Category: Daily Trust

In a video clip that has since gone viral on social media, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo was seen publicly endorsing Air Peace while travelling on the carrier’s Lagos-London service alongside founder and CEO of the airline, Chief Allen Onyema.

‘Airpeace is a necessity,’ the clip records Obasanjo saying during the flight, an expression of support that has reignited public debate about trust, reliability and safety in Nigeria’s aviation sector.

The footage showed the two men conversing aboard the aircraft; Mr. Onyema, who founded Airpeace in 2013, has built the carrier into one of Nigeria’s largest privately owned airlines with an expanding international network.

Reaction on social media was swift and largely favorable, with many users framing the former president’s remarks as an important endorsement. Examples of online responses include:

– @AviationGist_hub: ‘… Airpeace is a trusted brand, that’s just the truth, why won’t it be trusted, because Airpeace have the highest safety policy in Africa, that’s just the fact, when it comes to safety, even the elites know it’s Airpeace.’

– @Remilekun_Joyce: ‘Baba Obasanjo carry our chairman dey run o, Baba Obasanjo is such a sweet and loving father fr, Everybody loves Airpeace, except clout chasers’

Industry observers say high-profile endorsements can boost consumer confidence for carriers operating in a market where safety perceptions and operational reliability remain central concerns.

Air Peace has in recent years sought to position itself as a regional leader on both fronts, investing in fleet expansion and international routes.

Attempts to secure comment from Airpeace about the flight and Mr. Obasanjo’s remarks were not immediately returned.

In previous statements, the airline has emphasized its commitment to safety and regulatory compliance as it grows its network.

Obasanjo, who served as Nigeria’s president from 1999 to 2007, retains significant influence in public life and his public appearances often draw attention to the causes or institutions he highlights.

Across Nigeria today, one issue dominates conversations in homes, markets, offices and public transport parks: the rising cost of living. From the soaring prices of food items to transportation costs, electricity tariffs and house rents, millions of Nigerians struggle daily to survive an economy that appears increasingly hostile to ordinary citizens.

The reality is harsh. A bag of rice that sold at a lower price less than two years ago has risen astronomically in many parts of the country. The prices of beans, yam, garri, cooking oil and other household necessities have continued to beyond the reach of average families.

Transport fares have doubled in several cities following the removal of fuel subsidy, while many workers still earn salaries that can barely sustain them for two weeks.

The most painful aspect of the crisis is that the burden falls heavily on low-income earners, artisans, pensioners and unemployed youths.

Many families have quietly adjusted to hardship by reducing the number of meals they eat daily. In some homes, parents now skip meals so their children can eat.

Others have withdrawn their children from private schools to cheaper public schools, while some can no longer afford proper healthcare.

What makes the situation more dangerous isn’t only the economic pain itself, but the growing hopelessness among citizens. Nigerians are beginning to lose confidence in the ability of leadership at different levels to improve their condition.

This frustration is visible in public reactions, social media discussions and even in increasing migration desperation among young people seeking opportunities abroad.

There is no doubt that some of the current economic reforms were introduced with long-term intentions. Government officials argue that subsidy removal and foreign exchange reforms were necessary to save the economy from collapse.

While that argument may hold some economic logic, reforms without adequate social protection often become punishments for the poor.

Policies are easier to defend in press conferences than in the homes of struggling Nigerians. Economic theories do not comfort a civil servant whose salary can no longer feed his family. They do not solve the worries of a widow who cannot afford basic medication or the frustration of a graduate who sees no employment opportunities despite years of education.

Another major concern is the widening gap between the government and the people. Many citizens believe political leaders are insulated from the suffering around them. While ordinary Nigerians struggle with inflation, stories of government waste, luxury convoys, foreign trips and political extravagance continue to dominate headlines. Such optics deepen public anger and reinforce the perception that sacrifices are demanded only from the masses.

The growing insecurity in parts of the country also compounds the economic crisis. Farmers in several rural communities can no longer access their farmlands due to kidnappings and bandit attacks. This has affected food production and contributed significantly to rising food prices.

No economy can thrive when insecurity prevents productivity.

Yet, despite the hardship, Nigerians remain remarkably resilient. Small business owners continue to improvise to survive. Farmers still cultivate under difficult conditions. Transporters, traders and artisans wake up every day hoping for better days ahead. But resilience should not become an excuse for government inaction.

What Nigerians expect now isn’t political rhetoric but practical solutions. Government must prioritise policies that directly reduce the burden on citizens. Investment in agriculture, support for local industries, stable electricity supply and genuine youth employment programmes are critical. Social intervention programmes must also become more transparent and targeted at vulnerable groups.

Leaders must equally embrace modesty and accountability. At a time when citizens are making painful sacrifices, government officials should demonstrate empathy through prudent spending and visible commitment to public welfare.

Trust in governance can only grow when people see that leaders share in the sacrifices they demand from citizens.

Nigeria still possesses enormous potential. The country is blessed with human and natural resources capable of driving meaningful development. However, citizens need more than promises; they need visible improvement in their living conditions.

If the rising cost of living continues unchecked, the danger is not only economic hardship but growing public disillusionment with democratic governance itself. The time for urgent, people-focused governance is now!

The former Senior Special Assistant to the President, on Citizenship and Leadership, Nasir Bala Aminu (Ja’o’ji), has secured House of Representative ticket to represent Tarauni Federal Constituency in Kano State.

Ja’o’ji was produced through consensus supervised by the Kano state Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, following a meeting with individuals aspiring for the seat.

He will contest in the forthcoming 2027 general election, under the platform of All Progressives Congress (APC), as he got the endorsement of sixteen (16) out of nineteen (19) stakeholders, from the constituency.

As Ja’oji’s opponents accepted the consensus, Governor Yusuf assured of carrying them all, as partners in progress in his administration.

He thanked them for their foresight in the patriotic effort they exhibited.

On his part, Ja’oji thanked all the stakeholders and other party faithful, for the good understanding they showed before and during the consensus period.

He urged them to support his candidature for the betterment of the people of Tarauni, and Kano in general.

‘I assure you of my total commitment and loyalty to your cause. Which is ultimately ours and party’s. I will also make sure that I always consult those who were there before us, in our legislative engagement,’ he pledged.

Receiving his nomination form the governor, Ja’o’ji thanked President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, for supporting youth inclusion in politics and governance.

He added, ‘As one of the pillars of Renewed Hope Initiative, youth inclusion, I will not relent in assuring our youth that, they will have a competent and committed Ambassador to the National Assembly. I will also make our able President appreciate our timely inclusion.’

Other opponents were reported to have appreciated Yusuf’s intervention in the entire consensus process, promising to support Ja’oji with all their political strength and influence.

Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu Wazirin Dutse is at the centre of the storm in the crisis bedevilling the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) over alleged high-handedness and financial irregularities. In this interview, he said the N3.9 billion donated to the Forum has yielded over N60 million profit and welcomed the idea of forensic audit, insisting that the National Executive Committee (NEC) has no power to suspend him.

So many issues around the ACF, where is the problem?

Let me first of all begin this interview by sincerely apologising to our people in the North for our seeming inability to hold together this very precious institution called the ACF.

ACF today is one of the few credible institutions standing in the North, and for us to be publicly displaying such insensitivity to our situation is most unfortunate. So, for me, I have to apologise because it’s a deep failure for us, from us to our people.

Secondly, the controversy has now gravitated towards and around my person, but it ought not to be. I am the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the ACF and, recently, six senior members of ACF, amongst whom there was the former Secretary-General and also former Vice Chairman of the BoT, had petitioned the Board of Trustees to say some members of the Board of Trustees and the National Executive Council, tenure had expired. And they required or requested the Board of Trustees to acknowledge that and also contact the Leadership Selection Committee for appropriate search and appointment to fill the vacancies.

This request came to us and, during the BoT meeting, I brought this letter out. I read it to our members and, of course, quite a number of people wanted to speak in support of this matter, but I decided to say, no, we are not going to discuss this matter now, here, because a lot of the people mentioned were not available.

But I was going to hand over to the secretary this request for him to go and study it and also give the other members mentioned, and we would need their reply in three weeks’ time, and that was done. Other issues were discussed and we left the meeting.

After that, the Secretary-General, Murtala Aliyu responded to me, but his response, which I believe you have a copy of, essentially says that his tenure has not ended and that he still had about a year ahead and that he would want me to accept that position in his request.

Now, I took his request. I read the constitution. I compared the two and, because in his letter he quoted another letter giving him an appointment when we came in. In our own batch, they wrote us letters of appointments. I think and I believe they inadvertently also gave the secretary-general and some other people similar letters.

Now, the secretary-general had been an ongoing officer appointed on the 10th of March, 2020. He was given a handover document from the previous one, Anthony Sani, on the 23rd of March, 2020.

But this letter that they gave us together with Murtala, he has decided to say, no, he is going to start counting from our own date, from that letter. But even that letter says your appointment, tenure, and duty would be in accordance with the provisions of the constitution.

What does the constitution say?

Now, the provisions of the constitution are very clear. Any member of the National Working Committee has three years, renewable one more time. So even if you get this letter and it says it must be in accordance with the constitution and provisions, then you have to go back and start counting. Okay, the Constitution gave you three years. What was the first date of your appointment? You see 10th March, 2020, that’s one. Two, the next paragraph says, and your tenure begins on the day you are inaugurated.

Now, of course, for me, a newcomer, my inauguration is when I am handed the seal of office. But for him, inauguration as an English word means the time you effectively take possession of office or begin to work or whatever. He effectively started work on the 23rd of March, even though he was appointed on the 10th.

So even if we want to extend that, the same letter he is arguing on says it’s when he was inaugurated, and check the definition of inauguration. The day Anthony Sani handed over the notes, that was his own inauguration, and it ran like that. He was not the only person who was given this letter and whose tenure also expired. But as at today, he is the only person contesting; every other person, including the Deputy BoT Chairman and Vice Chairman, are not complaining.

Are there other members asked to go who are challenging your decision?

None of them, till now, gave me any letter to say I do not agree, I must continue, except the secretary-general.

So, I wrote him back to say I have compared this, but I have a problem; my understanding of this letter and the provisions of the constitution are such that I am incapable or handicapped to support your position. Therefore, I advise you, like others, to please hand over.

And I copied that letter to the Chairman of the Leadership Selection Committee (General Haliru Akilu rtd) and also wrote him a letter to say this is my opinion and this is what I think is correct. Therefore, I requested the Leadership Selection Committee to sit and provide, even if on a temporary basis, someone who would take over from him until they finish, because the exercise is widespread. They have to sit and look at the whole North and locate people and then appoint them.

If I concede to Murtala’s request, it means that I cannot stop anybody else, either now or in the future, who would want to arbitrarily extend his tenure. I would be establishing a precedent and it will be very messy in future. It will become problematic.

Anyway, when the thing was becoming quite a bit untidy, the Chairman of the Leadership Selection Committee, General Haliru Akilu, decided that maybe he should put together a small committee of elders to look at this matter and try to find a way out, an amicable way out, and requested the Ajiyan Katagum, Alh. Yayale Ahmed, to host the meeting. He invited, of course, Mamman Mike Osuman, who is the Chairman of the National Executive Council, Murtala, the secretary-general, myself, Anthony Sani, the previous Secretary-General, and Bukar Zarma, the Secretary of the Leadership Selection Committee. Mike didn’t come.

The issue was discussed extensively, and I made this point I’m making to you now, to them, that the position is such that we cannot, in all honesty, begin a precedent that will become problematic in the future for ACF, and that we, as a group of elders, must have the strength of character to make sure that our constitution is obeyed.

Other people made points, but in the end, not what I wanted, not what Murtala wanted, maybe not what other people wanted, but a compromised position was attained. The decision is that all of them, including the secretary-general, their tenure expired on the 10th of March, 2026. Two, their positions became vacant as of 10th March, 2026. Three, because Murtala made a case correctly that he was in the middle of arrangements for his son’s wedding, he needed time to put things together and, in the end, it was agreed that, yes, he would have up to the 15th of May to hand over.

Not that his tenure was extended to the 15th of May as secretary-general. His tenure, like the other people’s, terminated on the 10th of March, but for purposes of just handing over, he could go and do whatever personal things he needed to do and then hand over papers to whoever would be appointed acting secretary. He was there, he was part of the decision, he agreed, he showed no sign of any disagreement.

So, a communiqué was drafted and signed by the chairman, General Akilu. It was meant to go out, but I said, no, let us still maintain and keep it in-house. What I will do is take the communiqué, call a Board of Trustees meeting, and then read it there. And that’s what happened.

I called a meeting of the Board of Trustees, we discussed other matters, but this communiqué was part of our deliberations. I read it out; I asked whether anybody had any comment or complaint or whatever, nobody. Murtala was sitting there and he made no sign of objection or disagreement, and the communiqué was adopted.

So, a few days after, my attention was called to some posts on social media platforms and Murtala was calling for an emergency meeting of the National Executive Council.

Now, because he had ceased to be the secretary-general, he no longer had the constitutional or legal backing or position to call for a meeting. And because I knew something negative was happening because of the chairman himself, which is another thing that I will talk about later, I sent in a notice to say Murtala Aliyu, the Matawallen Gombe, is no longer the secretary-general of the ACF and, therefore, he is not in a position to call this meeting. Therefore, I advised against the holding of the meeting.

I think soon after, or a day after, the chairman of NEC (Mamman Osuman), rejected the name because he calls himself chairman of ACF, which is unknown to the constitution, by the way. There is nothing like chairman of ACF. He put in a countermanding notice to say, or I think he asked the publicity secretary or something, to overrule me and say the meeting must go on.

In the interim, I was made to understand that someone had complained against me to a disciplinary committee of the ACF. This disciplinary committee was constituted and inaugurated by Mike, the Chairman of NEC, only about three months ago. All the other standing committees of ACF had not been working since Mike became chairman. None of them, maybe finance and general purpose, which is chaired by Waziri, but not one committee had ever met to do anything.

And I was told that, and I knew the motive, unfortunately. So some other person, I think, advised against what they were trying to do because already a very cloudy, unpalatable atmosphere had pervaded the stories and rumours.

The secretary-general also wrote to the chairman of the selection committee to say to him that, look, your own committee has expired. This committee was established by the General Assembly of the ACF, not even the BoT or NEC. Why did he say so? Because he had already seen where the thing was going.

So, of course, we were told they were going to meet, they were going to reject that the secretary’s tenure had expired; they were going to suspend me, including all the others. Let me tell you that at the time when I read the communiqué at the Board of Trustees meeting, we also established three committees: one, the Endowment Fund Management Committee; two, the Advisory Committee to the Endowment; three, the Committee to Review the Constitution of ACF.

This review of the Constitution of the ACF had been an ongoing problem, an ongoing demand, an ongoing desire, an ongoing necessity. And 13 years ago, Mamman Mike Osuman was appointed the Chairman of the Constitution Review Committee, 13 years ago. Till date, he has not written one word, not one paragraph.

It was when we came in that I said, let’s look at this Constitution. But this day, we constituted these three committees. And because of the demand for integrity and the fear of any form of suspicion or accusation from our vast membership, which is usually dormant until something like this happens and everybody now has a mouth to say something, we were very careful to select some of the best people we have to constitute these committees so that we can hand over to them the matter of looking around at what programmes, what problems, what projects we need to quickly begin to address.

Because for 25 years, ACF had been crying and whining about Arewa having no this, Arewa having no that, there is no education. Our children, 15 million of them, are on the streets. The farmers can’t farm. The security problem has become absolutely impossible to eradicate, the almajiri thing, so many problems. Our children are forced to take their exams on a computer when 80 per cent of them in the North have never, ever seen a computer. But they will have to write there. So these are things that this body would be required to do immediately they start work.

We are no longer going to be talking anymore. We have to now start to be seen actually practicalising what we have always been preaching. But we couldn’t do anything because we had no money. ACF, in these 25 years, had never, ever put together more than N200 million at a time. This N200 million was put together during the 20th anniversary celebration, which didn’t take place.

And that is where I want to come in. When they moved to another place for the NEC meeting in Kaduna, two things came out which I want you to talk on. Number one, they said you are suspended. What is the position of that in the eyes of the law and the Constitution of the ACF? Secondly, they said there will be a forensic audit, alleging there must have been financial improprieties from your end…

Excellent. I like these two questions. Now, anybody who has the ability to read English would understand that the Board of Trustees, by our constitution, if you are the Board of Trustees of ACF, you own ACF. You own physical assets. You own tangible assets. You own intangible assets. You own everything.

Including financial assets?

All assets. Money is an asset, a financial asset in particular, and it lodges in the authority and jurisdiction of the Board of Trustees. And there is no argument about that because the secretary-general himself, each time he wanted money to be brought down from the deposit in the bank so they could use it, would come to me with a written application for me to approve. So, the question of who owns the money and who controls the money is settled.

Let me address the suspension first. The suspension is not only funny and ridiculous; it is, in fact, irresponsible because all of them know the correct thing. They know they do not have the power or authority or any semblance of legitimacy to get to that level. It is like you build a house and live in your house and you have your staff or houseboy. Then the houseboy says he is suspending you. That is what it looks like. They know that it is clearly deliberate irresponsibility. They know they do not have the power. It has no ground or position in law. And they are just doing it to further drag ACF into public ordeal. And for that, I don’t think it is really funny.

But sir, the NEC chairman is also a Senior Advocate of Nigeria.

The NEC chairman is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, but he is flaunting the law. He is disgracing himself by refusing to read, understand and apply the law for his own personal reasons.

The personal reason is that, by hook or crook, he must protect the secretary-general because the ACF NEC chairman, and I told him so in writing, has converted ACF into a feeding bottle that I am determined to stop.

How do you mean?

Feeding bottle in the sense that he is a beneficiary of illegal disbursement of our meagre resources. The ACF, as a body, is a voluntary organisation. Nobody working there is placed on any salary or allowance. I have been there for two and a half years. I have never taken a kobo from ACF. I have gone to meetings uncountable times. I have taken care of myself. I have never received or enjoyed ACF’s one kobo. And I dare challenge them to show any place that I received a kobo.

Why did they now say there will be a committee to investigate financial impropriety? Which money? Is it the endowment amounting to N3.9 billion?

I like that idea. I was very happy and I support them to do so. But I have already written a letter to the commissioner of police in Kaduna to say, ‘Please come and investigate suspected financial misappropriation.’ And my letter is already there with the police. So, it is a very happy, healthy coincidence that they too are looking for the same thing.

And I have also instructed one of our senior people in Kaduna to locate an independent auditor so that they can do the forensic thing.

They said the account in which the money was deposited has been moved to Kano. What would you say on this?

I will come to that. That is the endowment fund they are referring to. But I am talking now about monies that we have been able to collect from people who, in their own hearts, were contributing for a dignified Northern Nigerian body called ACF to hold a 25th anniversary, and we collected N700 million.

Now, at that Board of Trustees meeting I was talking to you about, one of the agenda items was the financial report on the expenditure for the 25th anniversary preparations.

And the secretary-general, before all of us sitting there, stood up on his two feet and started talking to us about how N700 million was expended verbally, without a single piece of paper in his hand. So, of course, some members shouted and said, ‘No, how can you look at us sitting here and begin to give us this report orally?’

So, I had to calm everybody down and say, ‘Okay, we will record in our minutes that the Board of Trustees has requested the secretary-general to, within three weeks or so, bring to us a detailed expenditure report of these monies collected.’ And it was recorded, and that was it. I had to remind Murtala later, in writing, that I was still waiting for his response on this. Then he sent me many pages of ridiculous, absolute nonsense because there was not a single authorisation by signature from me or anybody else. Not a single invoice. Not a single receipt. Not a single witness. No paper supporting any of his claims. And I have never seen a more ridiculous claim than what I saw in that document.

A breakdown of how the N700 million was spent?

A so-called breakdown. You say lunch, four million! You say committee something, five million, just like that, with no supporting document of any colour, shape or type. And I remember a meeting in Kaduna, I held with Murtala and the secretaries of the organising subcommittees, and I told him there and then that we were going to go into these anniversary celebrations. But the day after that, everybody was going to come after us. They would say, ‘Where is the money? What did you do with the money? How was the money spent?’

So, I now constituted all of you into a committee. Any item of expenditure you want to undertake, make sure that you call the committee, Murtala, sit down, look at the item and make sure that you get the best possible deal. Ensure that due process and diligence are followed. Till now, Murtala has not called that committee even once. Until now, he is the only person who can tell anybody how that money was spent.

Is the N700 million separate from the N3.9 billion endowment fund?

I am coming to the endowment. The N700 million has nothing to do with the endowment money. And at that meeting with the secretaries, because he showed me some of the things they wanted to do, including golf, football and hockey, I told them, ‘Listen, ACF will not take its money to sponsor sports because the Northern region is in a very dire situation now. We are not coming to celebrate the 25th anniversary happily. We are just doing it because it is an important milestone. And if you have to play football and golf, you can only do that if you find a sponsor, but not from ACF money.’

They were all sitting there. It was all agreed. When Murtala gave me this breakdown, he had spent over N100 million on football and golf, over N100 million, unauthorised! I clearly told him openly in a committee meeting that he had no right to take ACF money to play football and golf.

When we interviewed him, he said he played a key role in sourcing the money to organise the 25th anniversary…

And that gave him the right to spend it? I have always had a problem with the way ACF manages or treats money matters. And if you are going to interview Ibrahim Ida, the former deputy chairman of NEC, he will tell you that I sent him a text because he was the chairman of the Finance and General Purpose Committee, saying that I was not happy and was afraid about how money was being spent without authorisation and without reason.

Who should authorise, because this is where I have this significant question. There are allegations that, as chairman of the BoT, you have taken responsibility or usurped the powers of the NEC.

No, no. The situation is that the NEC prepares a budget and submits it to the BoT. We are the authorising body.

But not signatory?

No. But we have to authorise after checking.

You scrutinise?

Of course. We can reject, we can add, we can remove, we can do anything. But the authority to touch money comes from the BoT. And I have always had this problem. And I believe Ida will bear me out that I have complained to him.

Let me give you an example. One day, I walked into the hall and saw brand new tables and chairs, brand new. We had never complained about the condition of our furniture. And Murtala had spent N25 million on his own, without our authority or anybody else’s. This is just one example. I can tell you quite a number.

So, I have this phobia, this fear, because each penny in ACF is given to us. We don’t have a business; it is not a company. Somebody else trusted us and believed in us to do the right thing and gave us money. For us to come and become so brazen about spending it – this is my major grouse and that is my fear.

What happened to the N3.9 billion endowment money?

Ahead of the endowment, I called Murtala. I said to him, ‘We are not going to mix endowment money with your current account. So, we must have a separate bank and a separate account.’

He protested at the beginning, but he understood where I was coming from and conceded. ACF has always taken money for paying salaries, doing this and that, buying generators and things like that. And the endowment fund is in there? It is impossible. It will not happen. So, I said, ‘Look, we have to open a separate account.’ He asked where, and he mentioned some bank. I said no, we were going to Jaiz Bank.

Let me tell you. I led a distinguished group of people to meet very senior, very rich Northern Nigerians. I stood there, I spoke. I placed my own honour and everybody else’s on the line. I said, ‘If you give us this money, we promise that we will do the best we can to make sure that it is administered in the most transparent, decent and honest way, with integrity. And that every quarter, we will bring you a report of what we used this money for.’

So, whether anybody gave us a billion or ten naira, I was still going to give every one of them a quarterly report on the activities of the endowment fund.

I also told them that I was not going to be involved in the management of the endowment. We were going to have a separate committee made up of people with vast experience in the various fields we were going to tackle. So that they could see that we involved people and that we were walking the talk.

So, my fear is always that it is my word. And these people I went to and spoke to, I believe they trusted me enough to give their money. Not just me, but an array of Northern dignitaries.

So, I told Murtala, ‘As ACF, one of our leading philosophies is to assist Northern interests, either in business or trade. Unless we do not have a Northern bank, business or company, then we will go elsewhere. Therefore, we are going to Jaiz Bank.’

And because of this phobia, I said I had an account with Jaiz Bank and that we would open it where I had the account because I knew the people and I could monitor things and make sure that nothing happened because I did not trust them in Kaduna.

Was that the reason, after the account was opened, it was transferred to Kano?

No, it was not transferred. It was opened in Kano because I sent for the forms from Kano. When the forms came from Kano, they sent some staff from Jaiz in Kaduna. I said no, we were going to Kano. So, it was not even opened in Kaduna at all.

Are you saying the claim that the account was opened in Jaiz Kaduna, but later, at your instance, moved to Kano, is not correct?

No, it is not true. Staff of Jaiz Kaduna came in, I don’t know how, but maybe they heard about it or Kano informed them.

Was this one of the reasons they said there was financial impropriety?

Yes.

Is any money missing from the N3.9 billion?

This N3.9 billion has already earned another N60 million to N70 million because when I put the money there, I said, ‘Okay, before this committee that will handle this thing comes on board’ – I envisaged maybe it would take three months. So, I told Jaiz Bank – they don’t do interest, I think they do profit-sharing – and Murtala and I signed the bank account opening documents. You understand? It is not like I am going to be a signatory to the account.

But they said you are a signatory now…

No, I am a signatory for the purpose of opening the account, but this account has never operated. When the management committee sits, they will appoint their signatories to the account, those who will sign cheques, not me. But I needed to sign the papers to open the account.

But this account has never been used. This N2.5 billion has earned N63 million now. Then I said the remaining N1.4 billion should also go there.

Is this the reason some members are saying you have monopolised everything?

Pure mischief because I am not going to run the account myself. I did not just dump it there and look away. I deposited it and made sure it generated more money before this committee takes over.

So, I am glad even Murtala, I heard him in one of the radio interviews, said there is no money missing.

There were reports that some monies were missing…

You know our culture in the North, people react irrationally and there was mischief. And because you get 10 per cent of information, you think that is 100 per cent and you go to the press, you go to town, you go into discussions. This money is there intact. But I am not going to let anybody interfere with it before I hand over to the committee. The advisory committee to this management committee is chaired by the Wakilin Adamawa, who is assisted by Major General Magoro.

So, you are happy there is going to be a forensic examination of the ACF finances?

Of course, I am very, very happy. In fact, I am not even relying on some nominal forensic examination. I have gone to the police. I have filed a complaint for the police to come and investigate our accounts. And if they see my name linked to one kobo, I will resign from the ACF.

When you notice that the sky is cloudy, your natural expectation is that rain will fall. When you hear the crow of a cockerel at night, you assume it is daybreak. When a man opens his car door for his wife, it is most likely that the wife is a newlywed or the car is new. When a new-born child cries, you would be right to assume that it is responding to discomforts which may include hunger, thirst, and restlessness. When you see a student celebrating his teacher(s) or school, he/she is likely to be academically sound. When a man says he’s in love, you expect to hear the name of a woman. However, it is not the case when you ask people about their worst enemy because the responses would not only be as many as the number of respondents but are likely to be far from the truth.

While some individuals may consider their political opponents as their worst enemies, others would take anyone with whom they had a quarrel as their worst enemy. Some people would choose their worst enemies from those they presume to be responsible for their career predicaments, financial liabilities, matrimonial challenges or business failures. Worst enemies, to some people, should emerge from differences in religion or ethnicity. Amazingly, none of these dynamics no matter how terribly persuasive they seem, actually makes a worst enemy out of any man or woman. Indeed, the holy Quran teaches that a man’s worst enemy isn’t a fellow man or woman but the Shaytan.

Man is unable to easily recognize the Shaytan not only as an enemy but also as his worst of all enemies because the Shaytan is wearing a mask; disguising in the most inconceivable forms that shuts an individual’s imagination from perceiving him even as a least enemy. Most often, Shaytan operates in disguise, which is why his name seldom comes to mind when man attempts to detect his real enemy. Quran 7:16-17 states ‘He said: Because thou hast thrown me out of the way, lo! I will lie in wait for them on thy straight way. Then I will assault them from before them and behind them, from their right and their left. Nor will thou find gratitude (for thy mercies) in most of them.’

The devil would always stand on your way to performing acts of obedience. Shaytan will equally waylay you on the path to disobeying Allah (SWT) by making all that is sinful to appear beautiful in your eyes. To destroy a believer, Shaytan makes everything made forbidden by Islam to be exceptionally attractive to man’s heart; making him man’s worst enemy. Allah (SWT) reveals the identity of man’s worst enemy in Quran 12:5 wherein He states that Shaytan is man’s avowed enemy. Indeed, Shaytan is man’s sworn enemy and should be treated as such. Allah (SWT) declares Quran 35:6 ‘Verily Shaytan is an enemy to you so treat him as an enemy. He only invites his adherent that they may become companions of the blazing fire.’

Enmity generally refers to deep-seated dislike or ill-will. Deriving from an Anglo-French word, an enemy is a person who displays hatred, either overtly or covertly, to another person or group. There can be no enmity without hatred underscoring it; making the latter a synonym and critical element of the former. Enmity can be short-lived or long-lasting. Shaytan really hates man, and therefore, should be despised by man. Shaytan is mentioned 88 times in the Qur’an. Except during Ramadan when they are chained in Jahannnam, the devils (Shayatin) according to hadith literature are malevolent forces that are closely bound to humans.

Besides the power to whisper into man, they have been empowered to also move through human blood. The fifth verse in the last Surah of the Qur’an tells us about Shaytan’s Allah-given powers of whispering evil into the hearts of mankind. Each time a believer wants to disobey Allah (SWT), Shaytan will spare no tricks to hoodwink him into committing sinful acts, the big and the small. The world is, therefore, a battle ground where man is in constant struggle against Shaytan’s intrigues.

Shaytan pretends to be man’s friend but with an ulterior motive to stab him from behind. That was how Shaytan deceived Prophet Adam (AS) and Hauwau to eat from the forbidden fruit. If Shaytan succeeded in using intrigues to mislead both Adam and Hawau who were obedient servants of Allah (SWT) in the heavenly garden, it would be Shaytan’s easiest task to lure contemporary man into his snare because man is naturally given to inordinate passion for wealth, women and mundane elements of comfort. Shaytan is as determined as his knowledge of our weaknesses to, at every opportunity, use our weak points against us. He waits patiently for when we are most vulnerable in order to take advantage of our emotions.

Show apathy to this world and you would have sent Shaytan on exile away from your mental and spiritual territories. Man’s show of excessive love for this world and its elements of comfort is only but an open invitation extended to Shaytan to take over his affairs. Similarly, one would have completely demoralized Shaytan each time he brings to mind reflections about the inevitable event called death. A believer’s obedience to all the instincts of his heart only increases Shaytan’s intimacy with him or her. Weighing everything that one’s heart covets is actually the defining action that consistently aligns Shaytan from us and our affairs. That is the foremost step in resisting Shaytan’s influential temptations. ‘Forbidden fruit’, they say, ‘is sweetest’. We must make up our mind not to taste any forbidden fruit each time Shaytan offers it to us.

As an avowed enemy, Shaytan, not God, is responsible for most of our misfortunes in life. Let us as fathers or husbands, mothers or wives, siblings, friends, neighbours, colleagues, teachers, learners, landlords, tenants, residents or visitors strive with virtuous words, actions and thoughts to defeat the Shaytan, and keep him out of our living. May Allah (SWT) arm us with the right level of piety required to conquer our worst enemy, Amin.

At 4:30 a.m., long before the first call to prayer rises across many Nigerian towns and cities, thousands of teenagers are already awake. Some have barely slept through the night. Examination slips are folded carefully into bags and held tightly like passports to another future.

For many candidates sitting the 2026 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), the day represents far more than another academic exercise. It carries the weight of years of sacrifice, for some; for others, it embodies the hopes and dreams of their families. As the sun begins to rise, illuminating the streets with a golden hue, the air is thick with anticipation and anxiety, each student silently praying for success that could change their lives forever. failures; expectations from family members; and the hope of securing higher education in a country where university admission remains fiercely competitive.

The UTME, conducted annually by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), is widely seen as the principal gateway into tertiary education in Nigeria. Officially, it is designed as a merit-based process that offers students equal opportunity to compete for limited admission spaces. Yet, beneath that narrative lies a much harsher reality. Beyond the examination hall, millions of candidates and their families are confronted by hidden financial costs, logistical challenges, long-distance travel, insecurity, and emotional pressure that often shape performance as much as the preparation does.

This year, with more than 2.2 million candidates competing for admission into universities, polytechnics, and colleges of education, the examination process has once again exposed the inequalities embedded within Nigeria’s educational system.

Across Abuja, Lagos, Kano, Benue, and Edo states, candidates and parents described a process that extends far beyond answering questions on a timed computer screen. For many households, the UTME has become a test not only of academic ability but also of endurance, financial strength, and survival.

The journey begins before dawn

For many candidates, examination day begins with journeys that start hours before sunrise. Examination centers are frequently located far from candidates’ homes, often in unfamiliar communities and, in some cases, outside their states of residence.

In urban centres, candidates battle heavy traffic and long commuting hours. In rural communities, the burden is even greater. Students often combine motorcycles, tricycles, buses, and long walks just to arrive at designated Computer-Based Test (CBT) centres before the mandatory reporting time.

The pressure to arrive early creates enormous stress. Candidates who miss scheduled biometric accreditation risk losing the opportunity to sit for the examination entirely. Families therefore leave home at odd hours, exposing children and parents alike to poor roads, transport uncertainty, fatigue, and insecurity currently ravaging the nation.

Reports of accidents involving candidates and their relatives have become increasingly common over the years. In some instances, parents accompanying their children have reportedly collapsed from exhaustion or stress or even died, as was the case in Ondo State, where a mother, identified as Oluwasola Adebayo, collapsed and died while waiting for her child to finish the exam. These incidents are not isolated tragedies but symptoms of a system struggling under infrastructural and logistical strain.

For candidates from low-income households, the burden begins long before examination day.

Although the official UTME registration fee ranges between N7,200 and N8,000, many families say the actual cost of participating in the examination is far higher.

Expenses accumulate through tutorial lessons, internet subscriptions, cyber café charges, biometric verification, correction of personal records at the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC), transportation, accommodation, and feeding.

For some families, the cumulative cost reaches two or three times the official examination fee.

Mariam Usman, one of the candidates, said she spent N35,000 on a three-month tutorial programme in Tudun Wada, where she attended lessons four times weekly.

‘It was helpful, but they only taught me three subjects. I had to study one on my own,’ she said.

Even after months of preparation, she still encountered avoidable stress on examination day. Scheduled for a 2:30 p.m. session, she reportedly waited an extra hour before being admitted into the hall and eventually completed the examination around 5 p.m.

‘Even though it was my first time, I still passed,’ she said, while noting that the overall process was far from seamless.

Parents say the official registration fee tells only a fraction of the story.

Imam Yusuf, whose child also sat for the examination, explained that most families spend heavily on supporting requirements that are rarely acknowledged publicly.

‘The form itself is not the real cost,’ he said. ‘It’s everything around it.’

That ‘everything’ includes private tutorials, transportation to registration centres, data subscriptions for mock examinations, printing fees, and repeated visits to CBT centres due to technical or scheduling issues.

Long distances and rising risks

One of the major complaints raised by parents and candidates this year was the posting of students to examination centres far from their communities.

Dorathy Danladi described the situation as both financially draining and dangerous.

‘In some cases, candidates travel long distances, across states. That comes with serious risks,’ she said, referencing growing concerns about kidnapping and unsafe travel conditions in parts of the country.

Insecurity has transformed what should be a routine academic process into a frightening ordeal for many families. Parents often feel compelled to accompany their children, especially younger candidates, resulting in additional transport and accommodation costs.

Danladi also pointed to recurring operational failures at CBT centres, including unstable electricity supply, delayed accreditation, malfunctioning systems, and biometric verification problems.

‘When systems fail or fingerprints are rejected, students become anxious. It affects their performance,’ she said.

For candidates already battling exhaustion from travel and financial stress, such disruptions can significantly undermine performance during the examination itself.

Scarcity of CBT centres

Stakeholders also argue that the shortage of CBT centres across many parts of Nigeria worsens the burden on candidates.

Balikis Ahmed noted that the limited number of accredited centers serving multiple communities contributes directly to rising costs.

‘In some locations, one or two centers serve several communities. That increases transport and accommodation costs for families,’ she said.

She argued that partnerships involving government agencies, TETFund, and private investors could help expand infrastructure and reduce pressure on existing facilities.

The scarcity of CBT centers creates concentration points where thousands of candidates compete for limited slots. This often leads to overcrowding, delayed examinations, and excessive transport expenses for families forced to travel long distances.

In Lagos, several candidates who sat for the 2026 UTME described the examination process as financially draining and emotionally exhausting.

Grace Taiwo, who wrote the examination on April 16, detailed the extent of the sacrifices made by her family.

According to her, her brother spent N10,000 on the JAMB form and N15,000 monthly on tutorials over three months.

She added that transportation to her examination center cost her N6,000.

‘During my preparation, I had to deny myself a lot of things like sleep and social media. I had to read like never before,’ she said.

She also lamented the difficulty in reaching her examination venue on time.

‘On that morning, I thought of waiting for the rain to stop, but not until it started heavily. I just had to enter the rain. To be honest, I couldn’t get a vehicle, so I had to trek to a certain bus stop before I was able to see a bike’.

According to her, the transportation challenge worsened when commercial motorcyclists increased fares because of the weather and early hours.

‘The bike man had to overcharge the fee, but I had no choice. Even on the way, the bike developed issues, which delayed me further. My clothes were soaked before I even got to the center.’

Upon arrival, she was confronted with long queues and strict screening procedures, compounding the stress she had already experienced before the examination even began.

Another Lagos resident, Yomi Oladeji, who supported a candidate through the process, said expenses mounted rapidly from the earliest stages.

He listed costs including N5,000 for National Identification Number registration and N3,000 monthly for evening lessons, alongside transport and other logistics.

For Kehinde Michael, the challenge was more psychological than financial.

‘The preparation for JAMB is quite stressful,’ he said.

He explained that reports from previous candidates heightened anxiety about the unpredictability of examination questions.

To improve concentration, he relocated from his brother’s home to avoid distractions.

‘I denied myself sleep. I read daily, sometimes up to two hours, especially close to the exam,’ he said.

Kano candidates battle distance and cost

In Kano State, many candidates said the burden of sitting for the UTME went far beyond academics.

Adam Jamil Adam recounted how he was posted to Kaduna State to write his examination, forcing him to travel long distances under intense pressure.

‘I was posted to Kaduna. I left very early and didn’t eat,’ he said. ‘I was just afraid of missing the exam.’

Although the official examination fee remained below 8,000, Adam said the total cost of writing the examination rose dramatically due to transport and accommodation expenses.

‘I spent 6,000 from Kano to Kaduna. Because my exam was early, I had to travel a day before and lodge in a hotel. The cheapest I found was ?15,000 per night, excluding feeding and local transport,’ he said.

Another candidate, Abdullahi Dahiru Tijjani, faced financial hardship even though his examination center remained within Kano State.

After spending approximately 13,000 on registration and associated expenses, he reportedly lacked sufficient transport fare to return home.

‘I had to return home with the tricycle rider so he could be paid,’ he said.

Parents in Kano also described the process as emotionally draining.

Zainab Bello, a single mother, said funding her child’s participation required painful sacrifices.

‘I had to save from my market sales,’ she said. ‘Sometimes I removed money meant for food.’

Another parent, Hussain Muhammad, recounted the stress of helping his son reach an examination center along Gwarzo Road near Bayero University.

‘My son was posted to a CBT center along Gwarzo Road near Bayero University, Kano. I had to first locate the center, then hire a tricycle early in the morning to meet the 7:00 a.m. deadline. I also waited to bring him back home. It was stressful.’

While some urban candidates benefited from proximity to examination centers, others faced significantly higher transportation and accommodation costs, exposing a widening inequality in access to higher education opportunities.

Allegations of malpractice

Beyond logistical challenges, allegations of irregularities have further raised concerns about the integrity of the examination process.

Sources alleged that at a CBT center in Kano, some candidates were attended to outside designated computer pools after making unofficial payments.

There were also claims that a staff member at a private university in Kano demanded up to 100,000 from candidates without UTME results, allegedly promising access to unofficial channels connected to JAMB.

Although these allegations remain unverified, they have intensified concerns about exploitation and malpractice within the system.

Most CBT operators contacted declined to make official comments. However, one operator who spoke anonymously denied wrongdoing.

‘We are only representatives,’ the operator said. ‘We follow instructions from JAMB. We cannot go outside the standards set by the examination body.’

Candidates confront insecurity

In Benue State, the UTME experience exposed an even more disturbing reality: the intersection of education and insecurity.

Candidates and parents described journeys shaped by fear of kidnapping, high transport costs, and uneven access to CBT centers.

Dubem Clements lamented the financial burden imposed by distant examination postings.

‘This aspect of sending children to far-off distances to sit for their examination is financially draining. My son travelled as far as the Apa area from Makurdi for his JAMB, making me spend a total of N35,000 for the trip,’ he said.

For Innocent Oche, who traveled from Otukpo to Ugbokolo in the Okpokwu Local Government Area, the examination process became both physically exhausting and financially demanding.

‘My JAMB form cost N7,200, correction at NIMC was N2,500, printing of the exam slip was N500, while transportation to and from the center cost N6,500. Checking the result cost N50, bringing the total to N16,750,’ he said.

An internally displaced person, Ibaah Jacob, described an even harsher experience.

Living in the Agagbe IDP camp, he said he spent heavily travelling first to Makurdi for registration and later to Otukpo for the examination.

‘That’s not all. I had to rent a room for N6,000 for one night. Altogether, I spent about N30,000, excluding feeding and the cost of the JAMB form obtained earlier,’ he said.

In contrast, candidates who wrote examinations closer to home faced far fewer challenges.

Sesugh Joseph, who sat for the examination in Makurdi, said his experience was comparatively easier.

‘I didn’t face many challenges. My transportation cost N2,000, and the JAMB form was N7,200,’ he said.

Trauma and fear among minors

For some younger candidates, the experience was deeply traumatic.

Terkula Igidi explained how his 15-year-old son, Msughter Terkula, travelled alone from Makurdi to Apa Local Government Area for the examination.

According to him, the journey itself negatively affected the boy’s performance.

‘We spent conservatively, N25,000 for him to travel from Makurdi to Iga-Okpaya, Apa LGA of Benue State, to write the exams. Due to the biting economic hardship, his mother had to sell a goat to get the transport fare and feeding allowance for him.’

‘His name is Msughter Terkula, and as a minor (15-year-old), it was a traumatizing experience for him, travelling from Makurdi to Otukpo and then to Iga-Okpaya all by himself. The pervasive insecurity in the state was also a cause for concern, not just for him but also for us, his parents.

‘And the paralyzing fear of getting kidnapped or killed made him perform abysmally in the JAMB. He scored only 176, whereas his sister, who wrote in Makurdi, scored above 200.’

The teenager himself said the experience left him emotionally shaken.

‘It was a tough experience for me travelling far to an unknown place to write JAMB. It was so rough sleeping on a chair at the center and waking up to write exams. I was confused, and I guess that’s why I didn’t perform as well as my parents wanted me to. So I’m disappointed with myself for failing to compose myself under such stressful circumstances, and I’m angry with JAMB for risking the lives of children and also jeopardizing their futures.

‘The system should be changed if the government truly wants a bright future for young people like me,’ the teenager said.

The dangers surrounding long-distance travel for examinations became even more apparent following the abduction of candidates travelling to Otukpo.

Eight UTME candidates were reportedly among 18 passengers kidnapped from a Benue Links bus along the Taraku-Otukpo axis on April 15, 2026. They were later rescued after four days in captivity following sustained security operations.

One of the victims, 18-year-old Gbile Daniels, recounted the ordeal.

‘They collected my N8,000. They beat us, and we didn’t eat anything, only drank dirty water,’ he said.

Another victim, Akor Jessica, described severe torture during captivity.

‘It was a nightmare. What we went through was too much. We were on our way to write our exams. They beat me with big sticks and machetes at will, but God saw us through,’ she said.

A relative of two abducted victims, Ochadgwuba Alexander, said the kidnappers initially demanded N10 million for each captive.

‘It was a nightmare for us. The kidnappers demanded N10 million for each victim,’ he said.

According to him, he eventually delivered 3.430 million alongside food supplies to secure their release.

The incident further highlighted the risks candidates and families increasingly face simply to participate in the examination process.

In Edo State, parents also described heavy financial commitments associated with preparing children for the UTME.

Abdul Momoh said tutorial lessons alone consumed a significant portion of his income.

‘I had to enroll her in a JAMB lecture on a monthly fee of N20,000, and she attended the lecture for three months. And I was also paying the transport fare of N1,200 daily except on Sunday.’

Calls for reform are growing louder

Parents, candidates, and education stakeholders are demanding more CBT centers at the community level, improved electricity and internet infrastructure, lower registration-related costs, and stronger integration of computer-based learning into secondary schools.

There are also growing appeals for greater transparency in CBT center operations and improved security arrangements for candidates traveling long distances.

Until such reforms are implemented, millions of Nigerian families will continue to bear costs that extend far beyond the amount printed on the UTME registration form.

Former Governor of Bayelsa State and leader of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Seriake Dickson, has declared that multiparty democracy must survive in Nigeria.

Dickson made the declaration at the NDC National Convention in Abuja, on Saturday.

The former Bayelsa governor insisted that the country needed both a strong ruling party and a vibrant opposition.

According to him, Nigeria cannot be allowed to drift into a one-party state, stressing that democracy thrives when there are credible opposition parties capable of providing alternatives to governance.

‘Multiparty democracy must survive in Nigeria. Nigeria needs a strong party in government as well as strong parties in opposition,’ he said.

The former governor said the NDC, though barely three months old, had recorded unprecedented acceptance and enthusiasm across the country.

Dickson said: ‘A few months ago, they ignored the NDC. They laughed at the NDC. But today, they can no longer ignore us’.

He explained that efforts to register the party began in 2017 after concerns that the ideals and foundations of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had weakened.

The leader said the party eventually secured a favourable court judgment, leading to its registration by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in February.

According to him, there is no pending litigation against the NDC and no internal crisis threatening the party.

‘The NDC has come to stay. The NDC is good to go. The NDC has no faction, no crisis and no dispute,’ he said.

Dickson commended Nigerians, especially members of the Obedient Movement, for resisting what he described as propaganda, intimidation and blackmail against the party.

He said political leaders from all parts of the country had embraced the NDC vision of national unity, inclusion and democratic renewal.

The former governor said the political landscape in Nigeria would never remain the same again.

The senator added that the party would take its message of change to every ward, polling unit, local government and state in the federation.

He described the NDC as a credible and viable opposition platform open to all Nigerians.

Dickson also announced that the party had adopted a historic resolution zoning its presidential ticket to Southern Nigeria in the interest of fairness, balance and national stability.

‘Today, we have taken a historic resolution zoning the next presidential ticket of our party to the southern part of Nigeria because we want a balanced and stable Nigeria founded on justice, inclusion and equal citizenship,’ he said.

He added that the NDC was determined to build an ideological political party similar to South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC), rather than a ‘transactional party’ driven by election-season arrangements.

Similarly, former presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Peter Obi, said that Nigeria must not be allowed to become a one-party state.

He insisted that the country must remain democratic with credible electoral processes.

Obi, who recently joined the NDC, said Nigeria’s democracy must be protected to ensure fairness, justice and equal political participation for all parties.

‘We must insist that Nigeria cannot become a one-party state. Nigeria must remain a democracy, and we are determined that in 2027, we will have free, fair and credible elections,’ Obi said.

He said the NDC was committed to rebuilding the country and restoring hope among Nigerians through good governance, justice and national unity.

He also stressed the need to tackle poverty, unemployment and insecurity across the country, describing them as major challenges facing Nigerians.

The former Anambra governor maintained that Nigeria had the potential to prosper but required responsible leadership and accountable governance to achieve national development.

He urged Nigerians to support efforts aimed at building a better and more inclusive nation ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Obi pledged that the NDC would work toward building a prosperous and productive nation by shifting the economy from consumption to production.

The Benue State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA) has raised the alarm that the growing burden of catering for more than 13,000 Cameroonian refugees in Ikyogen community of Kwande Local Government Area, has continued to overstretch the state’s resources.

Permanent Secretary, Benue State Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management and Executive Secretary of the Benue State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA), James Iorpuu, therefore called on the Federal Government to urgently step in with intervention and stronger collaboration.

Iorpuu, who made the appeal yesterday while briefing journalists during the monthly distribution of food items to Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the state, disclosed that the refugees are presently residing in Ikyogen with about 3,000 host community members in Kwande, Benue LGA which shares border with Cameroon.

The SEMA boss lamented that the state could no longer sustain the humanitarian pressure.

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has questioned the move by lawyers to Nafiu Bala Gombe seeking the reassignment and transfer of his suit against the David Mark-led National Working Committee.

This is as the Federal High Court in Abuja on Friday adjourned indefinitely the suit filed by Gombe, challenging the party’s leadership under former Senate President David Mark.

Justice Emeka Nwite adjourned the matter sine die (indefinitely) after the plaintiff informed the court that he had applied to the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court for the transfer of the case to another judge.

But reacting in a statement yesterday, National Publicity Secretary of the ADC, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, said it was curious, if not outrightly laughable, that a plaintiff who claims to want justice is now running away from the speedy hearing of his own case.

The ADC said the letter written by Nafiu Bala, seeking to reassign the matter to another judge, was part of an attempt to manipulate the judiciary and confirms the party’s fears that agents of the ruling party are making efforts to get the case assigned to one of their preferred judges.

ADC alleged that some agents of the Federal Government were making frantic efforts to manipulate the judiciary by switching the judge in the leadership matter involving Nafiu Bala.

Abdullahi said, ‘Having received the letter written by Bala requesting the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court to reassign the case to another judge, it has now been proven beyond all reasonable doubt that the sinister plot allegedly led by a notorious federal minister is indeed afoot. This is no longer about justice or the merit of the case, but about the desperation of political operatives confronted by the utter frivolity of their case.

‘With this development, it is now obvious that Nafiu Bala Gombe and his handlers are trying to turn the judiciary into a shopping mall where you pick and choose judges suitable for your political schemes.

‘You cannot file a case and then begin to dictate which judge should hear it simply because proceedings are not going your way. No litigant has the right to choose a judge in his own matter.

‘The attempt to seek an indefinite adjournment after the clear direction of the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court for a speedy trial, in fact, raises serious questions about the willingness of the lower courts to obey express orders from superior courts.’

ADC said instead of allowing the matter to proceed expeditiously, as any aggrieved plaintiff genuinely seeking justice would, ‘Bala and his handlers are looking for ways to stall the case until they are able to find a judge willing to do their bidding and pervert the course of justice.

‘We regret to say that this is exactly the kind of political interference and behind-the-scenes manipulation that has brought the judiciary into disrepute,’ the statement said.

Court adjourns ADC leadership suit indefinitely

Meanwhile, the Federal High Court in Abuja yesterday adjourned indefinitely the suit filed by an African Democratic Congress chieftain, Nafiu Bala Gombe, challenging the party’s leadership under former Senate President David Mark.

Justice Emeka Nwite adjourned the matter sine die after the plaintiff informed the court that he had applied to the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court for the transfer of the case to another judge.

The suit marked FHC/ABJ/CS/1819/2025 has generated a fresh leadership crisis within the ADC following the emergence of Mark and former Osun State governor, Rauf Aregbesola, in the party’s leadership structure.

At the resumed proceedings, counsel for the plaintiff, Luka Musa Haruna, told the court that the Supreme Court had on April 30 dismissed the interlocutory appeal earlier filed by Mark against the proceedings.

He said the apex court also set aside the Court of Appeal’s order staying proceedings in the substantive suit.

The lawyer, however, disclosed that the plaintiff had written a letter dated May 4, 2026 to the Chief Judge seeking reassignment of the case to another judge.

Haruna urged Justice Nwite to await the administrative decision of the Chief Judge on the request.

The request was opposed by lawyers representing the defendants, who accused the plaintiff of attempting to frustrate the accelerated hearing earlier ordered by the Court of Appeal and upheld by the Supreme Court.

Counsel for the first defendant, Realwan Okpanachi, faulted the plaintiff for allegedly ambushing the defence with the transfer request.

‘We have not received any communication regarding that application. My Lord, so as it is, we don’t know the form or the content of that application. Therefore, we take the approach of the plaintiff as an ambush,’ he said.

‘We also consider it as an attempt to frustrate the order of accelerated hearing granted by the Court of Appeal and upheld by the Supreme Court,’ he added.

Counsel for the second defendant, Sulaiman Usman, described the move as ‘forum shopping and judge shopping.’

‘So my Lord, for the plaintiffs to come back to this court, and to inform us today that they have written a private correspondence to the Honourable Chief Judge, and to make a request for this court to await the outcome of that private correspondence, is not only unfortunate My Lord, but a dangerous trend which must not be allowed to stand,’ he said.

Counsel for the fifth defendant, P.I. Oyewole, also opposed the request, describing it as ‘strange’ and accusing the plaintiff of inviting the Chief Judge ‘to indulge in judicial rascality.’

Responding, Haruna maintained that the plaintiff stood by the application.

Ruling, Justice Nwite held that the court could not take any action on the letter without hearing all parties.

‘Taking a decision or any action in such a letter without hearing from the defendants will amount to breach of their fundamental right in this suit,’ the judge ruled.

He added that since the letter was addressed to the Chief Judge, the trial court could not make any pronouncement on it.

Justice Nwite subsequently adjourned the matter indefinitely.

Despite generating 1 trillion in exports in 2024, Nigeria’s sesame (beneseed) continues to face a huge obstacle at the international markets.

Nigeria is currently the fourth-largest exporter of sesame globally, but rejection has been a major challenge for the exporters.

The Nigerian Export Promotion Council (NEPC) has attributed the repeated rejection in the international markets to poor compliance with sanitary and phytosanitary standards, particularly indiscriminate chemical use and weak post-harvest practices.

In 2025, Sesame ranked as Nigeria’s third most exported product, with about 338,000 metric tonnes shipped abroad. In spite of this however, the agricultural products often face rejection due to safety concerns at the global market.

But speaking at a capacity building programme on Good Agricultural Practices (GAPs) for sesame stakeholders held in Kano on Wednesday, the North West NEPC Regional Coordinator, Hajiya Amina Abdulmalik, said the problem stems largely from lack of awareness among farmers.

She explained that many farmers apply paraquat, a drying agent, directly on sesame seeds to hasten drying, not knowing they are damaging the crop.

‘Even if they think nothing happens to them, international buyers reject it. We must change this mindset and produce sesame that is safe for both local consumption and export,’ she said.

Abdulmalik stressed that the rejection of Nigerian sesame is not about quantity but quality, pointing to pesticide residues, poor post-harvest handling, and contamination as recurring issues.

‘If the Western international market can reject it, why should we eat it? Let’s produce what they can eat, and we too should be able to eat it,’ she added.

She emphasized that the training was designed to guide farmers step by step, from planting to harvest, post-harvest handling, bagging, and eventual export, to ensure Nigerian sesame meets premium market standards.

‘Our goal is simple: to help farmers produce cleaner, safer sesame that commands better prices and passes international inspections without hindrance. When you earn more, Nigeria earns more,’ she said.

Also presenting a paper at the programme, a retired Deputy Director from the Kano Agricultural and Rural Development Authority (KNARDA), Ibrahim Umar Halilu, explained that most farmers fail to follow proper agronomic procedures.

‘Sesame is an export crop, but many consignments are rejected because farmers deviate from recommended practices, from site selection to storage and transportation. Some contaminate it with inert materials or misuse pesticides, and these lapses make our sesame fall short of global standards,’ he said.

Halilu stressed that Nigerian sesame is among the most affected globally, noting that farmers must adopt proper site selection, planting, harvesting, storage, and transportation methods to meet international requirements.