Category: Nigerian Tribune

Residents of Kebbe town in Kebbe Local Government Area of Sokoto are facing heightened security concerns following a reported demand by suspected bandits for a N40 million levy.

The gunmen allegedly threatened to attack and set the town ablaze if residents failed to raise the money within a stipulated deadline.

According to local sources, the bandits conveyed the demand through a farmer, who delivered a telephone handset to the District Head of Kebbi, Mallam Lawal Labbo.

The bandits reportedly initially gave the community five days to raise the money but later extended the deadline following appeals from residents.

The telephone was subsequently handed over to the Divisional Police Officer (DPO) in the area.

The gunmen allegedly instructed that the phone must remain charged and reachable, warning that failure to answer their calls could trigger an attack on the community.

Confirming the development, the Sokoto State Police Command spokesperson, DSP Ahmed Rufai, said the command was aware of the reported threat and had commenced efforts to address the situation.

‘We are aware of the information and we, together with our Anti-Kidnapping Unit (AKU), are already working on the information,’ Rufai said.

He added that the bandits had reportedly given the community an ultimatum extending to Sunday to raise the demanded N40 million.

The development has heightened anxiety among residents, with fears of a possible attack if the demand is not met.

Reacting to the report, the African Democratic Congress (ADC) governorship candidate in Sokoto, Hon. Manir Muhammad Dan’iya, described the situation as ‘grave’ and urged the state and Federal Governments to take immediate action to protect the community.

In a statement issued by his media aide, Aminu Abdullahi, Dan’iya said the reported levy demand indicated an alarming level of criminal control over the lives and economic activities of residents.

‘What has happened to those promises? What has the APC Government in Sokoto done differently to stop bandits from dictating terms to our communities?’ he asked.

Dan’iya said the reported threat should serve as an urgent warning to the government, stressing that communities should not be left to negotiate their survival with criminal groups.

He called on Governor Ahmed Aliyu and the Federal Government to urgently deploy additional security personnel, intelligence resources and operational support to Kebbi and other vulnerable communities.

‘Sokoto is under siege and the people cannot afford another tragedy. Government must stop treating insecurity as a political talking point and start treating it as the emergency it is,’ he said.

The ADC candidate also urged security agencies to strengthen collaboration with traditional rulers and local communities to prevent any possible attack, while calling on residents to remain vigilant and cooperate with security personnel.

Efforts to obtain the reaction of the District Head of Kebbi, Mallam Lawal Labbo, were unsuccessful, as calls to his telephone number were not answered as of the time of filing this report.

The reported threat comes amid continuing insecurity in parts of Sokoto, where several communities have experienced attacks, abductions, cattle rustling, and displacement linked to banditry.

The Federal Government has reaffirmed its commitment to the Paris Agreement and a low-carbon, climate-resilient development pathway to achieve net-zero emissions by 2060.

The Director General, National Council on Climate Change (NCCC), Dr Tenioye Majekodunmi, stated this at the Justice and Energy Transition Roundtable organised by the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Foundation in conjunction with the Ford Foundation, which was held on Tuesday at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre in Abuja.

The Paris Agreement, a legally binding international treaty on climate change, was adopted by 195 Parties at the UN Climate Change Conference (COP21) in Paris, France, on 12 December 2015. It entered into force on 4th November 2016, and as at 27th January 2026, there are 194 Parties to the Paris Agreement. Its overarching goal is to hold the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels.

The NCCC DG, who spoke on the topic ‘Government Perspective on Nigeria’s Energy Transition’, said climate action must not only give room for development but expand energy access, create jobs, strengthen industries, improve productivity and raise living standards.

She said government aimed to strengthen coordination, policy coherence and institutional alignment to allow climate action across the economy to contribute to the country’s national commitments. She charged the private sector, development partners, financial institutions, the civil society and other stakeholders to join hands with the federal and state governments to move from commitments to implementation.

Dr Majekodunmi also called for concessional climate finance, development finance, private capital, blended-finance instruments and innovative mechanisms capable of turning climate ambition into investable opportunities.

She said, ‘The framing of this discussion matters. Around the world, the energy transition is accelerating. Countries are confronting the need to reduce emissions, transform energy systems and build economies that are more resilient to a changing climate.

‘Nigeria remains firmly committed to the objectives of the Paris Agreement and to a low-carbon and climate-resilient development pathway, including our ambition to achieve net-zero emissions by 2060. But our transition is taking place within a very particular development context.

We are a rapidly growing country with significant energy-access needs, rising demand for infrastructure, a young population requiring millions of economic opportunities and legitimate aspirations for industrialisation and improved standards of living.

‘Our energy transition therefore cannot be separated from our development transition. For Nigeria, climate action must enable development, not constrain it. It must help us expand energy access, create jobs, strengthen industries, improve productivity and raise living standards. Energy transition is complex. It sits at the intersection of climate science, energy security, economics, finance, technology, geopolitics, employment and social justice.

She added, ‘Our responsibility is therefore not climate policy in isolation. It is to strengthen coordination, policy coherence and institutional alignment so that climate action across the economy contributes to Nigeria’s national commitments while advancing our broader development priorities.

‘And we are increasingly moving from commitments to implementation.

That implementation cannot be delivered by government alone. It requires Federal and State Governments, the private sector, financial institutions, development partners, academia, civil society, communities and, importantly, our young people.’

In their separate presentations, Dr Priscilla Achapka and Dr Marcel Mbamalu, Founder, Women Environmental Programme, and Publisher/Editor-in-chief, Prime Business Africa, respectively, called for a just transition that will make a difference among the poor, the urgent need to balance the promise of renewables against Africa’s continuing dependence on fossil fuels, as well as indigenous solutions to the continent’s problem.

Dr Achapka said, ‘A just transition should make a practical difference in the woman’s kitchen, a child’s classroom, in rural health centres, a small business, the mobility of a person with a disability and the land. These are not side issues, they are the human meaning of energy policy. The transition should move Nigeria from exclusion urgently, from position to repair and from scarcity to dignity. Government must be placed for public value, investors must accept social and environmental accountability, civil societies must support reform participation, communities must have real negotiating power and journalists must keep asking. The truth test is not whether technology changes, it’s whether lives improve fairly, visible and accountable.’

Dr Mbamalu, who presented a paper titled, ‘Beyond Headlines: How Nigerian Media can Report Energy Transition Through a Justice Lens’, tasked journalists with five ethical commitments of energy-transition reporting, which include accuracy and verification, fairness and balance, accountability, public interest, and responsible sourcing. He said for Nigeria to achieve its net zero Energy Transition Plan, it will spend approximately $410 billion between 2021 and 2060.

The Director General of the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Foundation, Amara Nwakpa, earlier in his welcome remarks, said the event was designed to engage with the media and build capacity around the reporting of justice in energy transition, particularly in Nigeria, and also to equip the media with a lens for measuring energy transition through that lens of justice.

As investors, trying to build lasting wealth in Nigeria can be daunting. Oftentimes, it comes with the hardest question of where and where not to invest, and how to avoid putting too much money into one type of asset. Real estate has long been a favorite because Nigerians understand property ownership, rental income and land appreciation.

Agriculture, meanwhile, is attracting attention from investors looking beyond traditional property and seeking exposure to food production, processing and other parts of the agribusiness value chain.

That makes the real estate and agriculture investment Nigeria debate more complicated than simply asking which one pays more. The better question is: which investment matches your capital, time horizon, tolerance for risk, liquidity needs and ability to manage unexpected losses?

Undoubtedly, both sectors have genuine opportunities, but neither comes with guaranteed returns. Real estate can suffer from vacancies, maintenance costs and weak demand in the wrong location. Agriculture can be hit by weather, disease, input costs, security problems, and unstable commodity prices. The difference is how those risks affect your money and how quickly you can recover from them.

Real estate offers tangible assets and multiple ways to make money

Property has a psychological advantage that many investments do not. It is something you can see, visit, and establish ownership through documentation. A commercial building, apartment, warehouse, or other income-producing property can generate rental income while potentially increasing in value over time.

Nigeria’s real estate market continues to benefit from substantial underlying demand. PwC’s 2026 Nigeria Economic Outlook says population growth, urbanization and continued residential and commercial development are supporting the sector, while the country’s housing deficit remains a major demand driver.

Similarly, Knight Frank’s 2026/27 Africa Report identifies strong underlying residential demand in Nigeria, although affordability remains a major constraint.

However, investors need to look beyond the selling price and advertised rent. Suppose you purchase a commercial property for ?100 million and receive ?8 million in annual rent. That produces an 8% gross rental yield, but it is not your actual return.

If vacancy, maintenance, insurance, management and other operating costs consume ?2 million, your net income falls to ?6 million. Your net rental yield is therefore 6%, not 8%.

That distinction becomes crucial when comparing property with agricultural investments whose promoters may advertise projected profits without clearly explaining all expenses.

Agriculture can offer attractive opportunities, but the business risk is real

Agricultural investment covers a wide territory. You could invest directly in farmland, livestock, crops or aquaculture, or put money into processing, storage, logistics or a professionally managed farm.

Nigeria’s agricultural fundamentals are compelling. The Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) stated that agriculture contributed about 28% of GDP between 2021 and 2024 and employed roughly 40% of the country’s labor force. Yet the organization also identifies serious structural constraints, including limited irrigation, climate change, high production costs, inadequate financing, weak input distribution, post-harvest losses and poor market access.

Those risks are not theoretical. In July 2026, FAO reported that projected climate shocks were expected to undermine agricultural production in parts of northeast Nigeria, while insecurity and economic pressures were disrupting livelihoods and markets.

This is why a seemingly impressive agricultural return deserves scrutiny. If a farm promises a 25% return, the investor should ask how that figure was calculated, whether it is guaranteed or projected, what happens if yields fall, who bears losses and whether insurance covers the relevant risks.

The headline ROI can be dangerously misleading

Imagine putting N20 million into an agricultural project that promises N5 million in profit after one production cycle. The simple calculation gives you a 25% return: N5 million ÷ N20 million × 100 = 25%

But if that production cycle lasts 18 months, the investment cannot be compared directly with an asset generating income every month or every year. You also need to establish whether the ?5 million is genuine net profit after labor, inputs, transportation, management fees, insurance, taxes, storage, marketing and expected losses.

The same principle applies to property. A real estate investor should calculate net rental income rather than relying on gross rent or an expected future selling price.

The meaningful comparison is therefore net ROI over time, not the largest percentage printed in an investment brochure.

Real estate may suit investors seeking longer-term wealth accumulation

Property can be attractive for investors who are willing to lock away capital for years. A well-located asset can provide rental income while giving the owner exposure to long-term appreciation.

But location is everything. Knight Frank’s latest Nigeria analysis showed that residential demand remains strong but increasingly sensitive to affordability. It also notes that tenants are becoming more cost-conscious and that demand is shifting toward smaller and more efficient units in some markets. In commercial property, occupier demand, building quality and location are similarly important.

So buying any property simply because ‘land always appreciates’ is not an investment strategy. An expensive building in a location with weak demand can produce disappointing returns, while a less glamorous asset serving a strong commercial or residential market may perform considerably better.

Property also has a liquidity problem. If you urgently need ?50 million, you cannot necessarily sell half of a building tomorrow at the price you want. Transaction costs, documentation, valuation and finding a suitable buyer can all extend the exit period.

Agriculture can turn capital faster, but losses can come faster too

Agriculture’s major attraction is the possibility of shorter production cycles. Depending on the enterprise, an investor may be able to put capital into production, harvest, sell and reinvest within a relatively short period.

That creates an opportunity for capital to circulate more quickly than it might in conventional property.

But the same characteristic increases exposure to operating risk. A failed crop, livestock disease, extreme weather event, security problem or sudden change in market prices can affect an entire production cycle.

FAO’s current assessment of Nigeria highlights these vulnerabilities, while its agricultural investment work identifies significant opportunities in value chains such as cassava, maize and tomato alongside challenges involving inputs, processing and post-harvest losses.

Turnkey does not mean risk-free

A professionally managed agricultural franchise or turnkey farm can appeal to investors who lack the expertise or time to run agricultural operations themselves. The operator handles production while the investor provides capital.

That arrangement can be useful, but it creates another layer of risk: management.

Before committing money, investigate who operates the project, how long they have been in business, whether financial statements or production records are available, how investors are paid, what happens when production fails and whether there is insurance.

Also verify the underlying assets. If the investment involves farmland, determine who owns the land, what rights the operator has and whether the relevant documentation is valid.

Diversification works when the risks are actually different

An investor who already owns several residential properties may not gain much diversification by buying another apartment in the same city. Their wealth remains heavily exposed to property prices, rental demand, interest rates, regulation and local economic conditions.

Agriculture can introduce a different set of risks: climate, biological production, commodity markets, input prices and agricultural management.

The reverse is also true. Someone whose portfolio is already concentrated in farms and agribusinesses could potentially reduce concentration by adding property or another asset class.

So, which investment is better?

Real estate may be more suitable for an investor who prioritizes tangible assets, rental income and long-term appreciation and can tolerate relatively low liquidity. Agriculture may appeal more to someone seeking exposure to productive businesses and potentially shorter capital cycles while accepting greater operating and environmental risks.

The smartest decision begins with mathematics rather than excitement. Calculate the full capital requirement, expected net income, realistic downside, investment period, taxes, management costs and exit options. Then compare the result with what you could earn from alternative investments carrying a similar level of risk.

Nigeria has substantial opportunities in both property and agriculture, but opportunities still require due diligence. PwC expects real estate demand to remain strong in 2026, while FAO continues to identify significant investment potential in agricultural value chains alongside substantial structural risks.

For an investor building generational wealth, the answer may ultimately be neither real estate nor agriculture alone. A carefully diversified portfolio can allow property to provide one source of income and wealth preservation while productive agricultural investments provide exposure to another part of the economy.

As campaigns for the 2027 governorship election are set to begin, one of the states where fierce contest is expected is Kaduna State and the battle for the exalted seat is already generating heat. Northern Bureau Chief, MUHAMMAD SABIU, examines the chances of the two major contenders for the Kaduna Government House, Governor Uba Sani of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Hon Isa Ashiru Kudan of the African Democratic Congress (ADC)

THE incumbent, Senator Uba Sani is seeking a second term on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC). Just as in 2023, he is expected to face his arch-rival, Hon. Isa Ashiru Kudan of the African Democratic Congress (ADC). The big question is: Is the governor coasting to victory?

With less than a month to the official commencement of campaigns across the 36 states, tension is gradually building in Kaduna. Findings indicate that while other parties such as the PDP, PRP, SDP, and NDC have fielded candidates, the main contest will likely be between the APC and the ADC.

The strength of APC, ADC

The APC has been in control of Kaduna since 2015, when Mallam Nasir El-Rufai first won the governorship. He secured re-election in 2019. In 2023, Senator Uba Sani, also of the APC, won the election by defeating Isa Ashiru Kudan with a margin of about 10,000 votes in a keenly contested poll. So the APC still remain powerful and the party to beat by the opposition parties. It is currently the ruling party and has structure from the local government to state levels and by extension the federal level. The party is in vintage position to repeat its feat.

While the ADC, is positioning itself as the main opposition, and cannot be written off. The party is believed to be under the influence of former Governor Nasir El-Rufai, who is currently in custody. Its candidate, Isa Ashiru Kudan, is also a familiar face in Kaduna politics, having contested the governorship at least five times since leaving the National Assembly in 2007, according to records obtained by the Nigerian Tribune.

A critical factor for the APC will be the power of incumbency. The party is also conscious that issues such as fuel subsidy removal will dominate voter conversations. With access to state resources and structures, the governor’s camp is expected to leverage its financial muscle to influence voter sentiment.

For the ADC, the strategy appears to be riding on public frustration over the current economic hardship. Speaking to the Nigerian Tribune ADC chieftain Adams Tanko and House of Representative candidate for Jema’a/ Sanga Federal Constituency said:

‘2027 will witness another tsutsami, as Nigerians are tired of the present government.’

APC’s burden and ADC’s fractures

Despite its grip on power, the ruling APC in Kaduna is not without challenges heading into 2027.

The biggest burden is the economy. The fallout from fuel subsidy removal, rising cost of living, and insecurity in parts of the state have created voter fatigue. Many residents who supported the party in 2015 and 2019 are now asking what has changed in their daily lives. For an incumbent, that sentiment is dangerous.

There’s also the challenge of managing expectations.

With 12 years in the saddle since 2015, the APC will have to defend not just Governor Uba Sani’s record. Any failure will be blamed on the party, not just the individual.

For the ADC, the problem is different: factions. Investigation revealed that the party currently has at least three visible power blocs.

Number one is the El-Rufai bloc: The former governor, though reportedly in custody, is still seen as the party’s biggest financier and strategist in the state. His influence gives the ADC national visibility, but also makes it vulnerable to accusations of being a ‘one-man party.’

Number two is the Ashiru bloc: Hon. Isa Ashiru Kudan remains the face of the party’s governorship ambition. He has the name recognition and the structure from 2023, but critics say he has not been able to fully unify the party behind him.

Number three is, the Shuaibu Mikati bloc: This group draws strength from the zone’s frustration over years of banditry and neglect. It argues that both APC and ADC have taken the area for granted and are pushing for more recognition and ticket considerations within the ADC.

If these factions fail to close ranks before campaigns begin, the ADC risks going into 2027 divided – and that could hand the APC an easy win.

A party chiettain who asked not to be named told the Nigerian Tribune: ‘ADC has the anger of the people on its side. APC has the structure. The question is which one will matter more in 2027’

Factors working in APC’s favour

Despite the headwinds, several factors could give the ruling APC an advantage in 2027. One of the most significant is the governor’s deliberate effort to promote unity, particularly in Southern Kaduna. By choosing a Christian running mate (Jerry Adams) for his 2027 ticket and retaining that model, Senator Uba Sani broke with the Muslim-Muslim formula that had generated tension in previous elections.

The move was widely seen as an attempt to heal old wounds and build trust across the state’s religious and ethnic divides. That political gesture has been reinforced by what government officials call the ‘Kaduna State Peace Model.’ The model, which combines dialogue, community engagement, and security collaboration, is credited with reducing violence in hitherto volatile areas.

In Southern Kaduna, communal clashes that once dominated headlines have dropped significantly. Also in Birnin Gwari and Giwa local peace committees and amnesty initiatives have led to a relative calm compared to previous years. While security challenges persist, but in a minimal state, the government points to these areas as proof that its approach is working.

For many voters, peace and stability remain top priorities. If the APC can campaign on a record of restored calm in Southern Kaduna, Birnin Gwari, and Giwa, it gives the governor a tangible achievement to take to the polls.

Infrastructure drive is another factor that could work for the governor. For instance, the Sani administration has prioritized road construction and rehabilitation, with a clear focus on connecting underserved areas. Several road projects in Southern Kaduna that were stalled for years have been revived, and new ones initiated. For communities that have long complained of neglect, these projects are visible proof of government presence.

Beyond roads, there have been investments in schools, primary healthcare centers, and rural electrification – all aimed at showing that governance is reaching beyond the urban centers of Kaduna and Zaria.

The government focus on agriculture is a plus to him.

Aware that Kaduna has huge agricultural potential, the government has made attempts to revive the sector. Initiatives around input support, mechanization, and linkage to markets are being pushed, particularly for small holder farmers. With food inflation biting hard nationwide, any improvement in farm yields and rural income will be a campaign asset for the APC.

The improvement on Labour and government Relations is a plus to his government. Unlike some states where government-labour relations have broken down, Kaduna under Sani has maintained a relatively cordial relationship with labour unions. The administration’s willingness to engage the NLC and other unions on wages and welfare has helped avoid major strikes. In an election year, a peaceful labour front is an advantage for any incumbent A political analyst in Kaduna summarised it this way:

‘APC has problems, yes. But if they can sell peace, roads, and a stable wage bill, they have something concrete to campaign on. That’s more than slogans.’

The hurdles before ADC

The Internal factions within it’s ranks is a major minus to the party’s attempt to clinch the governorship ticket.

The ADC in Kaduna is split into at least 3 blocs – El-Rufai’s, Ashiru’s, and the Mikati group. For instance the Mikati bloc feels neglected and is demanding more inclusion and possibly a shot at the ticket or deputy slot. This position was later escalated by a chieftain of the party, Salisu Lukman who accused the party of selection justice forcing him to leave the party in Kaduna.

The issue of a ‘Recycled candidate’ narrative is being used against the candidate of Ashiru. APC will argue that after five attempts, it’s time for ‘new blood.’ ADC will have to sell Ashiru as ‘experience’ not ‘desperation.’

Thus findings gathered that If the factions don’t close ranks before elections in 2027, they could see the party losing at the polls.

That’s what killed many opposition parties in 2023.

Thus, the bottom line is that the ADC has 2 clear advantages going into 2027: public anger at the economy and a candidate who nearly won last time

All said and done, 2027 in Kaduna will not be a walkover.

The economy, insecurity, and voter fatigue are real issues that the ADC, led by Isa Ashiru, will exploit. The ADC also has the benefit of a familiar candidate who came within 10,000 votes in 2023 and the political weight of former Governor Nasir El-Rufai behind it.

Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, has explained why he asked Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke, to thank President Bola Tinubu and reaffirm his support for him after winning the 2026 governorship election.

Wike said his concern was to ensure that Adeleke kept his promise to support Tinubu after winning the election.

Speaking during a media chat, Wike said Adeleke was initially a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) before the party’s crisis led him to move to the Accord Party to secure his ticket.

‘There are facts. ADC is there. Accord is there. They said I supported Adeleke. Adeleke was in PDP, PDP had crisis.

‘He moved to Accord so that he would be able to get his ticket.

‘And that election, I was not in Nigeria. I was in service country, I was not in Nigeria during the election.

‘My concern, if Adeleke wins, will he still support Mr. President?’

Wike said he called Adeleke to confirm whether he would keep his promise to support Tinubu if he won the election.

‘And I called him, because that’s my own interest. I called him, I said listen: ‘You have told me you support Mr. President. Are you going to keep to it?’ He said he was going to keep to it. I said okay.

‘I wish him good luck. I don’t need to go to Osun.’

Wike said his position was not based on opposition to Adeleke, adding that he would have intervened if the Federal Government was fighting the governor.

‘And that was why in the last media chat I said listen: ‘If Federal Government was fighting Adeleke, Federal Government…’ There is no way I will not be involved. Federal Government!

‘But if APC is fighting Adeleke, I’m not a member of APC. I’m coming. Don’t raise your hand now, I’m coming. Don’t spoil this election now, it’s an election.’

He said his main focus was on how Tinubu could win the election and that he later asked Adeleke to publicly reaffirm his support for the President.

‘Every day I sit, my strategy, my thinking: how will President win this election? Now after that election, go on record, go and ask Adeleke.’

Wike said he called Adeleke while he was in Croatia and reminded him of his earlier promise to support Tinubu.

‘I told Adeleke, I called him when I was in Croatia. I said: ‘You told me you support Mr. President.’ He said yes. ‘Now you have won, issue a statement.

‘Issue a statement that you still will support Mr. President, and thanking him for a free and fair election.’ I!’

According to Wike, he did not need to inform Tinubu about the role he played.

‘I don’t need to go and tell anybody. I don’t need to go and tell Mr. President. I don’t need to.’

He said he also told Adeleke to present his certificate of return to Tinubu.

‘I don’t need to call Mr. President, ‘I want to…’ No, I don’t need that. It is my job.’

Wike said the strategy was also aimed at preventing politicians from using the situation to seek favour from the President.

‘Why was that strategy? To knock off these people you call politicians coming to the… to come and curry favor. When Adeleke issued that statement, ADC withdrew.’

The House of Representatives Ad-hoc Committee investigating the alleged Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council (PFIPC) has established that the agency secured a budget code but received no government funds, the committee’s Chairman, Hon. Yusuf Gagdi, has disclosed.

Gagdi, who made the disclosure during an interview on Channels Television’s Politics Today, said the committee’s examination of thousands of pages of financial records showed that no money appropriated by the Federal Government had been released to the agency.

According to him, PFIPC only appeared in the 2026 budget, unlike claims suggesting that it had received government funding in previous years.

‘It has not been released… no one Naira as far as appropriation is concerned,’ Gagdi said, stressing that the committee had not found any government funds credited to the agency.

He explained that although PFIPC obtained a budget code, the development did not translate into the release of public funds.

Gagdi said the committee was now conducting a forensic examination of the financial records and tracing transactions into and out of accounts associated with the agency.

He disclosed that the investigation had uncovered what he described as a significant number of financial transactions involving individuals, contractors, companies and family members rather than government funds.

‘There was a financial transaction not from government, from individuals, contractors, companies, from brothers, from family members that come in and go out,’ he said.

The committee chairman also disclosed that the investigation had uncovered 12 agencies allegedly operating under one Bank Verification Number (BVN), alongside 58 active bank accounts.

‘When a man can have 12 agencies with one BVN, knowingly well that it can be traced and it can be found, 12! If a man can have 58 accounts that are active, active, 58, that money comes in and goes, you can’t underestimate what such a person can do,’ Gagdi said.

He said the committee was particularly interested in establishing the source, destination and purpose of funds that passed through the accounts as part of its money-trail investigation.

On accounts allegedly operated with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Gagdi said the committee had identified about three accounts associated with PFIPC.

He said the Accountant-General of the Federation had communicated with the CBN to facilitate the opening of the accounts based on representations that relevant administrative approvals had been obtained from the Budget Office, the Head of Service and the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.

According to him, the committee’s investigation suggested that those representations were false.

‘They were misled,’ he said.

Gagdi also alleged that documents used to establish and operationalise the agency contained forged or questionable official materials.

He alleged that Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi created a nomenclature, ‘Office of the Director Administration and Support Service,’ on a State House letterhead, despite the committee’s finding that such an office did not exist in the Villa.

He further alleged that an individual identified as Akambi Adewale, described in one of the documents as a director, could not be found on the State House nominal roll.

Gagdi said the committee obtained the nominal roll covering the history of the State House and could not find the name.

The lawmaker also alleged that the committee had come across a purported letter of appointment, State House approval, request for a budget code, an alleged Act of the National Assembly, an executive order and other documents which it was investigating for authenticity.

He said the purported Act was neither authenticated nor gazetted and lacked what he described as a ‘springboard number’.

The committee, according to him, is also examining discrepancies in State House letterheads, logos and reference numbers used in some of the documents.

Gagdi said the investigation had also raised questions about the number of people who may have been involved in the alleged operation, insisting that it was not necessarily a one-man operation.

‘A lot of accomplices!’ he said when asked whether Adeyemi could have acted alone.

He added that the committee was examining the roles of individuals and officials who may have facilitated different aspects of the agency’s operations, including seconded personnel from government institutions.

The committee chairman further disclosed that the office allegedly occupied by PFIPC was another area under investigation.

He explained that office accommodation within the Federal Secretariat and other public service facilities ordinarily falls under the authority of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, but the office in question was allegedly allocated through the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.

Gagdi said the committee was investigating how the office was secured and whether it had previously been occupied by another presidential appointee.

He said security sources informed the committee that the same office may previously have been occupied by a Special Adviser on Economic Affairs during the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari.

The committee has therefore written to the Head of Service to provide further information on the allocation and previous occupants of the office.

Gagdi also disclosed that the committee had interrogated Adeyemi at a police facility after the police informed the lawmakers that he was being held pursuant to a court order.

He said the committee decided not to compel the police to produce him before the lawmakers because doing so could undermine judicial supremacy and the separation of powers.

Instead, members of the committee visited him and conducted a closed-door interrogation.

Gagdi declined to disclose details of the interrogation, noting that Adeyemi was still in police custody and was also facing investigations by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and the police cybercrime unit.

He said the committee had received three petitions in connection with the investigation, none of which was against former Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, Dr Betta Edu.

According to him, one petitioner alleged that he was defrauded of N400 million after being brought from Ibadan to Abuja and shown a residence as part of the process.

Gagdi said the petitioner presented evidence of four separate transfers amounting to N400 million, allegedly representing Adeyemi’s share for mobilising and facilitating the release of N2 billion for a contract awarded to an Ibadan-based contractor.

He said the committee also invited the Federal Road Safety Corps to verify an official vehicle and number plate allegedly used in connection with the transaction.

On questions surrounding former Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, Gagdi said the committee had not ruled out inviting anyone whose involvement was supported by evidence.

He said documents presented to the committee included an appointment letter purportedly signed by Gbajabiamila, but that comparison with other official documents raised questions about the signature and authenticity of the letter.

According to him, about 19 to 22 government agencies had supplied exhibits and correspondence to the committee which did not tally with the disputed appointment letter.

Gagdi said the committee therefore considered the document questionable and did not invite Gbajabiamila at that stage.

‘If the evidence relevant before us have warranted inviting Femi, if we have invited Secretary to the Government of the Federation, why can’t we invite Right Honourable Femi Gbajabiamila?’ he asked.

He said the committee’s central concern was to establish how an agency whose legal status was in dispute became incorporated into the administrative and budgetary structure of the Federal Government.

Gagdi disclosed that the committee had also asked the House to expand its mandate to conduct a broader legislative audit of government agencies across the country.

‘If you check our press briefing, we have asked the House to expand the mandate of the committee to do like a legislative auditing of all legitimate agencies that are existing in Nigerian Federation,’ he said.

He explained that such an audit would determine which agencies were created through military proclamations, presidential orders or legislation by the National Assembly and help identify institutions whose legal foundations may require further scrutiny.

Gagdi stressed that the committee’s current findings were preliminary and that its final report would be presented on the floor of the House with recommendations.

He said the implementation of the committee’s recommendations would ultimately depend on the decision of the House of Representatives.

‘If the House of Representatives approve those prayers, then agencies will be left with no option than to implement what we have asked,’ he said.

It is exactly 726 days (September) since the Dangote Petroleum Refinery officially announced the commencement of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) production, a development that marked a major turning point in Nigeria’s downstream petroleum sector.

The milestone has sparked fresh conversations on social media, with Nigerians recalling the announcement by the President and Chief Executive Officer of Dangote Industries Limited, Aliko Dangote, and reflecting on the refinery’s impact on fuel supply, local refining, distribution and the wider economy.

Under the hashtag #DangoteRefineryImpact, several X users highlighted what they described as significant changes in Nigeria’s petroleum landscape, particularly the reduced prominence of fuel queues and the growing availability of locally refined petroleum products.

*Fuel queues now a bygone experience*

The conversation was initiated by X user @AgbaKobz, who asked: ‘When last did you join a queue for petrol? #DangoteRefineryImpact?’

The question opened a wider discussion about the experience of Nigerians who, for years, had become accustomed to spending hours at filling stations during periods of fuel scarcity.

Chidioke Tobenna, tweeting as @Tobenna21s, recalled the experience, saying:

‘Remember when getting petrol could mean spending hours in a queue? Today, local refining is changing how we think about fuel supply in Nigeria. That’s a major shift. ????’

Another user, @Utdalexandro, noted that Nigeria’s increasing local refining capacity was reducing its dependence on imported refined petroleum products.

‘A major shift is happening: Nigeria is no longer solely dependent on imported refined petroleum products to meet domestic demand. #DangoteRefineryImpact,’

Alexandro further pointed to the production of petrol, diesel and aviation fuel at the Dangote refinery as evidence of the changing dynamics in Nigeria’s downstream petroleum industry.

‘Dangote Refinery’s production of petrol, diesel and aviation fuel means more petroleum products can now be supplied from within Nigeria. #DangoteRefineryImpact,’

According to him, the refinery’s impact extends beyond its physical location to filling stations, transport networks, aviation and businesses whose operations depend on reliable energy supplies.

*’Crude oil is never Nigeria’s problem’*

For Labibah Musa, the significance of the refinery goes beyond fuel availability to the longstanding question of how Nigeria derives value from its crude oil resources.

She argued that the country’s challenge had historically been less about crude oil availability and more about its limited capacity to refine crude domestically.

*Dangote Refinery and Nigeria’s economic growth*

Joining the conversation, X user Bukola Babe argued that the impact of a refinery of Dangote’s scale should not be measured solely by the litres of petroleum products produced.

According to her, every litre of fuel reaching the pump represents the final stage of a much wider chain of economic activity involving industrial capacity, supply chains, employment, exports and opportunities for Nigerian businesses.

Another user, @R_GentleSoul, agreed, noting that a large-scale refinery creates demand across several supporting sectors.

‘A refinery does not operate in isolation. Its activities create demand across transportation, marine services, engineering, maintenance, security and other supporting industries. #DangoteRefineryImpact’

The user added that a domestic refinery of Dangote’s scale creates opportunities for professionals, contractors, logistics providers and businesses across the industrial value chain.

*Aviation looks to local jet fuel supply*

The conversation also extended to aviation, with users highlighting the importance of reliable domestic supplies of aviation fuel to the sector.

One X user, @ninawinerr, said local production of jet fuel provides Nigeria with an additional source within the aviation fuel supply chain.

‘When jet fuel is produced locally, Nigeria has another source within the country supporting the aviation fuel supply chain.’

The comments came amid discussions around global energy-market disruptions and the importance of resilient domestic supply chains for critical petroleum products.

*Nigeria emerging as a major player in refined petroleum products*

For @Fabulous_Jr, the refinery represents part of a broader shift in Nigeria’s position in the global petroleum industry.

He argued that producing refined petroleum products locally at scale could reduce the country’s exposure to disruptions affecting foreign refineries and international terminals.

‘When a product can be produced locally at scale, the supply chain no longer has to depend entirely on what happens at foreign refineries and international terminals. #DangoteRefineryImpact,’

He described the Dangote Refinery as an important component of Nigeria’s economic infrastructure, noting that its products serve several sectors of the economy.

‘From petrol in cars to diesel powering businesses and jet fuel supporting aviation, the products coming out of Dangote Refinery touch multiple parts of Nigeria’s economy. #DangoteRefineryImpact,’

Another contributor, Victor, tweeting as @Sirr_Pele, recalled a time when fuel queues were considered a normal part of everyday life in Nigeria.

‘There was a time when ‘fuel queue’ was just a normal part of life in Nigeria. You could spend hours at a filling station and nobody found it strange. Seeing more of our fuel refined here is a change worth paying attention to. #DangoteRefineryImpact.’

According to him, increased local refining gives Nigeria greater flexibility in managing its petroleum-products supply chain by providing a domestic destination for Nigerian crude and converting it into products for households and businesses.

*LPG and the push for cleaner energy*

The discussion also touched on Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) and its potential role in Nigeria’s energy transition.

X user @Bigorx_ described LPG as an important component of the country’s efforts to expand access to cleaner cooking energy.

‘LPG is an important part of Nigeria’s energy transition. Expanding domestic capacity to produce and supply LPG can support wider access to cleaner cooking energy. #DangoteRefineryImpact.’

*Beyond refining, distribution remains critical*

Beyond the refinery’s production capacity, contributors to the conversation also highlighted the importance of distribution in ensuring that locally refined petroleum products reach consumers across Nigeria.

One X user, @consciencehub1, pointed to the refinery’s distribution network and the reported initiative to facilitate product delivery for qualified bulk buyers and marketers.

The user said such measures could improve convenience, reduce logistics costs and enhance access to petroleum products in different parts of the country.

‘Lagos to Abuja, Kano, Kaduna, PH, Enugu, Ibadan, Benin City, Maiduguri, Jos and other parts of Nigeria, the Refinery’s nationwide distribution network is extending reach of locally refined petroleum products to marketers and consumers across the country. #DangoteRefineryImpact,’

The user also expressed optimism that the emergence of additional local refineries, alongside a properly regulated petroleum market, would strengthen Nigeria’s position in the global energy landscape.

*A changing petroleum narrative*

The reflections under #DangoteRefineryImpact point to a broader shift in how Nigerians discuss petroleum supply.

From the long queues that once defined periods of fuel scarcity to conversations about local refining capacity, domestic value retention, distribution networks and Nigeria’s potential role as a supplier of refined petroleum products, the country’s downstream petroleum narrative has evolved significantly.

For many of the contributors, the Dangote Refinery represents more than a facility producing petrol, diesel, aviation fuel and other products. They see it as part of a changing industrial ecosystem with implications for energy security, businesses, employment, transportation, aviation and Nigeria’s ability to capture more value from its natural resources.

As the refinery marks 726 days since the announcement of PMS production, the central question raised by the social media conversation is no longer simply where Nigeria will source its next cargo of refined petroleum products, but how far local refining capacity can reshape the country’s energy and economic future.

EVERY few years, one country captures global attention in public health, not necessarily because it has solved a problem, but because it has approached it differently. In the global conversation on tobacco control, that country is Sweden.

Sweden has become one of the most closely studied case studies in tobacco, having reduced its daily smoking rate down to roughly 5 percent, among the lowest recorded anywhere in Europe, where the regional average sits closer to 24 percent. For researchers and policymakers, however, the significance goes beyond the statistic itself. The more useful question is how Sweden reached point, what factors contributed to the decline, and what lessons, if any, can responsibly be drawn from its experience.

Sweden’s decline in smoking is generally attributed to a long-running combination of measures,including sustained tobacco-control policies, public education,restrictions on smoking in public spaces, and the availability of regulated smoke-free nicotine products. These include snus, an oral tobacco product with deep roots in Swedish culture, used by some adults who might otherwise continue smoking. It is the product of decades of overlapping policies operating within Sweden’s particular social, cultural and regulatory environment. That distinction matters because Sweden’s experience is sometimes oversimplified. It should be viewed not as a template to be automatically replicated, but as a case study to be critically evaluated. More broadly, it is a reminder that public-health policy is strengthened when it evolves through continuous assessment of evidence rather than fixed assumptions or imported conclusions.

This debate has brought renewed attention to Tobacco Harm Reduction (THR), a body of research examining whether adult smokers who would otherwise continue to smoke might reduce their exposure to harmful chemicals by switching completely away from combustible cigarettes to regulated smoke-free alternatives.n Other countries have approached this question differently, reflecting variation in regulatory philosophies, public-health priorities and national circumstances rather than a single emerging global consensus. The United Kingdom has incorporated regulated vaping products into its stop-smoking services for adults under clinical guidance. Japan has recorded a marked shift in cigarette consumption following the introduction of heated tobacco products. New Zealand has explored smoke-free alternatives as one element of a broader strategy to reduce smoking prevalence. Each approach represents a deliberate national policy judgement, by its own circumstances, rather than application of an international template.

The lesson from this variation is precisely that there is no single global model. Countries continue to assess scientific evidence through the lens of their own health priorities, regulatory capacity, social context and population realities. What Does this mean for Nigeria? For Nigeria, this evolving conversation is an invitation to reflect, not to imitate. The country has already made real progress through legislation, sustained public awareness efforts, and implementation of the World Health Organisation (WHO) Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. As tobacco and nicotine products continue to evolve, the next phase of Nigeria’s approach should remain firmly anchored in credible scientific evidence, allowing regulation to keep pace with scientific developments without losing sight of the overarching objective of protecting public health, particularly young people and other vulnerable groups.

Equally important is the need for African evidence. Much of the research shaping the global conversation on tobacco harm reduction continues to originate from Europe, North America and parts of Asia. Nigerian universities, teaching hospitals and research institutions are well positioned to contribute to this evidence based by generating credible local data on smoking behaviour, product use and health outcomes, that reflects African populations and healthcare realities. Sweden’s most useful contribution, therefore, may not ultimately be its smoking statistics, butthe broader lesson its experience offers: public health policy is strengthened, not weakened, by staying open to scientific inquiry and continued scrutiny, including scrutiny of its own claims. As the evidence continues to evolve, the objective that should anchor everyjurisdiction’s response remains constant: reducing smoking-related disease, protecting vulnerable populations, and ensuring that policy is built on credible research and evidence rather than assumption or imported uncertainty.

Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, has explained how he worked behind the scenes to secure Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke’s continued support for President Bola Tinubu after the governor’s victory in the 2026 Osun State governorship election.

Wike said his main concern during the election was whether Adeleke, who was then a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), would continue to support Tinubu if he won the election.

Speaking during a media chat, Wike said Adeleke had moved to the Accord Party during the PDP crisis to secure his ticket.

He said he was not in Nigeria during the election but was more interested in knowing whether Adeleke would keep his promise to support Tinubu.

‘There are facts. ADC is there. Accord is there. They said I supported Adeleke. Adeleke was in PDP, PDP had crisis.

‘He moved to Accord so that he would be able to get his ticket.

‘And that election, I was not in Nigeria. I was in service country, I was not in Nigeria during the election.

‘My concern, if Adeleke wins, will he still support Mr. President?’

Wike said he called Adeleke and asked him to confirm whether he would maintain his support for Tinubu if he won the election.

‘And I called him, because that’s my own interest. I called him, I said listen: ‘You have told me you support Mr. President. Are you going to keep to it?’ He said he was going to keep to it. I said okay.

‘I wish him good luck. I don’t need to go to Osun.’

According to Wike, his support for Adeleke was not aimed at opposing the Federal Government or the President.

He said if the Federal Government had been fighting Adeleke, he would have become involved, but that he was not a member of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

‘And that was why in the last media chat I said listen: ‘If Federal Government was fighting Adeleke, Federal Government…’ There is no way I will not be involved. Federal Government!

‘But if APC is fighting Adeleke, I’m not a member of APC. I’m coming. Don’t raise your hand now, I’m coming. Don’t spoil this election now, it’s an election.’

Wike said his broader strategy was focused on ensuring Tinubu’s success, while also making sure Adeleke kept his word after winning the election.

‘Every day I sit, my strategy, my thinking: how will President win this election? Now after that election, go on record, go and ask Adeleke.’

He said he contacted Adeleke while he was in Croatia and reminded him of his promise to support Tinubu.

‘I told Adeleke, I called him when I was in Croatia. I said: ‘You told me you support Mr. President.’ He said yes. ‘Now you have won, issue a statement.

‘Issue a statement that you still will support Mr. President, and thanking him for a free and fair election.’ I!’

Wike added that he did not seek recognition from either Adeleke or Tinubu for his role.

‘I don’t need to go and tell anybody. I don’t need to go and tell Mr. President. I don’t need to.’

He also said he advised Adeleke to present his certificate of return to Tinubu after the election.

‘I don’t need to call Mr. President, ‘I want to…’ No, I don’t need that. It is my job.’

Wike explained that his strategy was also aimed at stopping politicians from using the situation to seek favours from the President.

‘Why was that strategy? To knock off these people you call politicians coming to the… to come and curry favor. When Adeleke issued that statement, ADC withdrew.’

Adeleke went on to win the Osun State governorship election, while Wike said the developments that followed the victory were part of his effort to ensure that the governor maintained his stated support for Tinubu.

Born on 24 October, 1927 at Oja’ba, Ibadan, Oyo State. He was a member of the Olupoyi chieftaincy ruling house.

Chief Lamidi Ariyibi Adedibu was an aristocratic power broker in Oyo State, Nigeria.

Adedibu entered politics in the 1950s, when he became a member of the Ibadan People’s Party, and then joined the Action Group under Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Later he was a member of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) led by Chiefs Adisa Akinloye and Richard Akinjide.

He was a formidable force in the Nigerian politics. He backed the candidature of several Nigerian politicians and earned them victories. His brand of politics was described as a blend of populism.

It was said that nobody assumed any political post in Oyo State without Adedibu’s approval, leading to him being called ‘the strong man of Ibadan politics.’

His son, Kamorudeen Adekunle Adedibu, was elected Senator for Oyo South in April 2007.

Chief Lamidi Ariyibi Akanji Adedibu died on 11 June, 2008.