Category: Nigerian Tribune

The onset of the rainy season has pushed malaria test positivity in Oyo State to 42 per cent, up from 29 per cent recorded in April, the State Malaria Elimination Programme Manager, Mrs Foluke Adeyemo, has disclosed.

Adeyemo made this known while presenting the state’s second-quarter malaria performance indicators at the quarterly Oyo State Malaria Technical Working Group meeting.

She said the malaria test positivity rate based on rapid diagnostic tests rose from 29 per cent in April to 36 per cent in May and 42 per cent in June, coinciding with the rainy season, which is associated with increased mosquito breeding and malaria transmission.

Despite the increase, Adeyemo said the state maintained a 99 per cent treatment rate for confirmed uncomplicated malaria cases, with cases treated using artemisinin-based combination therapy in line with national guidelines.

She, however, expressed concern over some private health facilities that were not complying with recommended malaria testing and treatment protocols.

‘Some private facilities are not compliant with testing and treatment of uncomplicated malaria with ACT,’ she said, calling for stronger engagement with such facilities.

Adeyemo said Oyo achieved 100 per cent reporting and timely reporting in April and May, while June recorded 100 per cent timely reporting and a slight decline in overall reporting to 99 per cent.

On fever testing, she said malaria microscopy accounted for between 73.9 per cent and 95 per cent of testing during the quarter, while rapid diagnostic test utilisation ranged from 12 per cent to 15 per cent.

Adeyemo also reported progress in intermittent preventive treatment in pregnancy, with IPTp1 uptake ranging between 77 per cent and 89 per cent.

She said routine distribution of insecticide-treated nets, which began in November 2025, remained ongoing, with performance during the quarter ranging between 71 per cent and 74 per cent.

However, she identified inadequate documentation as a major challenge, explaining that services and commodities not captured on monthly summary forms could not be uploaded to the District Health Information System.

Dr Yemisi Ayandipo, representing the REACH Malaria Programme implemented by PATH and funded by the U.S. Department of State, reaffirmed the programme’s commitment to supporting malaria prevention and case management across Oyo State.

She emphasised the importance of the Technical Working Group in reviewing programme performance, identifying implementation gaps and making evidence-based decisions to improve malaria elimination efforts.

Ayandipo stressed the need to improve the quality and standardisation of maternal and reproductive health services, particularly antenatal care and malaria prevention during pregnancy. She also raised concerns about gaps in uncomplicated malaria management and urged healthcare providers to adhere to standard treatment guidelines.

Mr Stephen Uchechukwu, Monitoring and Evaluation Officer with PATH’s REACH Malaria Programme, reported an overall decline in malaria cases when corresponding quarters were compared.

He said reported cases fell from about 177,000 to 142,000 in the first quarter, and from 263,216 to approximately 179,000 in the second quarter. Malaria-positive cases also declined from 63,688 to 50,851 in Q1 and from 124,432 to 89,842 in Q2.

Uchechukwu attributed the decline partly to intensified malaria prevention and control interventions but identified discrepancies between commodities distributed and those reportedly consumed at the facility level.

He called for improved reconciliation of commodity and service data and greater use of routine data to guide programme decisions.

Dr Motunrayo Fagbola, State Technical Malaria Lead, commended the state for improvements observed during recent health facility monitoring visits, particularly increased attention to malaria in pregnancy, stronger data validation and improved availability and affordability of sulphadoxine-pyrimethamine through the Drug Revolving Fund.

She, however, identified persistent gaps in malaria case management, including clinical diagnosis despite available test results, poor adherence to treatment guidelines, inappropriate use of injectable artesunate and inadequate referral of severe malaria cases from primary health facilities.

Fagbola also raised concerns about poor case documentation, transcription errors and inconsistencies between patient case notes, registers and reported data.

She called for better deployment of trained malaria microscopists to high-volume facilities and stronger facility-level capacity building to improve the quality of malaria diagnosis and treatment across Oyo State.

ADC chieftain and Kogi-born political activist, Comrade Usman Okai Austin, has called on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to ensure equitable representation of Kogi East Senatorial District in the ongoing creation of new electoral wards in the state.

Okai, in a press statement, alleged that Kogi East was being marginalised in the commission’s proposed ward restructuring, insisting that the exercise must be guided by established legal and administrative parameters, including population and geographical landmass.

He alleged that the current proposal disproportionately favoured Kogi West and some other areas, warning that the perceived imbalance could heighten political tension in the state.

According to him, there was no justification for excluding Kogi East from the exercise, describing the zone as the most populous and largest in terms of landmass in the state.

Okai urged the leadership of INEC to act as impartial public servants serving the interests of the entire state rather than favouring any particular senatorial district.

He also appealed to stakeholders across the three senatorial districts to speak up for equity and justice, warning that actions perceived as marginalising the people of Kogi East could trigger widespread political unrest.

He insisted that the proposed ward distribution should not be implemented without a comprehensive review.

Okai further alleged that INEC had proposed additional wards for local government areas in Kogi West, including nine for Ijumu, four for Mopa-Muro, six for Yagba East, four for Yagba West, four for Kabba-Bunu and five for Okene, while, according to him, none of the nine local government areas in Kogi East was allocated additional wards.

He questioned the rationale behind the alleged distribution and called on INEC to ensure that the exercise was transparent, fair and reflective of the demographic and geographical realities of the state.

Okai also reminded the commission’s leadership that the appointment of its chairman had been welcomed across the three senatorial districts of Kogi State.

He therefore cautioned against using the office to advance what he described as regional favouritism, stressing that the process should promote fairness and preserve unity among the people of the state.

The Yoruba nation activist and founder of Iru Ekun Security Network, Chief Sunday Adeyemo, popularly known as Sunday Igboho, has declared that an onslaught against criminal elements in the South West will continue in order to ensure effective security of the region.

He noted that the recent reduction in cases of kidnapping, banditry and other vicious crimes in Yoruba was as a result of the tactical support of Iru Ekun Security Network by the Police, Nigerian Army, the Department of State Service (DSS) and other security agencies in the country.

A statement from the Igboho media office, on Thursday hinted that the Yoruba nation agitator made this disclosure during the launch of Iru Ekun in Akure, the capital of Ondo.

Describing security as a collective responsibility of all regardless of political, ethnic and religious divides, Igboho maintained that ‘our commitment is to restore confidence of our people in the South West in government’s ability to guarantee peaceful and enabling environment for healthy socioeconomic developments.

According to the statement, ‘It is visible for all to see that the ignoble activities of rogue herders, bandits, and kidnappers, who hitherto shattered the peace of our agrarian communities and other communities, have subsided since Iru Ekun Security Network begins operations backed by the Police, military personnel, DSS operatives.

‘We are not backing down or relenting until we make the South West forests, highways and agrarian communities safe for all. We cannot afford to create chances for hoodlums to turn our region to their safe haven.

‘Everything humanly and legally possible must be done to support the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who approved the establishment of Iru Ekun to further develop the South West and other parts of Nigeria. This can only be achieved through effective security in our region.’

While highlighting the procedures of Iru Ekun to volunteers who joined the security outfit in Ondo, Igboho cautioned them against tackling criminals without notifying relevant security agencies in their domain.

The statement reads further, ‘Anytime you notice the activities of bandits on highways connecting Ondo, Osun and Ekiti states, or other criminals. in your locality, you must notify the Police and other security agencies before confronting them.

‘Be proactive by not sparing any armed bandits because if you hesitate in taking action, you may be shot dead by these deadly criminals. We recently lost one of our members in Iwere Ile to armed bandits who killed him during a gun duel.

‘I want you to be at alert so that you don’t lose your life in the course of action. We are resolute and will not back down on our onslaught against bandits, kidnappers and other criminal elements in the South West.

‘If you notice, you will discover that incidents of kidnapping, banditry, herders and farmers clashes have reduced. We continue to sustain this feat and ensure that the South West is free from these hoodlums.’

Meanwhile, Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa of Ondo and prominent traditional rulers in the state, have rallied support for Iru Ekun Security Network.

Receiving Igboho in their palaces, the Deji of Akure, Oba Adetoyinbo Aladelusi and the Olowo of Owo, Oba Ajibade Gbadegesin, respectively promised to back the operations of Iru Ekun, just as they urged their subjects to cooperate with all security agencies with a view to improve safety and peace in their communities.

With newspapers’ front pages increasingly shared as screenshots, cropped images, and forwarded posts on social media to misinform people ahead of the 2027 general elections in Nigeria, it can sometimes be difficult to tell whether a front page is genuine or has been altered.

For readers who want to confirm that a newspaper front page is actually from the African Newspapers of Nigeria plc, publisher of the Nigerian Tribune titles, the masthead, positioning of key elements, typography, ear-pieces, colour treatment and overall page structure can provide useful clues.

The Nigerian Tribune (Monday to Friday), Saturday Tribune and Sunday Tribune have distinctive front-page identities. While the stories and visual treatment change from one edition to another, several design features remain useful in identifying each publication.

Here are some of the key things to look out for:

1. Check the position of ‘NIGERIAN’ on the Monday to Friday title

One of the first things to examine is the word ‘NIGERIAN’ above the main masthead.

On the Monday to Friday front page, ‘NIGERIAN’ appears in solid black block letters directly above the ‘TRI’ portion of the main red ‘TRIBUNE’ masthead.

This positioning is an important visual identifier because the word is not simply placed randomly above the newspaper’s name.

2. Look at the Coat of Arms-like emblem and ‘SINCE 1949’

The Nigerian Coat of Arms-like emblem, extracted from the logo of the company, is another prominent feature of the Tribune masthead.

On the Monday to Friday title, the stylised Nigerian coat of arms icon and the ‘SINCE 1949’ inscription are positioned around the centre of the masthead, with the logo aligned directly above the ‘I’ in ‘TRIBUNE.’

A reader checking an unfamiliar front page should therefore pay attention to the relationship between the emblem, the masthead and the founding-year inscription.

3. Examine the three top ear-pieces

The Nigerian Tribune (Monday to Friday) typically features three distinct bordered ear-piece teaser boxes arranged horizontally across the top margin above the masthead.

These boxes carry short headlines designed to draw attention to other important stories inside the newspaper.

Their number, placement and bordered presentation can provide another clue when checking whether an image represents the newspaper’s front page.

4. Study the overall front-page grid

Monday to Friday editions generally use a text-heavy front-page grid, accommodating several stories beyond the main lead.

The layout can include secondary sub-lead stories, brief summaries, bullet-style information and a prominent captioned group photograph.

This dense presentation is part of the newspaper’s visual identity and distinguishes it from publications that rely more heavily on a single dominant photograph or a minimalist front page.

5. Look for solid category kicker boxes

Another useful feature is the use of solid rectangular kicker boxes to identify categories.

For example, a lower-grid story may carry a solid pinkish-red box labelled ‘HEALTH.’

These coloured category labels help organise secondary stories and are an additional visual clue when examining a suspected Nigerian Tribune (Monday to Friday) front page.

Saturday Tribune

The Saturday edition has its own visual characteristics and should not be confused with the regular Nigerian Tribune.

6. Check where ‘SATURDAY’ appears

On the Saturday Tribune, the word ‘SATURDAY’ appears in all-caps black text, aligned to the left directly above the ‘TR’ of the main masthead.

This is one of the easiest features to check when identifying the weekend edition.

7. Examine the Coat of Arms-like emblem position

The company’s logo, which looks like the Nigerian Coat of Arms, remains central to the masthead.

On the Saturday Tribune, the emblem sits directly above the ‘I’ in ‘TRIBUNE,’ positioned between ‘SATURDAY’ on the left and ‘SINCE 1949’ on the right.

8. Look for two large ear-piece teasers

Unlike the three-ear-piece arrangement associated with the Nigerian Tribune description, the Saturday Tribune usually features two wide, high-impact ear-piece boxes across the top margin.

These often highlight human-interest or feature-oriented stories and may include red page-callout ovals.

Their larger format gives the Saturday edition a more feature-driven appearance.

9. Check the main headline typography

The Saturday Tribune uses a highly prominent main headline treatment.

Its lead story can feature massive, ultra-bold black typography against a white background, giving the headline strong visibility on the page.

This high-contrast approach is one of the visual characteristics readers can examine when distinguishing the Saturday edition.

10. Look for the bottom accent banner

Another feature associated with the Saturday Tribune is a full-width coloured header box across the lower columns.

A solid red bar, for example, may be used to introduce or organise secondary story highlights.

The banner helps create a visual anchor at the bottom portion of the front page.

Sunday Tribune

The Sunday Tribune has an even more distinctive visual treatment, particularly in the way it presents major stories.

11. Check the ‘SUNDAY’ prefix

On the Sunday Tribune, ‘SUNDAY’ appears in a larger, distinct black sans-serif font directly above the ‘TR’ of the main masthead.

This positioning is a useful first check when determining whether an image belongs to the Sunday edition.

12. Check the emblem and masthead arrangement

The Nigerian coat of Arms-like emblem is positioned directly above the ‘I’ in ‘TRIBUNE.’

It is flanked by ‘SUNDAY’ on the left and ‘SINCE 1949’ on the right.

The precise relationship among these three elements provides a useful visual reference for readers examining a suspected Sunday Tribune front page.

13. Look for large colour kicker banners

Sunday Tribune front pages can use oversized, full-width coloured background banners beneath the metadata strip.

Bright colours such as yellow or red may be used to highlight major investigative, political or special series.

These banners give the Sunday edition a particularly strong visual presence.

14. Examine the headline and portrait treatment

The Sunday Tribune can use oversized headline typography alongside large cutout images of political figures.

The portraits may extend or overlap into the headline area, creating a more dramatic front-page composition.

When checking a suspected front page, readers should therefore examine how the main photograph interacts with the headline rather than looking at the headline alone.

15. Check for angled red page badges

Another distinctive feature is the use of slanted red oval page badges placed beside lead and sub-lead stories.

Badges such as ‘p6,’ ‘p7’ or ‘p10’ can direct readers to the pages where the full stories appear.

Their position, shape and relationship with the headlines can help establish whether the page follows the expected Sunday Tribune design.

16. Don’t judge authenticity by the headline alone

A genuine-looking headline does not necessarily mean that the entire front page is authentic.

A manipulated image can copy a real Tribune headline while changing the photograph, date, page number, quotation or other details.

Readers should therefore examine the masthead, date, story arrangement, typography, photographs and page references together.

17. Check the masthead before the story

The masthead is often more useful than the headline when identifying a newspaper edition.

Start by checking:

The position of NIGERIAN, SATURDAY or SUNDAY.

The red TRIBUNE wordmark.

The position of the Nigerian Coat of Arms-like emblem.

The ‘SINCE 1949’ inscription.

The alignment of these elements with the letters in the masthead.

If these elements appear inconsistent with the expected Tribune design, the image deserves closer scrutiny.

18. Compare the page architecture

The overall architecture of the page can also provide clues.

Look at the number and position of ear-pieces, the size of the lead headline, the arrangement of secondary stories, photographs, kicker boxes and coloured banners.

A genuine newspaper front page normally follows a deliberate editorial and design structure rather than having unrelated elements placed together.

19. Verify the edition, not just the newspaper name

Finally, remember that the Nigerian Tribune, Saturday Tribune and Sunday Tribune are distinct editions.

The word ‘TRIBUNE’ alone is therefore not enough to establish authenticity as The Daily Tribune is different from the Nigerian Tribune which is the regular edition for daily publication.

A proper check should establish:

Whether it is the Nigerian Tribune (Monday to Friday), Saturday, or Sunday edition.

Whether the edition’s prefix is correctly positioned.

Whether the Coat of Arms is correctly aligned.

Whether the ear-piece arrangement matches the edition.

Whether the headline typography is consistent.

Whether the colour kicker boxes and banners fit the publication’s design.

Whether the photographs, captions and page references appear coherent.

20. Look for the background colour of the lead story

While the Nigerian Tribune (Monday to Friday) consistently uses a plain white background for its lead story, both weekend editions (Saturday and Sunday) mostly use deep black and green, respectively, as the background for their lead stories.

Convener of the Sanitary Pad Media Campaign (SPMC), Anikeade Funke-Treasure, has urged parents and stakeholders to start teaching boys about menstruation early, saying this will help them develop empathy and become better supporters of women and girls.

Funke-Treasure, who made the call at an SPMC virtual meeting on ‘Including Boys in Menstrual Health Conversations: The Indian-Nigerian Conversation,’ said menstruation should not be treated as an issue exclusively for girls and women, as boys would eventually become husbands, fathers, brothers, colleagues, supervisors, and policymakers.

According to her, educating boys early would promote empathy, respect, and healthier attitudes towards menstruating and menopausal women.

She stressed the importance of men as caregivers, noting that husbands and brothers could be among the first to recognise when women close to them experience health challenges such as fibroids or endometriosis.

‘That’s why it’s important for us to speak with the boys, to have empathy, to be able to care for us and to understand what we’re going through as menstruators,’ she said.

Funke-Treasure said male involvement was also necessary to push menstrual health issues into the ‘formal corridors’ where policies and major decisions were made.

She said SPMC had moved beyond distributing sanitary pads to advocacy, education, and behavioural-change campaigns through podcasts, drama, radio programmes, essay competitions, and community events. The campaign, she disclosed, had reached more than 10,000 girls and supported girls and women with disabilities through supplies to institutions in Ibadan and Jos.

A counselling psychologist, Samiran Ghodmare, said family attitudes, school environments, and societal behaviours strongly shape how boys understand menstruation.

Reflecting on his childhood experience of being discouraged from asking questions about menstruation, Ghodmare said such silence leaves boys uninformed and can influence how they later respond to girls and women.

He added that gender stereotypes that teach boys to suppress pain and emotions could make it difficult for them to understand the physical and emotional experiences associated with menstruation.

Ghodmare advocated inclusive puberty education in schools, where boys and girls can learn together, saying early education would help nurture empathetic and informed men willing to support women and girls.

He also urged society to broaden menstrual health conversations to cover women’s health across the life course, including menopause, while calling for more research and public awareness.

Funmi Olorunmola, founder of the Citizen Participation Advancement and Awareness Initiative (CPAAI), said menstruation should not be treated as a secret. She recounted an incident in which a girl stayed away from school for two weeks after being mocked by boys following a menstrual accident.

Olorunmola introduced the ‘INCLUDE’ framework-‘Informed, Normalised, Collaborative, Lead by example, Understand, Distribute resources, and Empowered’-as an approach to engaging boys in menstrual health conversations and challenging stigma.

She said fathers, male teachers, and community leaders should actively support menstrual dignity by helping distribute menstrual products and advocating for better understanding.

Public health researcher at the University of Glasgow, Dr Sagarika Limaye, cited research showing that although many boys have incomplete knowledge of menstruation, they are often curious, sympathetic, and willing to learn.

Limaye said menstrual health education should address not only the biology of menstruation but also the stigma and social attitudes surrounding it.

She cited WHO/UNICEF school data indicating that only 39 per cent of schools provide menstrual health education, stressing the need to consider who actually receives such education.

Limaye urged educators to teach boys that menstruation is normal, encourage questions without shame, and promote empathy and respectful responses. The goal, she said, is not for boys to experience menstruation but to understand and support those around them who do.

The Kogi State Government has proposed a social investment package estimated at about ?8.55 billion, targeting 281,750 beneficiaries across the state’s 21 Local Government Areas.

The Commissioner for Finance, Budget and Economic Planning and Chairman of the Kogi State Commissioners’ Forum, Asiwaju Asiru Idris, disclosed this in a summary of proposed beneficiaries and cost estimates for various Disbursement-Linked Indicators (DLIs).

The proposal covers social transfers, livelihood support, climate-smart public works, community infrastructure, agricultural inputs, and the expansion of the State Social Register.

Under the Social Cash Transfer Unit (SCTU), DLI 1.1 is expected to benefit 5,000 people across the 21 LGAs at a projected cost of ?1.237 billion.

Another SCTU component, DLI 1.3A, targets 15,000 beneficiaries for livelihood support across the state, with an estimated cost of ?2 billion.

The Labour-Intensive Public Works (LIPW) component, under DLI 1.5A, is projected to engage 3,400 beneficiaries across the 21 LGAs in climate-smart public works at a cost of approximately ?1.088 billion.

Similarly, the Community and Social Development Agency (CSDA), through DLI 1.4A, is expected to support basic community services and infrastructure. The program proposes 1,000 beneficiaries per community across the 21 LGAs, with an estimated cost of ?2.072 billion.

The FADAMA component, covering DLI 2.1 and DLI 2.3, is projected to benefit 7,350 people across the state through support for agricultural inputs and assets at an estimated cost of ?1.854 billion.

Meanwhile, the State Operations Coordinating Unit (SOCU), under DLI 4.1 and DLI 4.2, is expected to cover 250,000 beneficiaries across the 21 LGAs through the expansion of the State Social Register. The component has an estimated cost of ?300.55 million.

The proposed interventions are expected to strengthen social protection, improve livelihoods, support vulnerable households, promote climate-smart employment, and boost agricultural activities across communities in Kogi State.

Kogi State Government has commenced a statewide sensitisation campaign aimed at protecting workers and workplaces against kidnapping, banditry and other security threats across the 21 Local Government Areas of the state.

The Special Adviser to the Governor on Labour Matters, Comrade Onuh Edoka, disclosed this during a one-day sensitisation meeting on workplace security held at a Local Government Secretariat as part of activities scheduled from August 31 to September 14, 2026.

The programme, themed ‘Workplace Security: Prevention, Protection, Sensitization and Preparedness Against Banditry and Kidnapping,’ is designed to equip workers, employers, labour unions and other stakeholders with strategies for preventing and responding to security threats.

Edoka said the initiative was necessary because insecurity had become a major threat to workers, productivity and economic development, noting that employees in schools, hospitals, transportation and other critical sectors increasingly face security risks while performing their duties.

He said organised labour, particularly the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and Trade Union Congress (TUC), had consistently raised concerns over the impact of insecurity on decent work and the safety of workers.

According to him, the scale of insecurity requires a collective response involving government, employers, labour organisations, workers and security agencies.

Edoka highlighted measures taken by Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo’s administration to strengthen security in Kogi State, describing them as a model that could be adapted to workplace security.

He cited the establishment of the 21 Battalion Barracks in Anyigba, the deployment of Forest Guards, acquisition of security equipment, integration of vigilantes and hunters into the security architecture, establishment of a Quick Response Unit and deployment of combat drones as some of the measures taken by the administration.

He also noted the collaboration between Kogi and neighbouring states, particularly along vulnerable border corridors, as crucial to tackling crimes that transcend state boundaries.

The Special Adviser said the state government’s approach demonstrated the importance of political will, investment in security infrastructure, community participation, inter-state collaboration and support for victims of criminal attacks.

He explained that the workplace security campaign would be anchored on four key pillars: prevention, protection, sensitisation and preparedness.

On prevention, Edoka urged workplaces to conduct regular security audits, strengthen perimeter fencing, control access to premises, verify employees and visitors, and maintain close contact with security agencies.

He said protection would involve strengthening security arrangements in schools, hospitals, offices, factories and other workplaces, while ensuring that emergency response plans, evacuation routes and direct communication channels with security agencies were established.

The Special Adviser further called for greater security awareness among workers, urging them to identify and report suspicious activities and observe personal safety measures while travelling to and from work.

He said workers would also be trained on internal workplace security, first aid, emergency response and community intelligence sharing.

On preparedness, Edoka stressed the need for workplaces to have clearly defined emergency response procedures and conduct regular security drills and simulations.

He also advocated the establishment of emergency communication networks and rapid response structures at the local government level.

Edoka urged employers to treat workers’ safety as a core responsibility and invest adequately in security infrastructure.

He appealed to labour unions to partner with government in sensitising their members, while urging workers to remain vigilant and report suspicious movements and activities to relevant authorities.

He also commended security agencies for their sacrifices and assured them of continued government support through equipment, logistics and intelligence.

The Special Adviser declared that the state government would not be intimidated by criminals, stressing that a secure environment was essential for workers to perform effectively, businesses to thrive and investors to have confidence in the state.

He called for sustained cooperation among government, labour, employers, communities and security agencies to ensure safer workplaces, roads and communities across Kogi State.

Similar visits have been made to Kabba Bunu and Ijumu, Okehi and Adavi Local Government Areas.

The Toyin Falola Interview’s discussion on witchcraft in Africa has now taken place, and it has left us with a more difficult question than the one with which we began. The pre-interview piece prior to the panel discussion addressed the intellectual question: how should one comprehend witchcraft in relation to African philosophy without simplifying it into the framework of superstition, irrationality, or backwardness? The basic argument is that African societies have created their own interpretation of prosperity and misfortune, of illness and wellbeing, life and death, power and morality, and such an interpretation cannot be dismissed merely because it contains certain realities that cannot be empirically observed. The distinguished members of the panel confirmed the intellectual idea, but took it further as well. Once beliefs about invisible powers are translated into accusations against visible human beings, the question is no longer only what a society believes. It becomes what that belief permits society to do.

This distinction is important because witchcraft has too often been approached as though the central task were to determine whether witches exist. Professor Godwin Sogolo’s intervention offered a useful way out of this familiar argument. Human societies, he reminded us, possess explanatory systems through which they make sense of experience. Scientific explanation asks how something happens: what physical, biological, or mechanical processes produced an event? Witchcraft explanation, in the traditional African context he described, may ask another question: why did this happen to this particular person, at this particular time? The two questions are not necessarily competing. They emerge from different ways of organizing experience. The collapsed structure of a building has physical causes; the question of why it collapsed when particular people were beneath it introduces another dimension of explanation.

This is perhaps one of the most important lessons from the conversation. It asks us to resist the temptation to measure every African explanation of reality against the standards of modern science and then declare one rational and the other irrational. The earlier piece argued that the African intellectual tradition did not always construct an absolute wall between the visible and invisible worlds. The panel strengthened that position. Professor Sogolo was not asking us to replace science with witchcraft. Nor was he asking us to prove the existence of supernatural powers. His argument was more modest and intellectually useful: different systems of explanation may be attempting to answer different questions. But once this distinction has been made, another question immediately follows. What happens when an explanation ceases to be an abstract interpretation of misfortune and becomes an accusation against another human being?

This is where the conversation became considerably more urgent. Dr. Claire Ayelotan shifted the center of the debate from the metaphysical question of invisible power to the social consequences of naming a person as the source of that power. Her intervention introduced a distinction that may ultimately prove more important for contemporary discussions of witchcraft than the question of whether witchcraft itself exists: the distinction between belief and accusation. A person may believe in unseen spiritual forces without identifying another human being as responsible for a particular misfortune. Respect for a religious or cultural worldview does not require society to accept every accusation made in its name. This changes the location of the debate. We can leave the metaphysical question open and still confront the social one. We may never reach an agreement about what exists in the invisible world, but we can reach a moral and legal agreement about what one human being is permitted to do to another. This is perhaps the point at which an intellectual conversation about African cosmology becomes a conversation about citizenship, justice, and human dignity.

The sequence described by Dr. Ayelotan is disturbing precisely because it looks so ordinary. Something painful happens, a family searches for an explanation, and suspicion begins to attach itself to a person. The suspicion is repeated, then a respected voice confirms it. An audience receives it. Eventually, what began as uncertainty acquires the appearance of knowledge. The accusation becomes a story, and the story becomes a verdict. Violence does not necessarily begin with the machete or the fire. It can begin much earlier, when an unverified suspicion is given a name, repeated often enough, and placed within a narrative that makes the accused person appear responsible for somebody else’s suffering. The significance of this sequence extends beyond witchcraft. Human societies have always needed explanations for misfortune. Death demands an explanation. Sudden wealth demands an explanation. Failure demands an explanation. Infertility, illness, poverty, unemployment, family conflict, and unexpected success all create questions that are not always satisfied by a statement of physical causation. Why this person? Why this family? Why now? Why did one person prosper while another remained poor? Why did one business succeed while another collapsed? Why did one woman have children while another did not?

The panel repeatedly returned to these questions. Professor John Azumah’s discussion of northern Ghana showed how accusations can emerge within conditions of economic inequality, competition, changing family relations, unemployment, scarcity, and struggles over social status. A person’s success may become suspicious precisely because others cannot explain it within the circumstances they share. A woman who becomes economically independent may become a target. A widow may become vulnerable because she lacks protection. A family dispute may acquire a spiritual vocabulary. Even drought and poor harvests can become occasions for locating blame in an individual. The accusation, therefore, may tell us less about the supernatural object being accused than about the society making the accusation. This was one of the most productive shifts in the conversation. To ask ‘Who is the witch?’ may be less revealing than asking ‘Why this person?’ and ‘Why now?’ Who benefits from the accusation? Who loses property? Who loses social standing? Who becomes isolated? Whose success has become intolerable? Whose poverty requires an explanation? Whose death has created anger that must be directed somewhere?

Once these questions are asked, witchcraft begins to reveal the architecture of social anxiety. This does not mean that every accusation is secretly about land, inheritance, jealousy or economic competition. The panel was careful enough not to reduce the phenomenon to one explanation. But it does mean that beliefs operate within particular social environments. They acquire force through relationships, institutions, histories and inequalities. Professor Grace Sintim Adasi therefore argued that witchcraft accusations should be studied within the broader contexts of gender, age, poverty, widowhood, family conflict, Christianity, modernity and social change. Gender is particularly revealing. The figure of the witch has frequently been attached to women, especially older, widowed or economically vulnerable women. Their bodies, their age, their voices, their behavior and even their independence can become interpreted through suspicion. The accusation can therefore become another language through which existing inequalities are expressed. It is not necessarily the belief alone that creates vulnerability; it is the social position of the person who becomes available for suspicion.

Professor Azumah pushed this argument further by describing witchcraft accusations as a form of gendered social control in some communities. His observation that women constitute the overwhelming majority of inmates in the witch camps he studied in northern Ghana forces us to consider the relationship between supernatural narratives and structures of power. The ‘witch,’ in such circumstances, is not merely a character in a cosmological system. She becomes a socially vulnerable body upon which fear, resentment, patriarchy and conflict can be projected. Yet there is an additional paradox that the discussion brought sharply into view.

Modernity has not necessarily weakened the language of witchcraft. Indeed, it has sometimes provided it with entirely new worlds in which to flourish. Urbanization, education, technology, migration, economic competition, and globalization have revolutionized African societies; however, uncertainty remains. Sometimes, indeed, they have contributed to its creation. The terminology changes, while uncertainty remains.

Christianity in particular poses a challenge in this regard. While there was no denying of the belief in spiritual power on the part of the Africans by the missionaries, modern Pentecostal and charismatic Christianity provides the theological vocabulary to understand the old African belief in spiritual powers, including concepts such as spiritual warfare, deliverance, demons, curses, and ancestors. Professor Adasi referred to this phenomenon as paradoxical, inasmuch as Christianity denies some traditional practices but believes in invisible powers affecting human affairs. This should make us cautious about any easy story of modernization. The old assumption was that science, education, urbanization and technological advancement would progressively dissolve beliefs in invisible powers. But the conversation suggests that the opposite may sometimes occur. Modernity can produce new forms of uncertainty, inequality and competition, and those conditions can generate new demands for explanation. Witchcraft does not necessarily survive because modernity has failed. It can survive because modernity itself creates experiences that people still struggle to explain morally and socially.

This brings us back to the central question with which this conversation should leave us. The issue is not simply whether Africa believes in witches. Africa is not one intellectual community, and witchcraft is not one uniform category. The earlier discussion already established the difficulty of translating diverse African concepts of hidden power into one English word. What the panel has now demonstrated is that the more consequential question may lie elsewhere. What happens when a society converts uncertainty into accusation? That is the point at which the invisible acquires a visible victim. And once a person has been named, belief acquires consequences. A mother can become an enemy. A child can become a source of danger rather than someone requiring protection. An older woman can become a repository for the frustrations of a community. A successful neighbor can become an object of suspicion. A widow can lose her home. A family can be permanently divided. A reputation can be destroyed even when no physical violence occurs. The accusation can become a social sentence long before it becomes a legal one.

This is where the conversation moves beyond the intellectual history of witchcraft and toward a question that belongs urgently to the present. How do stories acquire authority? How does suspicion become knowledge? Who gives an accusation an audience? Who repeats it? Who legitimizes it? And what institutions are capable of interrupting it before it becomes violence? Those questions take us directly into the world of media. Bear in mind that witchcraft stories have never existed only in the shrine, the household or the village. It has always travelled through stories, performances, religious instruction and popular imagination. But in the contemporary African world, the means of travel have changed dramatically. The television screen, the film, the sermon, the radio program, the YouTube channel, the WhatsApp group and the social-media post can carry an accusation far beyond the community in which it began. The next question, therefore, is no longer simply what Africans believe about witchcraft. It is what the media does with that belief.

Recently, the Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Festus Keyamo, requested the International Air Transport Association (IATA) to review the existing three-letter location code, ‘QRW’, assigned to Osubi Airport in Delta State, with a view to adopting a code that more accurately reflects the airport’s official name and geographical identity.

The request has opened an important conversation about how airports are named, identified and positioned within Nigeria’s evolving aviation landscape.

At first glance, the issue may appear to be simply about three letters on a ticket, boarding pass or reservation system. But airport codes and names can carry significant geographical, commercial and psychological implications.

In the case of Osubi, the debate touches on a broader question: who and what should an airport represent; the community where it is physically located or the city, region and economic centre it primarily serves?

The assumption that an airport must necessarily bear the name of the town or community where its runway and terminal are located may appear logical. However, global aviation practice shows that this is not always the case.

Airports are frequently named after major cities, metropolitan areas or economic centres even when they are physically located outside those cities. This is largely because an airport is more than the land on which its infrastructure is built. It is a transportation gateway serving a wider population, commercial centre, metropolitan area or economic corridor.

In Nigeria, there are already examples where the commonly used airport identity is not necessarily limited to the immediate locality in which the airport is situated. The Asaba airport is not precisely in Asaba, but in a neighbouring Okpanam town, in Oshimili North LGA of Delta State.

The Murtala Muhammed International Airport (MMIA), for instance, is located in Ikeja, but its identity is strongly associated with Lagos, the metropolitan and commercial centre it serves.

Similarly, the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport (NAIA) is identified with Abuja, although the airport is outside the central urban area of the Federal Capital Territory.

The Margaret Ekpo International Airport, in Calabar provides a different example, as the airport and the city with which it is identified largely correspond.

The practice is even more pronounced internationally. Newark Liberty International Airport is physically located in Newark, New Jersey, but it is an important airport serving the wider New York metropolitan area. John F. Kennedy International Airport is located in Queens, New York City, yet its identity is primarily associated with the city and metropolitan region it serves.

London Stansted Airport is another example. It is located near Stansted Mountfitchet in Essex, but is marketed and recognised as one of the airports serving London. Paris Charles de Gaulle Airport is located in Roissy-en-France, outside the city of Paris, while Milan Malpensa Airport is situated in Ferno, in the province of Varese, rather than within Milan itself.

These examples demonstrate that an airport identity is not always determined strictly by the municipality in which the runway is located.

However, the airport in question is physically located in Osubi, but it has historically been associated with Warri Airport. Warri is the more known commercial and economic centre within the axis served by the airport and has long been the reference point for many passengers, businesses and aviation stakeholders using the facility.

The airport serves an area whose economic importance extends well beyond its immediate host community. The Warri axis remains an important economic corridor in the Niger Delta, with significant oil and gas activities, businesses, contractors, professionals and other commercial interests.

For many travellers unfamiliar with the geography of Delta State, ‘Warri’ is likely to be a more immediately recognisable destination than ‘Osubi’. That distinction matters in modern aviation, where passenger convenience, destination recognition and commercial visibility are increasingly important.

Meanwhile, communities that provide land for airports and other major aviation infrastructure often bear environmental, social and infrastructural consequences associated with such facilities. They may contend with land-use restrictions, increased traffic, noise and other impacts while receiving relatively little recognition for their contribution. It would therefore be unfair to suggest that the geographical identity of the host community is irrelevant. The challenge is finding a model that recognises both realities.

One practical approach could be to preserve the established identity of the major city or economic centre while clearly acknowledging the physical location of the airport, for instance, through a formulation such as ‘Warri Airport, Osubi’ or ‘Osubi (Warri) Airport’.

In the end, an airport is not merely where an aircraft lands. It is a gateway to a city, a region and an economy. Its identity should reflect all three.

The Nigerian Aviation Handling Company Plc (NAHCO) has been appointed by Air France-KLM as its ticketing General Sales Agent (GSA) in Nigeria, expanding the aviation services company’s role in the commercial representation of the European airline group.

Under the five-year agreement, NAHCO, through its subsidiary NAHCO Travel and Hospitality Limited, will sell Air France-KLM tickets to travellers and travel management companies across Nigeria.

The appointment represents a new commercial arrangement between the two companies and goes beyond the services previously provided by NAHCO to the airline group.

Under their previous arrangement, NAHCO managed Air France-KLM’s Airport Ticket Offices (ATO) at the terminal as part of the Standard Ground Handling Agreement (SGHA) between both parties.

The new GSA agreement is separate from the ground handling arrangement and gives NAHCO a wider commercial mandate covering City Ticketing Office sales and retail ticket distribution throughout Nigeria.

The development marks an expansion of NAHCO’s activities beyond its traditional aviation handling business.

NAHCO has built its aviation business around services, including ramp handling, cargo processing, passenger handling and baggage services. The Air France-KLM agreement adds a direct ticketing and sales function to that portfolio.

Through NAHCO Travel and Hospitality, the company will now be responsible for selling tickets on behalf of the carrier across the Nigerian market.

The move fits into NAHCO Group’s strategy of expanding into higher-value aviation services and strengthening its position within the wider airline commercial services market. It also gives the company a larger role in the relationship between Air France-KLM and the Nigerian travel trade.

Speaking on the appointment, NAHCO’s Group Executive Director, Commercial and Business Development, Prince Saheed Lasisi, described the agreement as a milestone in the longstanding relationship between both organisations.

He said the move from airport terminal ticketing under the traditional SGHA to full commercial ticketing authority across Nigeria demonstrated the confidence Air France-KLM had placed in NAHCO’s corporate capabilities and market reach.

Lasisi said, ‘Moving from airport terminal ticketing under the traditional SGHA to assuming full commercial ticketing authority across Nigeria demonstrates the immense trust Air France-KLM places in our corporate capabilities and market reach.’

The five-year duration of the agreement gives NAHCO a long-term mandate to handle Air France-KLM ticket sales and distribution in Nigeria.

The appointment is also significant for NAHCO Travel and Hospitality, which now takes on a more prominent role in airline sales and distribution.

General Sales Agents typically serve as an airline’s commercial representatives in markets where they are appointed, handling activities such as ticket sales, trade relationships and distribution.

For NAHCO, the new mandate creates an opportunity to use its established presence in the Nigerian aviation and travel market to support Air France-KLM’s commercial activities.

Nigeria is one of the largest aviation and travel markets in West Africa, making effective local sales and distribution an important part of an international airline’s commercial strategy.

The agreement is expected to strengthen Air France-KLM’s commercial presence and distribution network in Nigeria.

The airline group will leverage NAHCO’s local market knowledge, corporate infrastructure and relationships with travel management companies and other industry stakeholders.

For Nigerian travellers and travel agencies, the arrangement places NAHCO Travel and Hospitality in a more direct position within the sales and distribution chain for Air France-KLM tickets.

The partnership also gives NAHCO an opportunity to deepen its relationship with the travel trade beyond its traditional airport-based operations.

The company said the agreement would support Air France-KLM’s commercial agility in West Africa’s largest market while helping the airline group improve its reach among Nigerian travellers and travel management companies.

The Air France-KLM appointment comes as NAHCO continues to broaden its business beyond conventional ground handling. For Air France-KLM, the arrangement provides a local commercial partner with established knowledge of the Nigerian aviation and travel market.