all, the ruling party must reflect on the repercussions of its unbridled quest to dominate the political space. History offers sobering lessons. The National Party of Nigeria (NPN), during the Second Republic, embarked on a similar conquest. Empowered by federal control between 1979 and 1983, it sought to capture all states by any means necessary. The 1983 elections, marred by massive rigging and violence in states like Oyo, Ondo, Anambra, Bendel (now Edo and Delta), and Cross River, exposed the arrogance of power. The ensuing chaos helped bring down the Republic through a military coup that ended civilian rule along with the party’s dominance.

Decades later, the PDP repeated the same mistakes. After its rise in 1999, it boasted of ruling for 60 years. Drunk on power, it extended its reach through manipulation, internal imposition, and suppression of dissent. When public resentment peaked, elite defections birthed the APC, which toppled the PDP in 2015, a party that now risks repeating the same mistakes that led to its predecessor’s fall.

Both the NPN and PDP remind us of an enduring truth: when ruling parties mistake the nation for their fiefdom and power for permanence, they sow the seeds of their downfall. The survival of Nigeria’s democracy depends not on the size or strength of a ruling party, but on its restraint, inclusiveness, and respect for the people’s will.

Recently, Nigerian President Bola Tinubu granted a state pardon to 175 individuals. Some of those on the list include foremost Nigerian nationalist Herbert Macaulay, the Ogoni Nine, environmentalists tried and executed under the Abacha regime. However, a considerable percentage of those on the list were individuals convicted of murder, kidnapping, corruption, illegal mining, and drug trafficking.

The decision, although constitutionally grounded, has sparked national debate on the role of the prerogative of mercy and its implications for justice, national security and governance. A state pardon, when exercised in good faith, can reinforce justice and offer hope to deserving citizens with a record of misdeeds who have paid their debt of service, providing them with hope and succour. State pardon could also pose a threat to national security and undermine the state’s institutional mechanisms of justice and law enforcement.

Debate on state pardon

Government supporters argue that state pardons were given to deserving convicts and inmates who have demonstrated good conduct, to reintegrate them into society. They also argue that pardons were given to address the challenge of prison overcrowding in the country. However, media reports on the long list of beneficiaries of the state pardon cast a moral question on the true intention of the pardon, as many on the list were political elites, drug peddlers, kidnappers, and murderers, many of whom are yet to show remorse or serve out their punishment. Civil society groups, opposition parties, and even victims of some of those released have described the government’s decision as embarrassing and political, an action that poses severe implications for national security and justice.

Some have criticised the pardon of the Ogoni Nine, arguing that a pardon amounts to an admission of guilt. The Ogoni Nine, convicted by the military tribunal of Abacha for environmental activism, were victims of institutional oppression and the silencing of activists and voices of truth. Critics insist that what was needed for the Ogoni activists was not a state pardon but an institutional apology and compensation for the cruelty meted out to them. Their inclusion is viewed as politics rather than justice, an attempt to pacify the people of the region in the government’s bid to resume oil exploration.

The politics of state pardon

The prerogative of mercy, a legal term that refers to the inherent power of a state to pardon or reduce the punishment of a person convicted of a crime, is nothing new in Nigeria, especially during this democratic dispensation. From Obasanjo to Jonathan and Buhari, there have been exercises of presidential pardon. In defence of this current pardon, some analysts have cited the case of Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, the former Governor of Bayelsa State, who received a state pardon from former President Goodluck Jonathan. However, Alamieyeseigha’s pardon was quite different from this sort of discretionary pardon. At the time he was pardoned, he had already entered a plea bargain with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). He had been exonerated, having served his punishment by virtue of the plea bargain. This context is important to understand the difference between a pardon granted after due legal process and one that seems politically motivated.

In Nigeria, there is a common saying that politics is everything and everything is politics. This phrase encapsulates the idea that political considerations often override moral or legal logic in our country. Some analysts explain the presidential pardon from this perspective as a political move aimed at manipulating consensus and maintaining power. This underscores the urgent need for transparency and accountability in our governance.

Politics and moral governance in Nigeria

Politics in our clime is often described as a dirty game with a scarcity of morals. Even in its worst form, there is still caution for politicians to act in good conscience. Governance is a more serious task; it rests on the pillars of moral precepts and survives on legal instruments, which are often framed within moral logics and ideas. This highlights the crucial need for moral governance, a principled and ethical leadership that upholds justice and the rule of law.

Morality and virtue are necessary ingredients for nation-building and sustainable development. Great nations are built on the strength of their moral fabric and the seriousness with which a government upholds national virtues and moral principles. In this balance lie crime and punishment, justice and peace, anti-corruption and development, accountability and equality. Laws are instituted to uphold the moral fabric of a nation, and punishments are meted out to offenders to maintain peace and deter wrongdoing. Morality is not just an asset in nation-building and development. It’s the capital required to build a strong political economy that can guarantee peace, security, justice and progress in any nation.

Moral governance entails making government decisions in line with a good conscience, upholding justice, building trust, uplifting the collective conscience, and binding or weaving the moral thread of the nation.

Discretionary state pardon granted to high-level offenders and political elite risk putting the nation on a nihilistic path where nothing matters, evil is rewarded, and justice and punishment are trivialised on the altar of elite networks and state capture. This undermines the state’s ability to serve the public interest and can lead to widespread corruption and injustice.

A polity where public offenders are granted state pardon at will invites anarchy, as it distorts the foundation of good conduct, respect for the rule of law and robs victims of justice.

Nigeria’s nation-building journey is at a crossroads, marred by weak institutions, insecurity, poverty and a deficit of trust between the government and the people. Government actors need to prioritise moral governance that emphasises accountability, transparency, and integrity to build trust, strengthen institutions and uphold justice.

Moral governance is not an abstract idea. It is the foundation upon which peace, justice, and unity rest. Until Nigerian leadership reclaims morality as a principle in governance rather than a tool of politics, the nation will continue to trade its moral capital for temporary power and with it the promise of true nation-building.