Muslim World League To Commission Cardiac Centre In Kaduna

Governor Uba Sani’s efforts to enhance heathcare delivery system has received a boost, as the Muslim World League commissions a state-of-the-art Cardiac Centre at Tudun Wada, a community in Kaduna South local government on Tuesday.

In a statement issued by the Director General of Kaduna State Interfaith Bureau, Malam Tahir Umar Tahir on Saturday, the health facility will be commissioned by the Secretary General of the League, Sheikh Mohammed Bin Abdulkarim Al-Issa.

The statement added that the health facility will provide ”advanced cardiovascular diagnosis, treatment and care which will substantially stem the tide of patients seeking medical treatment abroad.”

The Director General further said that the project is a collaboration with Kaduna State Government and the Muslim World League, adding that the health centre will attend to patients of all faiths.

The statement recalled the achievements of the Governor Uba Sani administration in the health sector since he assumed office, reiterating that it has renovated, equipped and upgraded all the 255 Primary Healthcare Centres to Level 2 status.

”Governor Uba Sani has expanded access to maternal, newborn, child and adolescent healthcare services, strengthened routine immunisation and disease surveillance.

”Within three years, he has enhanced community outreach programmes, improved emergency preparedness, supported the implementation of the Basic Health Care Provision Fund, and expanded health insurance coverage through the Kaduna State Contributory Health Management Authority,” Tahir added.

According to the statement, ”Kaduna State is also revatilising its the secondary healthcare. General Hospitals are undergoing infrastructure renewal. Modern medical equipment have been procured, improving diagnostic capacity.”

”Governor Uba Sani has also prioritised the recruitment of healthcare professionals across various cadres, strengthened workforce planning, supported continuous professional development and invested in capacity building,” the statement maintained.

The Director General also said tha Kaduna State has ”sustained the implementation of the Consolidated Medical Salary Structure (CONMESS) for medical doctors and the Consolidated Health Salary Structure (CONHESS) for eligible healthcare professionals.”

The Governor has also maintained regular funding of the Medical Residency Training Fund, reaffirming his government’s commitment to developing the next generation of specialist physicians whose expertise will continue to strengthen healthcare delivery in Kaduna State.

The statement pointed out that the commissioning of the Cardiac Centre will add another tertiary healthcare centre in Kaduna State, in addition to the Bola Ahmed Tinubu Specialist Hospital which was commissioned by the president in June last year.

Suspected Vandal Found Dead

A suspected vandal has been found dead under a collapsed transmission tower along the 330kV Ughelli-Benin transmission line in Delta State.

The Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) disclosed this in a statement issued on Saturday by its General Manager, Public Relations, Ndidi Mbah.

According to the statement, the corpse was discovered during an intensive patrol by TCN’s Delta Sub-Region, Lines Maintenance Department (LMD), following the tripping of the Ughelli-Benin 330kV transmission line.

Mbah said the patrol team traced the fault to Tower 101, which had collapsed.

The statement added that the body of the suspected vandal was found crushed between the members of the collapsed tower.

‘Further inspection revealed that Tower 101 on the adjacent Ughelli-Sapele 330kV transmission line had also been seriously vandalised. The tower was still standing as at the time of this report,’ the statement said.

TCN condemned the vandalism and urged the host communities and members of the public to remain vigilant and report suspicious activities around power installations to security agencies and the nearest TCN offices.

The company said the fight against the vandalism of power infrastructure required the cooperation of all stakeholders.

‘This incident is a tragic reminder of the extreme dangers of tampering with power infrastructure. Vandalism not only leads to power outages and damage to national assets, it also endangers lives. Protecting power infrastructure is a civic responsibility. Stop the vandals, or they will stop power for us all,’ TCN said.

PMI Nigeria, Babcock University sign MoU to boost students’ project management skills

The Project Management Institute (PMI) Nigeria and Babcock University have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to equip students with globally recognised project management skills and enhance their employability in the international job market.

The partnership is expected to provide students with access to professional development opportunities and internationally recognised certifications, while connecting them to PMI’s global community of project management professionals.

The MoU will also support the establishment of a sustainable PMI Student Club on the university campus and promote evidence-based project management, thought leadership and regional research.

Speaking at the signing ceremony held at the President/Vice Chancellor’s Boardroom of Babcock University, PMI Nigeria President, Arc. (Dr.) Gbolahan Oyelakin, described the partnership as historic, stressing the importance of exposing students to professional development, leadership opportunities and global networks.

Oyelakin said the collaboration would create opportunities for students to develop professionally and acquire leadership skills that would prepare them for the demands of the modern workplace.

‘Within the context of the MoU that we are signing today, we are hoping to pursue opportunities to establish professional development for the students, which I believe, working together with the school, we will be able to achieve,’ he said.

He added that PMI would work with the university to build a strong and continually engaged community of students and professionals, noting that the partnership would connect Babcock students to the global experience and resources of the institute.

According to him, PMI’s presence in more than 200 countries and territories would expose students to opportunities for collaboration and networking with professionals across the world.

‘PMI is a global organisation present in over 200 countries and territories. What that means is that students are exposed to collaborating and also networking with professionals at that level,’ Oyelakin said.

He noted that PMI’s more than five decades of experience in project management had positioned the organisation to provide students with core knowledge and skills needed to thrive in a competitive global economy.

‘What a 57-year-old organisation can offer to a generation is enormous. That is exactly what the institution offers,’ he said.

Oyelakin said the institute was also looking forward to supporting skill development and expanding its engagement within Nigeria through the partnership.

As part of the collaboration, PMI Nigeria announced an all-expenses-paid trip to Cape Town for one Babcock University student to attend an upcoming PMI regional programme later this year.

In her remarks, the PMI Nigeria Vice President of Youth and Social Impact, Ms Adekemi Oyewusi appreciated the university VC and his team for their commitment to ensuring the MoU signing’s success.

She noted some important upcoming flagship programs focused on Youths and students to enable them to develop innovative, problem-solving, effective communication and leadershp skillsets – the flagship programs include the PMI West Africa Chapters Student Club Hackathon, PMI Nigeria Youth Mentorship Program and Annual National Youth Conference. She urged the school to encourage the students to participate in these events.

The President/Vice Chancellor of Babcock University, Prof. Afolarin Ojewole, expressed excitement over the partnership, describing it as an important step towards developing human capital and preparing students for effective leadership and professional delivery.

Ojewole said project management skills were relevant across virtually every sector of society, including the church, homes, government and institutions, stressing that the discipline went beyond the management of conventional projects.

He said incorporating project management knowledge into the development of students would enhance their capacity and help produce graduates who were ready for the labour market.

‘I believe that if this can go amongst staff, faculty and students, we will be producing market-ready students,’ he said.

The Vice Chancellor added that Babcock University was committed to developing people and equipping them with skills that would make them highly sought after in their chosen professions.

He said graduates who moved on to other organisations would remain ambassadors of the university, stressing that the institution’s focus was on ‘growing people’ and building a stronger community.

Ojewole further disclosed that the university was willing to deepen its collaboration with PMI and explore opportunities to extend project management awareness and inspiration to secondary school students.

‘We are about growing and building people, and this is about growing people. Let’s do this,’ he stated.

The university said the collaboration marked a significant step towards preparing its students with the skills, professional exposure and global networks required to succeed in an increasingly competitive international marketplace.

FG Donates N25m Anti-Snake Venom to Benue

The Benue State government has received 100 vials of Panaf Premium Anti-Snake Venom (ASV) valued at over N25 million from the Federal Ministry of Health and Social Welfare for the treatment of snakebite victims across the state.

The intervention is expected to ease the financial burden on snakebite victims and their families, amid concerns over the cost and availability of anti-snake venom for treating cases across the state.

State Commissioner for Health and Human Services, Dr. Paul Ogwuche, who received the consignment on behalf of the Ministry of Health and Human Services on Friday in Makurdi, said the donation was secured through the state’s engagement with the Federal Ministry of Health and would complement the efforts of the state government of improving access to essential healthcare services.

Ogwuche commended the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Professor Muhammad Ali Pate for responding positively to the state’s request for anti-snake venom.

He said the intervention would particularly benefit vulnerable residents who might otherwise struggle to afford the medicine when bitten by snakes.

He said that the availability of the medicine would facilitate prompt treatment of snakebite victims while reducing the financial burden on affected families.

The commissioner added that the state ministry would ensure proper documentation, storage, distribution and rational utilisation of the consignment to guarantee that the life-saving medicine reaches patients who genuinely need it.

Receiving the donation on behalf of the ministry, the Permanent Secretary, Dr. Cephas Hough, expressed appreciation to the Federal Ministry of Health and Social Welfare for the timely intervention.

Hough said the donation would strengthen the state’s capacity to respond to snakebite cases and reduce the treatment burden on affected residents.

He also commended the commissioner for his proactive engagement with the Federal Ministry, which facilitated the donation to the state.

The permanent secretary said the intervention showed the importance of sustained collaboration between the federal and state governments in addressing critical public health challenges.

The consignment was subsequently handed over to the Director of Pharmaceutical Services, Pharmacist Regina Chi-Chi Agir, for documentation, storage and warehousing in line with established pharmaceutical management procedures.

Before the flyovers, build development plans

Every day we keep hoping and praying that things would get better in Nigeria. While government keeps affirming to citizens that things have improved with a pledge that they will continue to get better, many Nigerians keep telling the government that they are yet to feel the impact of the acclaimed improvement. Like the Hausa adage in which the proverbial dog said it was yet to see something palatable on the ground in its response to those who claimed celebration was ongoing in its house, many Nigerians believe that the hard times are only getter harder and tougher.

Could the Nigerian socio-economic story that has refused to change be a consequence of the divine assertion mentioned in the Holy Book of Islam? Allah (SWT) states in Qur’an 13:11 ‘…Verily never will Allah change the condition of a people until they change it themselves (with their own souls) …’ How could things get better when aberrations, instead of ideals, have become the order of the day? Many of the things that are supposed to be exceptional circumstances in our day-to-day activities have rather become the norm.

Whether in matters of religion, politics, education or economy, the story is the same in all aspects of our daily life. The old glory of decency, honesty, firmness, accountability, modesty and fair dealing that hitherto characterized the life of Nigerians have virtually been substituted with self-centeredness, corruption, irresponsibility, betrayal and injustice. Excellence is being sacrificed on the altar of nepotism, favouritism, and financial inducement.

Nonetheless, the government may seem to have come to terms with the feelings of Nigerians when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu recently told state governors that they should stop constructing unnecessary yet expensive flyovers in low vehicular traffic areas; urging them to instead re-direct such critical funds to rural networks and citizens’ welfare. President Tinubu’s comments could have been informed by the disproportionate impact of state governments within the context of allocations, which they have continued to receive from the federation account especially in the past three years.

These remarks and criticism of the trend of constructing flyovers came from President Tinubu while hosting a delegation of traditional rulers from Oyo state led by the Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Rashidi Ladoja. Tinubu urged the traditional rulers to help convey this particular message directly to their state governors. Unless a royal father is ready to vacate his palace or go on exile, I doubt if any of them will carry this message from the presidential villa across hundreds of kilometers down to Oyo state and deliver it to Governor Makinde. They are not likely to cross River Niger with it. The royal fathers stand a better chance to convey this kind of unfavourable message to state governors only after their longstanding appeal or recognition by the Nigerian Constitution is granted.

Speaking further to the royal fathers on this matter, President Tinubu emphasized that, as a consequence of the removal of petrol subsidy, states now receive four to five times more than what hitherto came to them monthly from the Federation Allocation Account Committee (FAAC); adding that governors have no excuse for poor performance since none of them ‘is borrowing to pay salaries.’

A plausible reason that could explain why some of the projects undertaken by some state governments look like ‘square pegs in round holes’ is probably the absence of a strategic development plans (SDPs) in nearly all states of the federation. This writer is not aware if the federal government also has a national development plan. Where a state does not have a SDP over a defined period of time, the governor is likely to rely merely on the advice of his close political associates and aides in deciding what to do in terms of projects for his people even though such may not be consistent with the expectations of the majority of the electorate who genuinely gave the governor their votes and the mandate to give them good governance.

A development plan is one strategic instrument of governance that successive governments in Nigeria at all levels in over two decades have failed to give the attention it deserves; forgetting all the national and regional gains of past development agendas from the 1970s through 2007 when late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua fashioned out an economic transformation blueprint called Vision 2020; the last on the list of Nigeria’s past development initiatives. For readers who desire to refresh their memories on this subject matter, they could browse a previous article published on this page in the column’s edition of December 25, 2015 which gave a synopsis of all the country’s past national development agendas.

In the first two decades after independence from British colonial authorities, Nigeria was a good place to stay in spite of the country’s under-development. Good governance, exemplary leadership, a vibrant agricultural sector, access to quality education, job opportunities, patriotism, national cohesion and peace are some fond memories of the good old days of Nigeria. This set of prosperities couldn’t have happened or thrived without proper planning and implementation of government policies.

SDPs identify, in order of priority, a national or state critical needs. It outlines what needs to be done within what period and by whom with a view to achieving common national or state objectives. With a well-thought-out SDP that is supported by strict adherence to implementation guidelines, state governments have better chances of overcoming their under-development challenges in a comparatively shorter period of time. With a political will committed to executing an all-inclusive SDP, states have the potential to adequately mobilize their resources to break away from failures of the past, and thereafter, lay a solid foundation for achieving sustainable poverty reduction, employment generation, food security, wealth creation, economic stability, and value re-orientation.

The need for states to have SDPs finds justification in the reality that the one-year lifespan of the annual budget is practically inadequate to implement policies and reform agendas because critical areas such as infrastructure most often require more than a year to execute, expand, reform or revive. It equally requires longer time to bring budget deficits to an acceptable level of stability. May Allah (SWT) grant our executive leaders the knowledge, wisdom, and guidance needed to provide their respective states with SDPs, Amin.

Messi’s father dies after prolonged illness

The father of Lionel Messi has passed away after prolonged illness.

Aged 68, Jorge Messi died at Sanatorio Centro hospital in Rosario where he had been receiving treatment for an undisclosed illness.

He had missed the entire 2026 FIFA World Cup co-hosted by USA, Mexico and Canada between June and July.

Jorge was unable attend despite his son, and Argentina, making it to the final of the Mundial where they lost 1-0 to Spain after extra-time.

He died in the early hours of Saturday, according to the hospital’s official statement signed by Medical Director Carlos Mackey.

The hospital called for respect for the family and offered no further information regarding the cause of death.

‘Sanatorio Centro, through its Medical Director, regrets to inform you of the passing of patient Jorge Messi, 68 years of age, which occurred today at 2:00 a.m.

‘We extend our deepest condolences to his family and loved ones during this difficult time. In compliance with current regulations regarding patient data protection, and out of respect for the family’s privacy, no further details will be provided regarding the medical circumstances of his death.’

Tributes have poured in for Jorge Messi, who took a young Messi to Europe for career-defining treatment and signed his first Barcelona contract on a napkin in December 2020.

Newell’s Old Boys, Messi’s first club, praised Jorge as ‘the pillar and the person who, with vision, rigour, and affection, supported the career of the greatest player of all time,’ while the Argentina Football Association stood in solidarity with the family on the loss and with a warm embrace.

Barcelona, where Lionel Messi broke numerous club records and became its best ever player, thanked Jorge for entrusting it ‘with the beginning and the most glorious years of his son Leo’s football career.’

Real Madrid, Barcelona’s arch-rivals, says it deeply regrets the passing of Jorge Messi as it commiserated with Leo, his family, and all his loved ones.

Jorge Messi was Lionel’s football agent since the mercurial footballer turned 14 years in 2001 and remained so until his death.

A bond that must never be broken (Part 6)

Permit me to once again share the words of the Sweden-based Nigerian writer Prince Kio Jaja Amachree. He wrote the following on X: ‘In 1990 when Mandela came to thank Nigeria for its support to the ANC and the Pan African Congress he was given 10 ten million USD by the Nigerian Government as our further contribution to the ANC when he was leaving. 61 billion dollars was the total figure that Nigeria donated to the ANC and the Pan African Congress by 1994. Adjusted for three decades of inflation, and with even a conservative rate of interest applied, as any court applies to any unpaid debt, the true present value of Nigeria’s sacrifice runs into the hundreds of billions of dollars’.

He went further by saying, ‘this was money that Nigeria, with its own crushing debt burden, collapsing infrastructure and 130 million of its own citizens living in multidimensional poverty, needs desperately at home’.

He was right. He went on to ask the following question and immediately provided the answer.

‘How the debt Is being repaid? Here is how South Africa has serviced this account in the year 2026. Musa Yunana Joe and Charles Iroegbu, two Nigerian nationals, were killed on June 28, one allegedly at the hands of South African police officers, the other by attackers who remain conveniently unidentified. They died two days before an unofficial deadline set by anti migrant vigilantes for foreigners to leave the country. They were not the first this year. In April, Amaramiro Emmanuel was beaten to death, according to Nigeria’s consul general, by officers of the South African National Defence Force, soldiers of the very state Nigerian money helped bring into being. Ekpenyong Andrew was arrested in Pretoria and was next seen in a mortuary. The mobs of Operation Dudula and the March and March movement have marched through Johannesburg and Durban, some in warrior dress, carrying spears, whips and shields, telling African migrants to leave or, in the words circulated on their platforms, return in a coffin. By early July, nearly 600 Nigerians had been evacuated on emergency flights, with roughly 1000 registered to flee, abandoning shops, cars, homes and life savings built over decades. Across all nationalities, more than 13000 African migrants have been driven out in a matter of weeks. None of this is new. It is the fourth great wave. After 2008, when more than 60 people were butchered. After 2015. After 2019. Each time, Pretoria issues its regrets. Each time, no meaningful prosecutions follow. Each time, the machetes return. This is how South Africa repays the country that paid for its freedom’.

Amachree’s analysis is factual and unassailable.

He concluded with the following.

‘History matters! Those who say Nigerians should stop talking about South Africa and face Nigeria’s own problems have it exactly backwards. This is Nigeria’s problem. It is 61 billion dollars of Nigeria’s problem. Money taken from the salaries of Nigerian clerks and the pockets of Nigerian students and the treasury of a struggling young republic, invested in the freedom of a people whose government now cannot summon the will to stop mobs from hunting Nigerians in the streets. Nelson Mandela knew what Nigeria had done. He said so, in Lagos, on camera, in 1990. The tragedy is that the nation he founded has chosen amnesia. Nigeria and 220 million Nigerians have not forgotten. The dead, Musa, Charles, Amaramiro, Ekpenyong, and the scores before them, will have justice. Through courts, through commissions, through commerce, and through the unyielding memory of history. Not today, perhaps. But the ledger is open, the arithmetic is documented, and history, as it always does, will collect’.

Can anyone dispute what he has said?

Now consider the following words which came from one Phakel Umthakaki Ndanbandaba who is one of leaders of March on March and who was recently hosted by President Cyril Ramaphosa.

In front of a massive and unruly crowd of supporters a few days ago he said, ‘I don’t sleep because I am so scared that PEOPLE FROM NIGERIA who are feeding our kids drugs are here in this country. They are all very dangerous people. And as a man, I took it upon myself to say, you know, let me choose death than to look at what is going on like this. Let me protect our kids. Let me protect our law enforcement officers. Let me protect even our government.’

I am not given to responding to those whose words are fuelled by ignorance, racism, afrophobia and hate but in this case I will make an exception.

Someone should remind this Zulu Phakel that innocent Nigerians don’t sleep easily in South Africa anymore because they are being targetted, beaten, persecuted and killed like chickens in the streets by murderous, homicidal mobs that walk around half naked wielding axes and spears and that are led by thugs like him.

It is the job of law enforcement to catch drug dealers and we support them in doing so wherever those dealers are from but it is not the job of angry mobs who always lump the innocent and kill them with the guilty to do so.

What this man is doing is called race-baiting and incitement against Nigerians and he is endangering our lives. He is also being supported, encouraged and bankrolled by a hidden foreign hand to do all this because he is not capable of doing it on his own.

Yet the question must be asked, has it not occurred to this Zulu Phakel that Nigerians are not the only ones selling drugs in his country?

Some do, just as South Africans smuggle in and sell drugs to Nigerians in Nigeria and South Africa too, but we cannot possibly demonise all South Africans and call them all drug dealers.

There are evil men that are involved in this evil trade from both sides and the answer is for the good men and women on both sides to join forces and resist them.

The answer is NOT to criminalise and demonise all Nigerians and label us as drug dealers.

This has to stop.

One of the leaders of the South African opposition by the name of Herman Mashaba, who we have been reliably informed is one of those bankrolling the madness and egging thugs like Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma and Phakel Umkathaki Ndanbandaba on, said the following on X: ‘South Africa is not going to be blackmailed by anyone or country to accept illegality because they claim to have assisted during apartheid’.

Mashaba would do well to take heed of the following words.

Nigeria will not sit by silently as our nationals are being targetted and killed.

Deny it as much as you like but the truth is that if not for us you would still be in chains.

No one is asking South Africa to accept illegality.

If you choose to be ungrateful and repay our good with evil that is your call and we leave you to God.

Needless to say had it not been for our efforts during your struggle you would still be bondage and abject poverty today and probably be speaking Afrikaans as your national language.

Do as you please but what we insist on is that you operate according to due process and within the law and stop vilifying, demonising, targetting and killing our nationals.

Is this too much to ask?

If you insist on taking the course you have chosen know that nothing is off the table and there will be consequences which will come at a time and place of our own choosing.

Nigerian lives are precious. For each one that your thugs take there will be a heavy price to pay.

Know this and know peace. A word is enough for the wise.

Permit me to add the following.

Many in our country are boiling with anger today about what is happening to our compatriots in South Africa and this is understandable.

The situation is unacceptable and has, rightly, resulted in outrage not just in Nigeria but throughout the entire African continent and indeed the civilised world.

As I approach the end of this contribution I appeal for restraint, understanding, patience and calm from our people despite the smears, violence and mindless and inexplicable provocations for, as the Bible says, ‘this too shall pass’.

Outside of that one thing is clear: those that carry out these barbaric hate crimes and acts of Afrophobia in South Africa deserve more of our pity than our anger.

I say this because when you see a black South African attacking or threatening a foreign African national and telling him to ‘go back home’, it is like a person pouring petrol all over his own body, setting a match to it and burning himself alive.

The reality is that we are one and when a black South African attacks an African national he is attacking himself.

Coupled with this is the issue of suppressed and ingrained trauma which came as a consequence of the apartheid years and which a respected South African leader by the name of Zwelinzima Vavi, the Secretary General of the South African Federation of Trade Unions, alluded to and I mentioned in Part 4 of this series.

The truth is that when the black South African vents such hate towards his fellow black Africans for no just cause it is essentially a manifestation of the deep-set psychological trauma that Vavi was referring to.

It is not only uncontrollable but it is also pathological.

And coupled with poverty and lack of any real prospects of rising to the top, it’s cause is obvious yet lost on most.

To establish that cause one has to study the history of the black South African and know what he has been through and where he is coming from.

The situation was simply shocking for the black majority population in apartheid-South Africa and many from other parts of the world have either forgotten or never knew.

What was done to them can best be compared to what was done to the Africans that were captured, transported like cattle and sold into slavery in America and the Carribean centuries ago and what was done to the Herero and Nama tribes in modern-day Namibia by Imperial pre-World War 1 Germany who literally wiped them out and ethnically cleansed them during colonial rule in the early 19th century.

For four hundred years and particularly after the apartheid system was fully established it was not just a question of South Africans being denied the right to lead and rule in their own country. It was far more insidious and worse than that.

The whole system was designed to dehumanise and destroy the psyche of the black South African, crush his spirit, wound his soul, rob him of his manhood, turn him into what in modern parlance is described as the proverbial ‘cuck’ and strip him of all hope.

I am constrained to set my prejudices aside and reluctantly admit that no-one put it better than the self-exiled Nigerian opposition figure, dissident and author by the name of David Hundeyin, who wrote the following on his X handle:

‘the apartheid system created laws restricting black people to ‘Bantu education’ with movement restrictions and racial hub qoutas, forbidding them from getting middle or high income jobs, creating unbreakable multi- generational poverty for 89% of the country’s population’.

He forgot to add the fact that black people were not allowed to live in the cities but only to go and work there after which they were compelled to return to their filthy, run-down ghettoes and townships at the close of work.

Worse still they were required to use passes as they moved around, rather like the Palestinians that enter Israel to look for work are required to do today.

This understandably resulted in protests which led to the massacre of 69 black South Africans and 180 injured by South African security forces in a town called Sharpeville on March 21st 1960.

Blacks that did not live in the townships and serve as a cheap labour force for the cities were forced to move and exiled to their distant ‘homelands’ in the countryside, which were little better than empty and barren reservations.

One needs to stop and actually ponder on this to fully appreciate it’s implications. There was no freedom of movement or freedom of choice in the matter.

As a black South African you were basically a slave who lived to serve the interests of the Boers and Afrikaaners or you were confined and restricted to a homeland which was not only hopeless and empty but also in the middle of nowhere.

They called all this ‘separate development’ which, when translated to Afrikaans, is ‘apartheid’.

It was so bad that at some point there was an attempt by the apartheid state to make ALL black South African children be taught in only Afrikaans, the language of the white Boers, in school.

This was the greatest humiliation and cultural imposition of all.

When you take away a man’s language and compel his children to learn and speak in only yours you have taken away his heritage, history, essence and soul and left him with nothing.

And that was precisely the purpose of the exercise.

It also represents the most compelling evidence of total subjugation and conquest because it sought to strip the African bare and deny him of the memory of who he was, what language he once spoke and where he was coming from.

Simply put it was evil.

Understandably this resulted in protests by the children themselves and that is what led to the massacres of no less than 700 to 1000 CHILDREN by the South African police and security forces in Soweto on June 17th 1976.

Yet it gets worse.

The South African Roman Dutch Church officially regarded and described black people as being the Biblical ‘drawers of the water and hewers of the wood’ that chapter 9 verse 21 of the Book of Joshua in the Holy Bible referred to and were therefore nothing but ‘accursed slaves’.

As far as the South African Roman Dutch Church was concerned black Africans, including the Bantus of South Africa, were the descendants of Ham who had been cursed by God thousands of years ago!

It is with this gross and perverse manipulation and misinterpretation of scripture that the South African Roman Dutch Church (which was the official Church of the state in apartheid-South Africa) sought to justify and rationalise the support it willingly gave to the evil of apartheid and white minority rule.

Outside of that sex or marriage across racial lines was a criminal offence and those that violated this law were sent to jail whilst their offspring were treated with nothing but contempt and regarded as nothing but products of ‘a corrupt, ungodly and illegal sexual union’ and ‘evidence of a break-down in law and order and societal values!’

Forgive me but is this not utter madness? Is it not unadulterated wickedness? Is it not callous? Is it not inexplicable? Is it not unbelievable?

Can apartheid not be legitimately regarded as being spawned from the pit of hell? Is it not a marvel that some white South Africans still yearn for those days and that a man like Errol Musk, Elon Musk’s father, can say ‘black people in South Africa were better off during apartheid than they are today’!

That is the level of hatred and oppression that the Bantus were subjected to and Musk’s comments represents the level of delusion that their Afrikaaner masters once suffered from and, in the case of a few of them, are still suffering from today.

How can any race be invaded, overwhelmed, stripped of all they had, including their dignity, history, language and identity and subjugated to this extent and come out of it unaffected and whole?

How can they be treated like that for hundreds of years by a group of callous and cruel European settlers and conquerors that literally came over and forcefully imposed their will on them and stole their land with the arrival of Jan van Riebeeck in Table Bay (Cape Town) in 1652 and not be badly traumatised till today.

Many forget that black South Africans only won their freedom and independence 32 years ago and up until today they are still suffering from total and complete economic bondage because the wealth of the nation is still concentrated and trapped in the hands of a tiny white minority.

This is what has led to so much frustration, resentment, anger and bitterness amongst black South Africans and sadly instead of resolving the issue by insisting on a more equitable degree of wealth sharing they are tatgetting foreign black African nationals and venting their spleen on them.

The situation is so bad that her enemies and detractors have erroneously, unfairly and cruelly described South Africa as ‘a nation with a black body and a white head’ which I believe is not only completely false but also inappropriate and deeply insulting.

All this and you do not expect the majority of the black population in South Africa to suffer from a debilitating level of deep-set anger and trauma?

Frankly I am surprised that it is not even worse.

The South African people, as hostile, violent, aggressive and annoying as some of them may be, are our African brothers and sisters and given all they have been through they do not deserve our anger and hate but rather our compassion, sympathy, love, care, support, concern and pity.

Regardless of all, we must offer them all these things, re-build the bridge and work closely with them for the sake of our collective future.

As Rev. Martin Luther King said, ‘You cannot drive out hate with hate. You can only drive out hate with love’.

Permit me to conclude this 6-part series with the following.

There is an entire generation of Nigerian leaders and members of the ruling class to which I belong that dedicated their youth to resisting apartheid and white minority rule when we were at various universities in the United Kingdom, Europe and indeed all over the world.

As students we marched in the streets, attended rallies, joined hands with members of the Anti Nazi League, clashed violently with members of the pro-Nazi National Front, picketed sports stadiums where South African rugby teams were playing and fought hand to hand combat with the pro-apartheid gangs in the campuses, schools and streets.

We debated our enemies, wrote articles, attended rallies, delivered inspiring and passionate speeches, defied the police, broke all boundaries and, with our tightly clenched fists lifted up high, sang legendary and famous revolution songs like Gil Scott-Heron’s ‘Johannesburg’ as we were arrested, carried away and locked up for standing up against the tyranny that our African brothers were being subjected to in far away South Africa.

The distance was no barrier and we felt the pain of our brothers as if it were ours. That was the sacrifice we made and the price we paid.

I am talking about men like my two childhood friends and brothers Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar and Chief Jeffrey Onyeama, both of whom were appointed Foreign Ministers of Nigeria many years later.

There were of course many others like my dear sister Senator Gbemi Saraki (who was elected to the Nigerian Senate many years later and went on to be appointed as Minister of Solid Minerals), my dear sister Honorable Temi Harriman (who was elected to the Federal House of Representatives many years later), my brother Mallam Abba Kyari (who was appointed as Chief of Staff to President Muhammadu Buhari many years later) and others that are too numerous to mention.

We paid our dues and fought a good fight.

Our dream and collective objective was the establishment of a South Africa that was free, that was rid of apartheid, that enjoyed black majority rule and that was a brother to our nation Nigeria and indeed to the rest of Africa.

It was a deeply emotional issue for us as it was for the black South Africans themselves and the fact of the matter is that despite the fact that they bore the brunt of the pain and trauma of the subjugation and oppression that they were subjected to, they were never alone.

We stood with them every inch of the way!

We spoke for them, fought for them and prayed for them and today we have no regrets for doing what we did.

As a matter of fact I am sure that I speak for us all when I say, despite all we see in South Africa today, if we had to do it all over again we would do so gladly.

Our love, like all true love, is not conditional: it is what they call ‘agape love’: a Christ-like love that stands and endures despite all the faults, weaknesses and challenges of the individual or group of individuals that it is offered to.

The South Africans are not our friends, they are our brothers.

That is why we must never allow our bridge of love and brotherhood to be burnt or our sacred and historical bond to be broken.

I close this massive 6 -part 13,000 word contribution with the words of President Olusegun Obasanjo, a man that I love and revere, whose Government I had the privilege and honor of serving as Minister of Culture and Tourism and later Minister of Aviation many years ago and one of the few elder-statesman and fathers of the African continent that was not only there from the start but that also played perhaps the most significant role of all in the fight to liberate South Africa and Zimbabwe from the oppression and evil of apartheid and white minority rule.

A few years ago, when President Jacob Zuma was still President in that nation, alarmed and outraged by the issue of Xenophobia and Afrophobia in South Africa, Obasanjo said the following:

‘If I were President Zuma I would put a stop to the Xenophobia with a firm hand and make an example of those behind it. If South Africa cannot accommodate other African nationals on their soil then they no longer deserve to be regarded as being a leader in Africa’.

These are firm, clear, insightful and instructive words spoken by a leader and elder that has spent the last 60 years of his life fighting for the Rainbow nation and championing not just their cause but the cause of the African continent.

When elders like Baba speak it is important that we listen and I sincerely hope and pray that President Cyril Ramaphosa and the entire leadership of the Government and ruling class of South Africa retrace their steps, do the needful, put an end to the Xenophobia and Afrophobia that is endemic in their country and accept his wise counsel before it is too late.

May God lead and guide us all, may He grant us wisdom, patience and understanding and may an unbreakable bridge of mutual respect, love and understanding be rebuilt between the Republic of South Africa and the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

PFIPC scandal: Govt more interested in damage control than investigation, says ADC

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has dismissed the interim report of the Independent Corrupt Practises and other offences related Commission (ICPC) on the alleged fake Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC).

In a statement signed by its National Publicity Secretary, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, the ADC said the report failed to explain how a fictitious agency allegedly secured federal office space, had civil servants deployed to it and found its way into the 2026 budget with a N1.3 billion provision, even as the investigation reportedly uncovered two other fictitious organisations linked to the principal suspect.

‘The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has reviewed sections of the interim report of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) that have been made public regarding the so-called Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC).’

‘It would be recalled that when President Bola Tinubu directed the ICPC to undertake investigation into this case, ADC had waived it off, insisting instead on a full investigation by an independent panel. With the so-called interim report of the ICPC, our fears have come to pass as the report is not only predictable, it appears more concerned with exonerating government officials rather than providing clear answers to the serious questions that the scandal has raised.

‘The ICPC report appeared to have given the impression that what happened was mere failure in government processes or procedures. This position is difficult to sustain in the light of publicly available evidence, which establishes that this is not an error of omission or a mere glitch in the system. Instead, what happened was a grand scam that could have been possible only with the active connivance of government officials and institutions at the highest level.

‘The ICPC report also comes gravely short by suggesting that there could be accomplices within government, but mentioned none. Yet, an agency that was able to recommend only Adeyemi for prosecution on the basis of an investigation that the Commission itself has tagged as either on-going or inconclusive. If all that the commission had to present was a preliminary report, why not simply present it as confidential brief to the President instead of making a public drama of it in a manner that potentially prejudiced the overall investigation and cast Adeyemi as the principal culprit?’ Abdullahi asked.

ADC said what Nigerians expected was an investigation into how a ‘fictitious agency’ managed to obtain all authorizations and institutional support required to operate as a legitimate government agency.

‘Instead, what we are being offered, after weeks of so-called investigation is the same official narrative that the government had offered from the start: that what happened was a case of one clever impostor who, somehow, managed to outwit an entire government.’

‘Even as self-indicting as that would appear, the facts already in the public domain make such a conclusion difficult to sustain. What is clear is that the so-called PFIPC was not a creation of any Nigerian law or legitimate executive approval. Yet this same organisation managed to secured office space within the Federal Secretariat. If according to the ICPC report, Adeyemi had kicked down the door of the Secretariat office and allocated it to himself, did he also deploy the civil servants to himself, allocated a reported N1.3 billion to himself in the 2026 Appropriation Act, allocated official vehicles with customized number plates to himself and deployed armed security to himself? It is indeed impossible to answer yes to these questions and not conclude that this is the most incompetent and porous government in Nigeria’s history.

‘Most troubling is the N1.3 billion provision in the 2026 federal budget. Budgetary provisions do not materialise by accident. They leave records, submissions, approvals and an audit trail. The National Assembly has itself commenced an investigation into how PFIPC found its way into the federal budget. The ADC therefore expects the ICPC to tell Nigerians who proposed the allocation, who processed it, who verified the beneficiary agency and how a body that the Presidency now says never existed survived the scrutiny required to appear in an Appropriation Act. To prosecute Mr. Adeyemi without answering these questions would be to punish the man who entered through the window while refusing to ask who left the doors open. What has happened is a national disgrace in the full glare of the entire world. No serious government should be satisfied with identifying one culprit for prosecution.’

The ADC called for the immediate publication of the full ICPC interim report.

‘We also demand that every public official whose action or negligence enabled these entities to acquire official legitimacy must be named and held accountable where wrongdoing is established. Nigerians are not asking the government to manufacture culprits; they are asking it to follow the evidence wherever it may lead. Anything short of this, this so-called investigation, will remain what it presently appears to be: an exercise designed less to discover the truth than to contain the historic embarrassment.’

’I am the smaller Adamu Fika’

Dr Adamu Mohammed Fika worked for many years in Maiduguri, Borno State capital, as permanent secretary before he moved to the federal civil service where he also served in that capacity in many ministries. He became the clerk of the National Assembly when the transition to civil rule started. He later became the executive chairman of the National Assembly Service Commission. Fika, who died on Thursday, August 7, 2026, granted this interview in July, 2023. Weekend Trust republishes it in his honour.

How would you describe your early years?

I was born in 1942 at Fika in Fika Local Government Area of the present day Yobe State. However, when I was born, we were still in Borno Province, the present day Borno State. We were part of the northeastern states.

I had my primary education at Fika from 1948 to 1952. I moved from there to Provincial Senior Primary School from 1953 to 1955 and was thereafter admitted into Barewa College.

How did you earn admission into Barewa, which was the premier college in northern Nigeria?

It was a very competitive process. There was actually an interview for selection. A senior education officer, an expatriate, interviewed us. In the end, five of us were selected from Borno Province.

Can you remember some of the five?

I can remember all of them – Ali Madaki, Ibrahim Alkali, myself, Alhaji Umaru and Ambassador Mahmud Ahmed, who is still alive.

Barewa was in Zaria, which is far from Borno; how was the experience, especially travelling to Barewa in those days?

Most of the time we travelled by lorry. And it was very adventurous, especially in the rainy season. It took about 10 days from Potiskum to reach Zaria because whenever it rained, the trunk road was closed for 24 hours. And if you were not lucky, before 24 hours, another rain would fall and the road would be closed for another 24 hours. So there was no specific time for arrival, but usually, during the rainy season, it took a minimum of 10 days to reach Zaria.

As young boys, where were you eating and sleeping during such number of days on the road?

The lorry would usually stop in a village. And we had mats, which we would spread under the lorry and use our wooden boxes as pillows while sleeping. Sometimes we would sleep in the lorry when it was raining. But as young men, it was a real adventure for those five years. We used to come back home by train, often from Zaria via Kafachan to Jos, or from Zaria to Kano, then complete the journey by road. We really enjoyed it.

How long would it take on train?

The train service from Zaria to Jos took overnight. We would set off from Zaria around 5pm or 6pm and arrive in Jos around 5am the following day. It took some hours only to Kano, but we enjoyed it, whichever way.

Barewa was a very elitist school, where some intellectually gifted young northern boys were put together. This was a very sharp contrast to your lifestyle in Potiskum; what was your experience there?

We had six houses in the college. It was in those houses that you would meet your classmates for the first time, as well as your seniors with a year or two. We were about five students in a room.

Normally, we would assemble from 7am and there would be a parade, after that we would go to classes and take breakfast at 9am. Thereafter, we would go to school and continue with academic activities till 1:30pm, then go to pray. We would have lunch and afternoon rest; then games in the evening.

Were you eating good food?

The food was excellent, better than what we enjoyed in our respective homes. And we had three square meals every day. It was a pleasure to be in the college.

After Barewa, you went to Keffi for a higher school certificate, another long way from Borno, can you also share your experience?

Yes, I went for a Higher School Certificate (HSC) in Keffi because it was the policy of the northern government then to reshuffle students. Although HSC started in Barewa before I finished Form 5, the government decided that I should go to Keffi to do it, while some students from that place, Ilorin, Sokoto etc would do theirs at Barewa. That was one way of expanding the experience of the younger elites as they grew up.

In Keffi, we also met a new fresh set of people. In the art class we were only 11 while the science class was bigger; they were up more than 20.

We did two years and stayed for the final exams. Luckily, I passed all my papers in flying colours.

How come you went to Makerere University, Uganda, for your degree?

It will say it was just luck because when I finished at Keffi in December 1962, I went straight to Kaduna, where I met Alhaji Adamu Fika, who later became head of service.

At that time, he was the principal of the Federal Training Centre, Kaduna, so he gave me a job as an assistant instructor. It is from the training centre that I went for an interview of the Northern Nigeria Scholarship Board.

They offered me a scholarship to go to the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), which started one year earlier. But I said I wanted to go to Ibadan, where I would read History as a single honour. In ABU you had to study two subjects, and that was not appealing to me.

But the secretary said the Northern Nigeria Government would not give me a scholarship to Ibadan, and I said I would not go to ABU either, so I went back to teaching.

Why were you determined to read History in Ibadan at that age?

Ibadan and Makerere were started at the same time. I wanted to be a teacher of history, so any other subject would distract me from my area of interest. The secretary was unyielding, so I went back to teaching.

In July 1963, Alhaji Sabo, the then secretary of the scholarship board phoned the principal, asking of the whereabouts of his troublesome younger brother and he said I was teaching.

He said that two days ahead, the registrar of Makerere University was coming to interview students to study on USAID scholarship for teachers in Nigeria, so if he was interested he should come on the day in question. I took that opportunity and attended the interview. Two of us were selected from northern Nigeria to go to Makerere – myself and one Shittu Alimi from Kabba Province. That was how we set off to Makerere.

So you found yourself in Kampala in the 1960s, how was it?

I was the only Hausa-speaking fellow of the whole of Nigerian students, the rest were Igbo, Yoruba or other languages. But I was able to adjust properly because those senior to us, especially those in the same hall, took me as their younger brother, particularly one older Ukeje Elogu, who is now about 92 years in age, and Ralph Eboje from the Mid Western State. I quickly settled down and I enjoyed my studies. In the first year when we studied three subjects-English, History and Geography-I concentrated on History.

At that time, how was life in Uganda when compared to Nigeria?

We had the same level of development. The good thing was that they used shillings as their currency while we used pounds. I think that among the students, Nigerians had the highest allowances. So, life was really very enjoyable with all the scholarship paid, plus pocket money to go along with it. We had no problem whatsoever until we graduated after three years.

Did you travel and make friends in Uganda?

I made friends and travelled, particularly to northern Uganda. I also travelled to Kenya with some friends. We really enjoyed our stay. After graduation I visited Nairobi and other places several times.

Is it true that after graduating from Makerere University you taught for a while in Kenya?

Yes.

Why did you choose to do that?

I chose it because when I finished my examinations, the 1966 coup in Nigeria had just happened about two and half months earlier and the papers and magazines were full stories of uncertainties and anxieties about the country. So I felt it would not be safe to return home; hence I opted for the job in Kenya. I taught there for about eight months before I came back to Nigeria to join the staff of the Ahmadu Bello University but based in Abdullahi Bayero College, which was in Kano. It was a campus of the ABU, Zaria.

When you were moving from Uganda to Kenya to teach, did you have a family?

I did not have a family, but three or four days before l left Uganda for Nigeria, I got married to a Ugandan, who was a student in an equivalent of a teachers’ college.

Did you come back together?

No; I left her to finish her studies before joining me.

You were in Bayero, an affiliate of the ABU for quite a while before going abroad again, the United Kingdom, for further studies, was it on another scholarship?

It was another scholarship because when I started teaching in 1966, I registered for a master’s degree under the late Professor Abdullahi Smith, who was the head of the Department of History at the ABU. There, I did two years and I had nothing to show for it towards achieving the master’s degree.

Didn’t you make progress in those two years?

I didn’t make progress. We were young, so we spent a lot of our time in social activities rather than studies. Besides, my supervisor was in Zaria while I was in Kano, so there was a problem. I just could not make much headway towards achieving a master’s degree. So I booked an appointment to see the registrar, the late Professor Ishaya Audu.

Was he the registrar or vice chancellor?

He was the vice chancellor. Luckily, he gave me an appointment. And before it would be concluded that I was unproductive or not brilliant, I narrated my predicament, saying I needed his assistance to be able to pursue postgraduate studies outside the country.

He looked at me and said if I could get an admission in any university in the United Kingdom or United States, he would get me a scholarship to go and study.

So, I applied to many American and British universities and a British university gave me admission. I chose to go to the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.

I informed the vice chancellor, a wonderful leader, and I got a Ford Foundation scholarship through the Institute of International Education in New York. It was a full scholarship.

So I packed my things; and at that time, my wife had arrived from Uganda about three months earlier. We headed for London, where the scholarship board was very generous.

They also allowed me three-quarter of my salary monthly in Nigeria. So, if I ran short of cash in the United Kingdom, I would always run to the ABU, London office, to sign a cheque of say, 100pounds. And our pound and the UK pound were about the same.

How was life in London for a young scholar at the time?

It was very interesting and time-consuming because my main place of study was the public records office because I was to study Kano history and most of the references were in that place. And you had to be on queue by 7am.

And because the seats available were only 17 or so, every morning you had to race to be at the gate of public records office to be able to be allowed to enter for study, from say, 8am until 5pm everyday. I really enjoyed it because either buses or trains kept to time in arriving at a particular station.

How did you deal with cold in UK?

I had to buy warm cloths, but we were young people, so we were able to tolerate a lot of the cold. Sometimes when it was summer you would go out in shorts. But now, even when I am in suit in London, I feel cold 24 hours unless I put on the heater. It was very pleasurable to be in London.

It seems you combined the master’s degree and PhD there; how long did it take?

In fact, when I went to London in the first instance, I registered for a Master of Philosophy in History, but after one year, my supervisors decided that I was good; therefore, I should skip the programme and go straight for PhD. That was how I came back to Nigeria after one year to do a field work, where I conducted a lot of studies and information from Kano, Zaria and Kaduna archives, as well as Arewa House.

I went back to London after one year to start writing my thesis on the history of Kano from 1882 to 1940. I went to my supervisor and reported that I was back, and asked how I would go on.

He said I was the expert; therefore, unless I wrote my first chapter there was nothing he could do. And I had never been taught how to write, so I was stuck. For five months I could not produce the first chapter.

I did not go to see my supervisor and he kept phoning me because I took up a job in a factory making sweets, until he finally caught up with me and begged me to come, saying my study was waiting for me.

We sat for three hours and he lectured me on how to go about it. In a very short time he encouraged me to commence writing my thesis and I started.

When I wrote my first chapter, I took it to him and he was very happy. He really improved it, to my amazement. I was surprised at myself and that made it easy for me to continue writing until September 1972 when I finished writing the PhD thesis.

Bala Usman, Mahmud Tukur, Sule Bello and many others also studied Nigerian history. Was Abdullahi Smith still the head of the Department of History when ABU was known as a radical school?

Most of them were my friends.

But you seem not to be in this radical kind of tradition of the ABU?

I was radical but a very subdued one. That was how I was even elected as a member of the ABU Senate, representing grassroots teachers.

So, you didn’t quite flow with Bala Usman?

I didn’t go with the extremism of Bala Usman; I did it in my own way in Kano. I was probably the foremost radical at that time because the authorities said students were not allowed to go to staff club, but as a rebel, I would always invite students to join me because I said that before God, we were all the same, so why shouldn’t they come. That was how my rebellion went.

But Marxism and all those things were not for you?

My own was for equality before God and man; the students were not small boys, so why should you prevent them from going to wherever they wanted on campus. We made many friends, and we are still friends with some of them.

Eventually, we had an acting head of department, a Sudanese, who issued a circular that Nigerian History would be optional for those reading History for honours. He put it on various boards. I went and tore it, stating that given my experience in the US, UK, India and every country in the world, the history of a country was compulsory for an honours degree in History, so we would not allow a black Sudanese to treat us as second class citizens.

I stated that I was also in Sudan and their history was compulsory. We quarreled with him and he couldn’t pull out my own circular because he was afraid of the reaction of Nigerians.

I went to Zaria to see the vice chancellor and complain. The vice chancellor, who was very friendly, said I should write to him through my head of department; and I said okay.

I went back to Kano, wrote a letter of resignation and gave a six-month notice, which would expire in November 1974.

I went to Maiduguri for an interview in the Civil Service Commission for a job. But one of the members who was from Borno didn’t want me to move from teaching in ABU to the civil service of the state, but the chairman was sympathetic, as well as the governor.

Despite the visit by the vice chancellor, Prof Ishaya Audu, the governor still wanted me to come and work in his office.

So the vice chancellor tried to stop you from going to the civil service?

He tried to stop me because they had spent so much on me by way of scholarship, and I had taught for only one and half year or so.

So you didn’t fulfill your own part?

Yes, I didn’t fulfill the minimum requirement but that was how I left.

You left the university rather abruptly as lecturer one. Before that incident, did you intend to stay in the university and become a professor?

That was my intention, but I was put off when the vice chancellor told me to write to him through the head of the department, who I was not even on talking terms with.

With a PhD from London, any other university would have loved to have you; why didn’t you think of going to another school?

My ambition was to teach in ABU, so once that was frustrated, I said it was better for me to offer my services to my people.

Were you aware that the tradition of the academia was quite different from the civil service?

I knew. I was welcomed and my permanent secretary and other colleagues helped me to settle down. I was promised accommodation so that my wife could join me in Maiduguri.

I was given an office as a principal assistant secretary in the Political Affairs Department in the governor’s office. So it was another exciting change and I was very happy. That was in December 1974.

Is it true that you served the Borno State Government as a permanent secretary in virtually every ministry?

Key ministries like Trade and Industry, Works and Housing, Animal and Forest Resources, Agriculture, Finance and Health. When I became a permanent secretary in the governor’s office I was in charge of administration and the political department, as well as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Information.

Didn’t you find the freedom of the academia versus the restrictions of the civil service strange?

I did not find any restriction in the civil service. As long as you complied with the rules and regulations you were free. People like us really had a wonderful time during the 10 years I was a permanent secretary in Borno State. I had an opportunity to make a difference and it was worthwhile.

Can you recall anything as your special contribution to Borno?

It was during my time as the permanent secretary in the Ministry of Animal and Forest Resources. It was one of the most controversial; it even appeared in the New Nigerian newspaper in 1980 as a scandal of sorts. I went to Kenya to collect wildlife the then President Jomo Kenyatta donated to northeastern states when he visited Maiduguri in 1973.

In Kenya, I was taken as a guest of one of the elephant farms, where there were more than 5,000 elephants. I spent about a month there. The animals had to be caught and tamed before they would be sent out.

When I came back to Nigeria, the news leaked that I had gone to Kenya in East Africa with N52 million to buy animals, but it was 52,000 shillings only.

It was very cheap, including the air freight from Nairobi to Maiduguri. Among the gift was also a giraffe, but it could not enter the plane.

By the time the rest of the animals came, we took them to the Northern Province because they were being acclimatised not to run away from people. But the newspapers carried out a sort of drawing showing animals in the aircraft, including the neck of a giraffe, which we did not bring.

What I did was to send one forest officer to Sambisa forest, where we had two giraffes already.

He was told to go and not come back to Maiduguri except he brought back a giraffe for Kalami Park. He went and caught a giraffe, brought it to the park and set it free. And giraffe is not used to other animals or people, so it kept running until it broke its neck and died before I came to see it. It was another very interesting incident.

So you moved to the federal service after 10 years in Borno?

Yes.

Was it by invitation or you decided to move?

In fact, I was forced to move to avoid being retired because by 1985 I was virtually the most senior of the permanent secretaries, after the secretary to the government.

Following the Ibrahim Babangida coup in 1985, Muhammadu Buhari was toppled, and the governor, General Abubakar Waziri, who was a classmate, towns mate and friend, was retired. During Waziri’s time, the secretary to the government felt that I usurped his powers, which is not true.

Were you the permanent secretary in the Government House?

No. I was permanent secretary in the Ministry of Finance, from where I was moved to Establishment. Within three months, there was another announcement to reshuffle permanent secretaries, but my name did not appear. So I headed the Ministry of Establishment and waited for 10 days, but there was no news.

I went to the secretary to the government and told him that he had taken me away from Establishment but I did not see my name on the circular he issued.

He told me that they wanted to retire me but too many people from Fika were retired, so the new military governor, Lieutenant-Colonel Aminu from Katsina said they should send me to Biu as a sole administrator of a local government.

That was what prompted me to expedite action about transfer because I said if Aminu was transferred, the secretary to the government would probably recommend that I should be retired and I was only in my 40s. I think it worked.

And you applied to the federal service?

I applied to the federal service for transfer and kept following it up through friends etc until it was successful. But before that happened, nine months after I was in Biu, there was a circular, a signal from Maiduguri, that I should leave whatever I was doing in Biu and come to Maiduguri.

I went to Maiduguri, and the following day, I went to the secretary to the government and he said, ‘I am going on leave and the military governor said you should come and act as secretary to the government.’ I said there was no problem.

He handed over on a Monday to start his leave. Three days later, by the time I got to work, I was working on the conference table rather than from the table of the secretary to the government. My boss was in the office; he was back.

I asked what happened and he didn’t tell me anything. He just sat there. We spent six weeks and I was doing the work of the secretary to the government on the conference table. My boss was sitting there every day until his leave was over and I handed over to him.

Do you think he was worried that you would take over the job?

I think one of the mallams misled him to believe that if he went away for six weeks, I would take over the job.

Thereafter, I went to say goodbye to the military governor and he said I would not go. I asked how and he said he enjoyed working with me as secretary to the government. He made me the permanent secretary, special duties. So whatever files that went to him from the secretary to the government, he referred them to me.

When my transfer came, the governor said he would not release me to go to Lagos because there was nobody for him to work with.

I reminded him that his job was temporary, which meant that if they took him away, my boss would recommend that I should be retired, and I was not yet 50. So, I begged him and talked to all his friends all over the country before he finally agreed to let me proceed to Lagos. I did that in November 1986.

Did you find it challenging working in Lagos?

It was challenging but I got used to the routine. In any case, Alhaji Adamu Fika, my namesake, was the Head of Service. I was in his office as his special assistant pending when I would be posted to a ministry.

Eventually, in February the following year, I think it was in 1987, they posted me to the Ministry of Works and Housing as secretary for administration and finance.

I was enjoying my job there. By July I had solved the backlog of promotions in that ministry.

By August, while I was still at work on promotions, there was an announcement on television that I was being appointed a commissioner in the newly created National Electoral Commission under Professor Awa.

I wrote a petition, stating that I was a civil servant and didn’t want to bother about a political job, so the government should leave me to continue enjoying my job.

After about four weeks, the Head of Service phoned me, saying that government had instructed I should report to Professor Awa unfailingly or both of us would be shown the way out of service. I had no option but to obey.

Did you enjoy it?

I didn’t enjoy it because I didn’t like it from the bottom of my heart. To my surprise, Prof Awa had so much confidence and faith in me, such that he kept me very close to himself. I had to do my best and became the head of the Recruitment and Training Unit.

That way, I had the chance to give jobs to a lot of acquaintances, which I think many of them still appreciate.

You also had another political job, so to say, or something associated with politics, as clerk of the National Assembly.

Yes.

How did that go?

It was very rewarding because the Shagari National Assembly was disbanded following the coup of 1983/1984 and the entire staff disbanded and humiliated and I became the first to be appointed by government as the clerk of the National Assembly. I had to employ the rest of the staff, from messenger to deputy clerk.

I could only attract two people from the defunct Shagari National Assembly because the treatment they received was very bad, so only two were willing or able to accept to come back to serve in the Assembly. I had to fill all other vacancies.

How many years did you serve as clerk?

I stayed there for about four years. In fact, I stayed there until the ill-fated Third Republic Assembly was convened in December 1992.

You were made the chairman of the National Assembly Service Commission; was it a continuation of your civil service career or it came after retirement?

It was long after retirement. I was retired in April 30, 1999, one month before the General Abdulsalami Abubakar transition ended. So, from that time until 2013, I was a retired person.

But in the interim, from March 2004 until the end of 2019, I was teaching at the National Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), where I rose from the position of a study group director to an acting director of studies for six years.

That gave me another opportunity to interact with top civil servants and people from both the public and private sectors who came to do their courses in order to be made members of the national institute.

What have you been doing since you left the National Assembly Service Commission?

I have not been working. But we were doing consultancy programmes. Myself, Prof A.DYahaya and several colleagues owned a company through which we were invited to do a lot of training and retraining for top civil servants.

Are you still doing that?

No. I think the thing has dried up. We dissolved the company because we spent up to five years without any job and we kept paying rent for the office, paying secretaries, messengers etc.

Having fully retired, what do you do?

I just read. I go to London at least once a year. And I make sure I go to a firstclass bookshop to buy books every time I go there. That keeps me abreast of politics, current affairs and history. I have been enjoying it that way.

Aside reading, do you have another hobby or activities you do?

No.

How is your typical day?

I normally wake up around 4:30am, say my prayers and continue supplicating to God Almighty until 8am or 9am. Very often, I go back to bed for about three hours before the 1pm prayer.

That is the pattern every day.

Do you socialise or you just stay at home most of the time?

I stay at home most of the time.

Do you observe any restriction on your diet?

I eat anything brought to me except pork; I am lucky.

How is family life for you?

Family life is okay. I am lucky to have been blessed with 14 children, and 12 of them are already graduates and working, mostly here in Abuja. That gives me great joy.

Did you marry again after Uganda?

I married again and they became two. At one stage they became three; then ultimately, they remained two because I divorced one and the senior wife died in 2009. But I still married another one, so there are still two of them, although they don’t live in the same house. That situation forced me into having two homes.

Do you still socialise with your friends, peers and mates?

I socialise largely through telephone or when I go to Friday mosque. I meet with friends like Prof Bajoga and others. I also talk with friends like Tonnie Iredia. We have been close friends since I was an electoral commissioner. He lives in Abuja, so he visits me. Before I had a problem with my legs, I used to travel to Benin with him and we would often visit Chief Igbinedion, his uncle. We got a lot of generosity from Chief Igbinedion and his son, Lucky, a onetime governor of Edo State.

Do you still go to Uganda and other countries?

I used to travel outside the country, at least three or four times, and I have been to Uganda several times since then, but most of my travels are to London for medical checkups and treatment.

You have seen quite a lot of Nigeria over the years, what is your feeling about the current state of the country?

I think the country was in a state of despondency under the former administration. But I think that people, including me, are now being very optimistic and expectant of better life under the present government.

Despite the problems we are having with diesel, petrol and electricity prices, we believe that things ought to be better for us in the next four or eight years.

We also believe that the security situation in the country would improve. I have not travelled to Potiskum for about 10 years because of the fear of the dangers

on the road. I want to see a change in my lifetime.

Whenever the name, Adamu Fika is mentioned, the first person that comes to mind is the older Adamu Fika; has that ever been a kind of disadvantage or advantage to you in your career?

I think it has been an advantage because wherever one goes, one would have recognition until one explains to them that the older Fika is my teacher, relative and boss. Another difference is that he is addressed as Alhaji while I am called Dr Adamu Fika.

So, the name has never been a problem to you?

No. This is because Google has something on people, and there is something on me which gives my background and shows that I am the smaller Fika.

I also have contributions to the wellbeing of some students and Nigerians, especially in Borno and Yobe. Some of our projects are still being used; and I am very proud to visit Yobe and Borno states at any time.

NFF denies endorsing call for Infantino’s exit

The Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) has debunked rumours it has joined calls for Gianni Infantino to step down as FIFA President.

The Nigerian football governing body disclosed its neutral stand in a statement on its X account where it described the news as outright falsehood.

Nigeria is a strong supporter of Infantino and previously praised his leadership on numerous occasions.

However, the Italian administrator has been under pressure following his controversial and now-rested financial proposal that faced backlash from majority of the football community.

The number of European nations calling for his exit has increased in recent days with Norway the latest to join the bandwagon.

However, Infantino has been thrown a life jacket by Mexico and Argentina, but Nigeria has refused to declare its position in the ongoing power tussle in the Zurich-based organization.

However, there are rumours on social media that the NFF has broken its positive outlook towards Infantino and joined calls for his exit, but the NFF quickly shot down the insinuation with a brief statement.

The Ibrahim Gusau-led body asked fans to disregard the rumours, but failed to take sides in the football civil war.

‘Contrary to reports, especially on social media,’ NFF started, ‘the Nigeria football federation has never asked and is not asking for FIFA President, Mr. Gianni Infantino to step down as FIFA PRESIDENT. This is outright falsehood. Kindly disregard.’

Infantino is up for re-election in March 2027 at the end of his latest four-year term, but it remains to be seen if the Italian, a former UEFA General Secretary and FIFA Reforms Committee member, will finish his present term in office.