Category: Nigerian Tribune

The National Centre for Genetic Resources and Biotechnology (NACGRAB), in collaboration with CGIAR Genebank Accelerator, national and international partners, last week converged on Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, for a two-day capacity building workshop on strengthening the capacity of national institutions for Implementing and Use of the Multilateral System of Access and Benefit-Sharing of the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture (ITPGRFA).

The workshop, held at the conference hall of NACGRAB, featured virtual and physical participants from NACGRAB, Alliance Bioversity-CIAT (International Centre for Tropical Agriculture), International Crops Research Institute for Semi-Arid Tropics (ICRISAT), Universities, Research Institutes such as the National Horticultural Institute (NIHORT), Ibadan, Institute of Agricultural Research and Training (IARandT), Ibadan, policymakers, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and other relevant stakeholders.

At the end of series of deliberations and elaborate discussions, participants came up with ways to fast-track approval and implementation of the Multilateral System of Access and Benefit-Sharing in Nigeria.

They listed expansion of awareness to include Universities and other tertiary institutions, NAERLs for extension services and other agricultural-related agencies. Publicise NACGRAB’s gene bank activities through social media platforms. They, however, posited that caution should be taken regarding information sent out to avoid misinterpretation of intention.

Through a communique, the meeting recommended awareness creation to the policy makers, research institutions, NGOs, farmers, traditional rulers, and legislators on the importance of MLS should be initiated and strengthened in cases where they are available by NACGRAB.

NACGRAB is encouraged to attend, present and distribute posters on the benefits of MLS at conferences organised by relevant professional organisations. The meeting also tasked NACGRAB to work with the relevant stakeholders to advocate special funding for a targeted Genebank optimisation project from the Federal Government outside the normal budget system.

Participants at the workshop urged development partners to continuously build the capacity of all stakeholders on the MLS of access and benefit sharing and SMTA, while NACGRAB is encouraged to develop a strong national strategy on communication to simplify the advantages of MLS to each target group.

NACGRAB, in collaboration with relevant stakeholders, told to initiate the identification of core traits of germplasm of interest by breeders.

Relevant stakeholders were called upon to nominate an institutional liaison officer for proper communication and dissemination of information with the focal point, while also calling on them to put in place adequate and periodic monitoring and evaluation focused on the implementation of MLS.

The meeting concluded by asking that more farmers should be reached through the users’ engagement programmes on MLS.

The latest edition of The Toyin Falola Interviews aired on Sunday, drawing an impressive lineup of global historians who examined the intersection of women, slavery, and power under the theme, ‘Global Africa, Women, and Slavery.’

The intellectually charged episode centred on historian Toby Green’s new book, The Heretic of Cacheu: Struggles over Life in a 17th-Century West African Port. The discussion-moderated by Professor Ana Lucia Araujo of Howard University-brought together an international panel of renowned scholars including Hassoum Ceesay, the Gambian historian and Director of the National Centre for Arts and Culture; Mariana Candido, Winship Distinguished Research Professor of History at Emory University and author of Wealth, Land and Property in Angola: A History of Dispossession, Inequality and Power; José Lingna Nafafé, Associate Professor at the University of Bristol; and Dr. Robin Chapdelaine, Associate Director of the Center for African Studies at Stanford University.

From the outset, the conversation situated gender, trade, and power as key elements in the making of the Atlantic world, offering sharp insights into the economic and cultural agency African women wielded during the transatlantic slave trade.

Speaking from The Gambia, historian Hassoum Ceesay traced the layered, often paradoxical roles of women in the slave economy. ‘I am speaking from The Gambia,’ he began. ‘This region is well noted for its role in the transatlantic slave trade and also in the ways that women were part and parcel of this trade.’ He cited the Signares-Euro-African women of wealth and influence-as cultural brokers. ‘These were women of substance, of economic might and social standing. They were rich enough to have slaves, they kept slaves, and they also traded in slaves. Their role in the trade remains deeply disputed.’

Ceesay drew on vivid historical portraits. He recalled Fanda Lawrence, a Gambian widow of a British trader who continued slave trading after moving to Georgia in the 18th century-‘a story that points to the conflicted role of women in the transatlantic slave trade.’ He also invoked Phillis Wheatley, the enslaved poet from the Senegambian region who became a literary voice of resistance: ‘Wheatley rose above persecution to become a poet of note who received attention even from Thomas Jefferson.’

Drawing on Alex Haley’s Roots, Ceesay emphasized the role of women in preserving identity through ritual and memory. ‘Women like Kunta Kinte’s mother, Binta, who conducted naming ceremonies, embody the endurance of culture amidst historical trauma.’

For Professor Mariana Candido, the focus shifted to West Central Africa-particularly Angola, the Republic of Congo, and Gabon-which, she explained, was ‘the region most affected by the transatlantic slave trade in terms of both duration and volume.’ According to her, ‘When talking about women in global slavery, it is inevitable to remind everyone that Central Africa lost the highest number of people to the trade. Roughly 36 percent of the 12.5 million Africans transported to the New World were women.’

Candido challenged popular assumptions that women were invisible in history. ‘I always heard that it was difficult to write about women, but in my research I found women everywhere-in travel reports, census data, church records, baptismal registers, and even in trading accounts. Women are not invisible in the archives; historians simply haven’t always looked for them.’

She further noted that ‘while men were taken in larger numbers, the women who remained behind filled crucial social and economic roles. Gender influenced the demand and supply of the trade and shaped the kinds of labour enslaved men and women performed.’ Her forthcoming book, A History of Women in Angola (1500-1880), she revealed, builds on these findings and aligns with Green’s effort to ‘recognize the centrality of women in economic, social, and political life in Atlantic ports, which became women’s spaces of power.’

Anchoring the discussion, Professor Toyin Falola contextualized the historical conversation for global audiences. ‘If you go to the US, Brazil, or Cuba and find black populations there, it is tied to this history of slavery,’ he said. ‘Millions were taken from Central and West Africa-from Cameroon, Nigeria, Angola, and beyond.’

Falola praised Toby Green’s work for reclaiming African women’s agency. ‘We are discussing this to emphasise the role of women. In classrooms, we call it agency-how people express themselves and find empowerment. Green shows us that African women were not simply victims; they were traders, political leaders, and brokers.’

He added that the book ‘reveals that the Atlantic world was not shaped by a single religion. Alongside Catholicism, African spiritual systems-dreams, rituals, and ancestral beliefs-coexisted and shaped everyday life.’ For Falola, The Heretic of Cacheu stands as ‘a microhistory of one woman that illuminates the broader global history of Africa, slavery, and gender.’

Building on that, Professor José Lingna Nafafé expanded the lens to the broader Atlantic world, stressing that women ‘carried Africa’s philosophy, religion, and culture across the Atlantic.’ He observed that ‘the Atlantic was saturated by women and young people who were not part of wars but were captured and enslaved nonetheless.’ Women, he said, occupied domestic spaces that became ‘sites of knowledge transmission and resistance.’

‘They worked in the homes of slave owners, cooked, cared for children, and overheard conversations about the systems that oppressed them,’ he explained. ‘These women held the secret knowledge of the operation of enslavement and sometimes resisted from within that space.’ Nafafé also discussed the Black Brotherhoods-Christian fraternities where ‘women were given spaces to trade, and the money they raised was often used to liberate others. They became liberators within an oppressive system.’

He concluded: ‘Women bore the double pain of being mothers-uprooted from their families while also giving birth to children who were enslaved. They were the primary bearers of trauma and, at the same time, of resistance.’

Framing the discussion within a global context, Dr. Robin Chapdelaine of Stanford University asserted that ‘the history of African women in slavery is foundational to understanding the making of the modern world.’ ‘The term ‘Global Africa’ signals both geography and process-the ways Africa and Africans, especially women, shaped economic, spiritual, and intellectual worlds stretching from Senegambia to Bahia,’ she said.

Chapdelaine noted that ‘women’s participation in trade networks tied African interior economies to Atlantic markets. Their labour-domestic, reproductive, agricultural, and commercial-sustained the circulation of goods, people, and ideas that defined the Atlantic and Indian Ocean worlds.’ Yet, she added, ‘their autonomy was often recast as deviance, their knowledge as sorcery, their mobility as a moral threat.’

‘To study women in slavery in a global frame,’ she said, ‘is to reimagine freedom not as a European invention but as a contested African practice.’

For author Toby Green, the story that inspired The Heretic of Cacheu lies in the life of Krispina Perez, ‘the most powerful trader in the settlement of Cacheu in today’s Guinea-Bissau.’ He explained: ‘This was a rare Inquisition trial from 1665 involving a West African woman. Perez was part of the elite trading class, and her influence was so significant that it drew the attention of the Inquisition-something that almost never happened in Africa.’

Green emphasized that the trial documents revealed ‘the emotional world underlying commerce-envy, bitterness, love, fear, anxiety, and debt-all shaping historical experience.’ He added: ‘The book is unusual because it captures the 17th century-a transformative period that set the stage for the industrialisation of global slavery.’

Sunday’s discussion reinforced the intellectual mission of The Toyin Falola Interviews-to connect Africa’s past with its global future through deep scholarly dialogue. By spotlighting women’s overlooked roles in shaping Atlantic history, the episode underscored Falola’s vision of an Africa that continues to speak powerfully to the world, reclaiming its stories, scholars, and the silenced. The event was broadcast across various television, radio, and digital platforms.

President Theodore Roosevelt (October 27, 1858-January 1919) was the 26th president of the United States. He served from 1901 to 1909. When asked to rein in his 19-year-old daughter, Alice, whose conducts had become so embarrassing to the people, the man known as TR, had this to say: ‘I can do one of two things. I can be President of the United States, or I can control Alice Roosevelt. I cannot possibly do both.’

Children of the mighty and most powerful, in some instances, are pains to their parents. Yoruba sociology of parenting categorises children based on their behaviours in the public. There are some children regarded as àkóìgbà, which refers to the category of children who are patently impervious to correction. An àkóìgbà child, though well-brought up, remains an outcast in behaviour. He or she behaves in manners that negate the home training given from the cradle.

The second categorisation is the àbíìkó or àbíìpabé children. These are the ones whose antisocial behaviours can be excused because the fault lies with poor parenting. An àbíìkó or àbíìpabé child receives no home training and as such, has nothing going on for him or her in terms of good upbringing. In the real street lingo, they are called born throwey (born and throw away).

There are some known as omo òwúrò alé. Children in this category are the ones who were given the normal proper family training but, along the line, abandoned those lofty morals due to bad influence and adopted behaviours that conflict with their family. The beauty of an omo òwúrò alé is that timely intervention can save the situation and bring them back on track.

The worst category is the omo pàpànlagi. Those in this typology are lost, completely – nothing can change them. They attach no importance to family values and have no sense of shame. When an omo pàpànlagi exhibits his or her characters in the public place, the opprobrium is always on the family. Unfortunately, the majority of members of his or her family are of good accounts, good characters and enviable dispositions. The question is: how does an omo pàpànlagi acquire the bad behaviour?

When a child displays any character that indicates an error in his or her upbringing, the African society has a way of correcting that. In most cases, the reaction of those who experience the detestable character is to send the unruly child back home. This method, I dare posit, is common in Yorubaland where the saying: Òde la ti únkó omo tí kò ní èkó (a bad child receives lessons in good conduct from outsiders) holds sway.

Back to Alice Roosevelt. Two biographers, Colin McEvoy and Tyler Piccotti, in a July 23, 2025, piece titled: Hunter Biden and the 8 Most Problematic Presidential Children of All Time, say of Alice thus: ‘Although her actions might seem harmless by today’s standards, Alice Roosevelt was such an unconventional woman during her day that she repeatedly made headlines and caused headaches for her father Theodore Roosevelt.. Alice smoked and swore in public, which was practically unheard of among female socialites at the time. She also attended and placed bets at horse races and took her pet snake to parties. Before William Howard Taft became president, Alice buried a voodoo doll of Taft’s wife, Nellie, in the White House front yard, earning herself a ban from the nation’s capital.’

Alice was so notorious that she featured again in another article by the Newsweek, The Most Problematic Presidential Children, published a year earlier on June 13, 2024. That notoriety by Alice informed why Americans called on their president to do something about the behaviour of his daughter, and he quipped the opening quote.

Nigeria has its fair share of Alice Roosevelt. Noemie Emery, on June 25, 2003, details misbehaviours of the children of the mighty and powerful in Why Have So Many Presidents’ Kids Gone Wrong? A reading of the portraits of the children mentioned in the piece will resonate with what Nigerians have experienced in the hands of spoilt brats of their leaders. Something close to Emery’s piece occurred the penultimate week in Edo State.

What played out in the sacred palace of the Oba of Benin, last Thursday, between the Benin monarch, Omo N’Oba N’Edo Uku Akpolokpolo Oba Ewuare II, and the self-imposed Iyaloja General of Nigeria, Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu, daughter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, calls for sober reflection.

Every society defines its own structure. The Benin people of Edo State are a peculiar lot. When our elders say how we behave here is a taboo in another land (bí a ti únse níbí, èèwò ibòmíì), they probably have the Benin people in mind.

That is exactly what the Benin sovereign, Oba Ewuare II, did to Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu when she came calling to the Benin Palace with the misadventure of Iyaloja of all Edo Markets.

The uniqueness of the Benin Palace lies more in the carriage of the oba. The Omo N’Oba is the epitome of the culture, tradition and custom of the Benin people. In him, the people find their essence. His personage speaks royalty in all ramifications. Thus, what one can do and get away with in many palaces will no doubt attract severe sanctions if done in the Omo N’Oba’s palace.

If there is any Black nation that still holds to its foundational culture, give it to Benin. Everything in the ancient city, and by its people, revolves around the monarch. He, like the modern-day executive president, is the fountain of honour. The Omo N’Oba owns every inch of Benin land. He creates dukedoms and appoints Dukes to oversee them in trust. He is the law, the judge and jailer!

The Benin palace operates a new level of protocol. For instance, the Omo N’Oba does not wait for anybody. The oba, hailed as Umogun, determines who he sees. And when he sits in his court, the entire kingdom bows in deference. In any of his court sessions, he determines the proceedings. He appoints who to talk and dictates what to say. Benin palace functionaries, at any time, can read the body language of the oba and act accordingly.

Another unique nature of the Benin palace is the way different guests to the ancient palace are treated differently. Beyond the general courtesy extended to guests, the issues to be discussed determine how the king reacts. For issues of less importance, the Omo N’Oba does not speak directly. Especially when it has to do with the tradition of the Benin Kingdom, the palace does not place a premium on the personality of the guest. For the oba and his subject, it is Benin tradition before any other thing.

When the oba prays, he calls on God and the ancestors – because without the tradition, there is no kingdom. Therefore, when anyone approaches the palace with any alien tradition different from that handed over by the ancestors, the palace does not spare any effort at setting the record straight.

One of the traditions of the Benin people is that when the oba speaks on any matter, his words become law. No one fights the palace and becomes popular. Whatever the Oba of Benin hates, becomes abhorrent to the entire Benin. Whoever clashes with the oba becomes an enemy of the entire kingdom.

Once a person is declared the enemy of the palace, Oghionba, the person immediately becomes a pariah. No Benin son or daughter associates with anyone who has a score to settle with the Uku Akpolokpolo! This is an unwritten code that has passed from generation to generation. There is nothing to show that such will change soon. This is one of the lessons any guest to the palace must learn and understand before venturing to the sacred ground where the Oduma (Lion) of Benin Kingdom resides. ‘Civilisation’ has not succeeded in changing that order!

Albert Lekan Oyeleye, a professor of English Language, taught Pragmatics, Semantics and Discourse Analysis at the University of Ibadan. In his Truth Condition seminar class a few years ago, he posited that meanings are in binary oppositions of plus or minus. He added that when words are spoken, they carry meanings that are not of surface values, called ‘Deep Structure’ in that branch of Linguistics. ‘Deep Structure’ meaning states that one must consider all the variables to be able to arrive at the intended meaning of any spoken word.

When the Omo N’Oba looked at the president’s daughter last Thursday, and said: ‘You are in Benin, the home of culture. We have our culture here,’ my mind raced to Oyeleye’s ‘Deep Structure’ and the binary opposition of meaning. I asked: what was the deep structure implicature of the statement?

If, without being speculative, one applies Oyeleye’s Truth Condition, can one successfully submit that what the Benin monarch told the president’s daughter is: in case you have no culture where you come from, here in Benin, we have our culture? This semantic implicature is further amplified by the next question Oba Ewuare II asked Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu thus: ‘Do you know the role of Iyeki in Benin culture?’

But more importantly, and still in the realms of Pragmatics, when the oba considered the response from the self-styled Iyaloja General of Nigeria, the next step the Benin monarch took, indicated clearly that the issue in discourse is of no importance – indeed an aberration in Benin Kingdom. He simply directed a chief to educate the woman on how Benin runs its market system. ‘Iyaloja is a bit alien to us here in Benin. I have discussed this matter with my chiefs and those who are knowledgeable’, the Omo N’Oba said, and directed Chief Osaro Idah, the Obazelu of Benin, to educate Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu.

Those who were physically present during the encounter recalled that the Benin monarch was visibly angry – justifiably so. Ever since the encounter, there have been series of activities in Benin City surrounding the issue of Iyaloja of all Edo Markets. The debate in town centres on the misadventure of Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu to impose on the ancient kingdom of Benin, a strange market structure that makes an individual the head of all markets in Edo State.

In a daring move, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu had, earlier, before coming to the palace, inaugurated one Pastor Josephine Ibhaguezejele. as the Iyaloja of all markets in Edo State. She did that at the Festival Hall of the Edo State Government House. The Benin Palace had the information in disbelief. It was after the ‘installation’, that the president’s daughter ventured into the sacred palace ground to ask the Omo N’Oba to rally support for Josephine Ibhaguezejele. Sacrilege!

Naturally, such a stranger-than-fiction position would infuriate the palace which had in 2024, kicked against such an anomaly. What gave the Iyaloja General of Nigeria the boldness to go ahead and do what she did? What height of bravado propelled her to visit the palace to ask the Omo N’Oba to rally support for the new Iyaloja of all Edo Markets?

When the Omo N’Oba asked if Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu understood the concept of Iyeki, what the oba was saying was that Edo markets are not without leaders. The only difference is that while, for instance, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu could transmute from being an Iyaloja of Lagos to Iyaloja General of Nigeria, no such position exists in Benin, nay the entire Edo State.

According to Benin culture which Oba Ewuare II lectured the president’s daughter on, no single market leader can control another market in Benin. The oba was emphatic when he told Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu that ‘Iyaloja is a bitalien to us here in Benin. I have discussed this matter with my chiefs and those who are knowledgeable.’

The concept of Iyeki, a pure traditional position, according to Chief Idah who spoke on behalf of the oba, is different from the social and cosmetic Iyaloja General of Nigeria, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu parades. What the Benin palace told the president’s daughter could pass for an inaugural lecture on cultural diversity.

While anyone without a single store in any market can become Iyaloja General in the culture that produces the like of Ojo-Tinubu, in Benin, and the entire Edo State, no single individual can lord it over other market women in different markets in the state.

More importantly, too, while it is possible for President Tinubu’s daughter to turn the Iyaloja chieftaincy title to a family affair and transmute from being Iyaloja of Lagos, the position formerly held by the late Alhaja Abibat Mogaji, to becoming Iyaloja General of Nigeria, in Benin, an Iyeki (market leader) is the representative of the Oba of Benin in any Benin market. The occupier of that position also carries out some assigned duty for the oba in the market.

This is why Chief Idah, speaking for the oba, tutored Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu: ‘Iyaloja is alien to us here in Benin. Every Iyeki has a special relationship with the palace. Are you aware of that? Do you know that every Iyeki has a cultural role to perform inside every market?

‘The Oba does not interfere so long as the Iyeki does what is expected of her in the shrine of a particular market on behalf of the Oba. We are not going to say much, except to explain to you the concept of Iyeki in Benin. Iyeki is independent in every market, like the Oba Market, Ogiso Market, and others. The traders select their leaders from within the market. The Iyekis do more than the role of coordinating traders. There are certain shrines in all the markets. They play certain roles on behalf of the palace. After their selection, they bring the person to the palace for confirmation.

‘The novelty of a general Iyeki is alien to Benin custom and tradition. We just believe the Iyaloja is your socio-cultural thing, like you have other clubs. It is not in our culture to have a general Iyeki. Iyeki is particular to each market. No one has the right to control another in a different market. The Iyeki in Oba Market has no role to play in Ogiso Market. The Oba established the market for all in the society.’

Let us go back to Alice Roosevelt. Why would President Tinubu’s daughter flout Benin culture? I ask this question because on April 30, 2024, she had written a letter to Oba Ewuare II, asking him to provide all necessary support for Pastor Isi Ibhaguezejele, as her appointed Iyaloja of all Edo markets.

In the letter, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu did not just introduce herself as the Iyaloja General of Nigeria but also as: ‘.the First Daughter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (GCFR).’ You may wish to ask as I did, what is the import of that family background in a letter seeking support for a venture? What was she trying to tell the oba? Then she went ahead to say:

‘With greatest sense of responsibility and utmost regard to our Royal Father, His Royal Majesty, Omo N’Oba N’Edo, Uku Akpolokpolo Oba Ewuare II, The Oba of Benin, I humbly write to introduce PASTOR MRS JOSEPHINE ISI IBHAGUEZEJELE as the Edo State lyeki-Elect.

‘With the development, it is her responsibility to see to the day-to-day affairs of the traders in the state (Edo State).Your Majesty, I humbly request that you give your daughter every necessary backing to succeed in this great and noble assignment as I look forward to your fatherly blessing for her to be fruitful in her newly assigned responsibilities.’

Expectedly, the letter, when it became a public document, generated a lot of heat in Benin. All daughters and sons of the Benin Kingdom, at home and in the Diaspora, rose in its condemnation. The agitation was heavy such that the president’s daughter backtracked.

The prevailing situation in Edo State then was not favourable. That was the period Governor Godwin Obaseki of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), was holding sway. There was no way the self-imposed Iyaloja General of Nigeria could have appointed a stooge in the state.

But after the September 21, 2024, gubernatorial election which produced the current Governor Monday Okpebholo of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu got her confidence back. Her father’s political party is the ruling party in the state. The rumours of the installation of Pastor Josephine Isi Ibhaguezejele as Iyaloja of Edo markets gained traction. But many did not believe that the venture would be revisited so much so that the Omo N’Oba had earlier rejected it.

Now the president’s daughter has installed an Iyaloja for Edo Markets, with the full support of the Coordinator, Office of Edo State First Lady, Mrs. Edesili Okpebholo-Anani and possibly the Edo State Government’s tacit support as implied in the use of the Government House Festival Hall. In contrast, Oba Ewuare II, Oba of Benin, who by tradition and custom, determines what happens in his kingdom, has said that such a position is alien to Benin tradition. The die is cast! Who blinks first? Who shifts ground: the Benin tradition or the position of ‘the First Daughter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (GCFR)?’

This is where President Tinubu should act. As the father of the Iyaloja General of Nigeria, and as an elder, President Tinubu must tutor his daughter that it is not every cloth that the chameleon imitates. The president must act fast before people begin to ask questions that will interrogate his parenting method for his children.

President Tinubu, this time, cannot speak the way TR spoke when asked to caution his recalcitrant Alice. Tinubu, I submit here without hesitation, must be President of Nigeria and control Folasade at the same time. Unlike TR, our PBAT must ‘possibly do both.’ This is the Toro (half Kobo) I have to loan to the President.

Nigeria is gradually slipping into a food crisis that threatens not just its economic stability but the very survival of millions of its citizens. The warning signs have been evident for years-declining agricultural productivity, rising insecurity in farming communities, inadequate storage facilities, and heavy dependence on food imports. Yet, little has been done to address the situation comprehensively. Today, the country finds itself at a crossroads where hunger is no longer a distant fear but a daily reality for many households.

One of the primary drivers of this looming crisis is insecurity. Vast farmlands in the country’s food-producing regions, particularly in the North, have been abandoned due to banditry, kidnapping, and clashes between farmers and herders. Farmers in states such as Borno, Zamfara, Benue, and Kaduna live in constant fear of attacks, making it nearly impossible to cultivate crops. This disruption has led to a sharp reduction in the supply of essential food items, driving up prices in markets nationwide. For the average Nigerian family, feeding three times a day has become a luxury rather than a right.

Beyond insecurity, climate change has worsened the situation. Erratic rainfall, prolonged dry spells, and devastating floods have all contributed to the reduction of crop yields. For instance, the 2022 floods destroyed farmlands in over 30 states, leading to severe shortages of staples such as rice, maize, and yams. Despite repeated warnings from environmental experts, government responses have remained reactive rather than proactive. Investments in irrigation, drought-resistant crops, and flood control infrastructure remain far below what is required to safeguard food production.

Another major concern is the collapse of Nigeria’s once-thriving agricultural value chain. Poor road networks mean that farmers who manage to produce crops struggle to transport them to urban markets. Post-harvest losses account for up to 40% of total production, as perishable goods rot away due to lack of storage facilities and processing industries. This inefficiency not only affects food availability but also discourages farmers who receive little to no reward for their hard work.

The rising cost of living Is further compounding the crisis. Inflation, particularly food inflation, has been on a steep upward trend, making even the most basic food items unaffordable. Families that once could afford a balanced diet are now forced to settle for less, leading to widespread malnutrition. For children, this poses a long-term danger as poor nutrition affects growth, learning capacity, and overall health. The situation is even more alarming in rural communities and among internally displaced persons who rely heavily on humanitarian aid.

Addressing this quiet crisis requires urgent and deliberate action. First, the government must restore security in farming communities to allow farmers to return to their fields without fear. Second, there must be renewed investment in modern agricultural practices, including mechanization, irrigation, and access to improved seedlings. Third, building storage and processing facilities will reduce post-harvest losses and create jobs for young people. Finally, Nigeria must reduce its dependence on food imports by strengthening local production and supporting smallholder farmers, who make up the backbone of the agricultural sector.

If these steps are not taken, the consequences will be devastating. Food insecurity will continue to deepen poverty, fuel social unrest, and weaken national stability. Nigeria has the land, manpower, and potential to feed itself and even export food, but only if leaders treat this crisis with the urgency it deserves. The time to act is now-before hunger becomes the defining tragedy of a nation blessed with so much agricultural wealth.

Muhammad is a 300-level student of the Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

The latest edition of The Toyin Falola Interviews aired on Sunday, drawing an impressive lineup of global historians who examined the intersection of women, slavery, and power under the theme, ‘Global Africa, Women, and Slavery.’

The intellectually charged episode centred on historian Toby Green’s new book, The Heretic of Cacheu: Struggles over Life in a 17th-Century West African Port. The discussion-moderated by Professor Ana Lucia Araujo of Howard University-brought together an international panel of renowned scholars including Hassoum Ceesay, the Gambian historian and Director of the National Centre for Arts and Culture; Mariana Candido, Winship Distinguished Research Professor of History at Emory University and author of Wealth, Land and Property in Angola: A History of Dispossession, Inequality and Power; José Lingna Nafafé, Associate Professor at the University of Bristol; and Dr. Robin Chapdelaine, Associate Director of the Center for African Studies at Stanford University.

From the outset, the conversation situated gender, trade, and power as key elements in the making of the Atlantic world, offering sharp insights into the economic and cultural agency African women wielded during the transatlantic slave trade.

Speaking from The Gambia, historian Hassoum Ceesay traced the layered, often paradoxical roles of women in the slave economy. ‘I am speaking from The Gambia,’ he began. ‘This region is well noted for its role in the transatlantic slave trade and also in the ways that women were part and parcel of this trade.’ He cited the Signares-Euro-African women of wealth and influence-as cultural brokers. ‘These were women of substance, of economic might and social standing. They were rich enough to have slaves, they kept slaves, and they also traded in slaves. Their role in the trade remains deeply disputed.’

Ceesay drew on vivid historical portraits. He recalled Fanda Lawrence, a Gambian widow of a British trader who continued slave trading after moving to Georgia in the 18th century-‘a story that points to the conflicted role of women in the transatlantic slave trade.’ He also invoked Phillis Wheatley, the enslaved poet from the Senegambian region who became a literary voice of resistance: ‘Wheatley rose above persecution to become a poet of note who received attention even from Thomas Jefferson.’

Drawing on Alex Haley’s Roots, Ceesay emphasized the role of women in preserving identity through ritual and memory. ‘Women like Kunta Kinte’s mother, Binta, who conducted naming ceremonies, embody the endurance of culture amidst historical trauma.’

For Professor Mariana Candido, the focus shifted to West Central Africa-particularly Angola, the Republic of Congo, and Gabon-which, she explained, was ‘the region most affected by the transatlantic slave trade in terms of both duration and volume.’ According to her, ‘When talking about women in global slavery, it is inevitable to remind everyone that Central Africa lost the highest number of people to the trade. Roughly 36 percent of the 12.5 million Africans transported to the New World were women.’

Candido challenged popular assumptions that women were invisible in history. ‘I always heard that it was difficult to write about women, but in my research I found women everywhere-in travel reports, census data, church records, baptismal registers, and even in trading accounts. Women are not invisible in the archives; historians simply haven’t always looked for them.’

She further noted that ‘while men were taken in larger numbers, the women who remained behind filled crucial social and economic roles. Gender influenced the demand and supply of the trade and shaped the kinds of labour enslaved men and women performed.’ Her forthcoming book, A History of Women in Angola (1500-1880), she revealed, builds on these findings and aligns with Green’s effort to ‘recognize the centrality of women in economic, social, and political life in Atlantic ports, which became women’s spaces of power.’

Anchoring the discussion, Professor Toyin Falola contextualized the historical conversation for global audiences. ‘If you go to the US, Brazil, or Cuba and find black populations there, it is tied to this history of slavery,’ he said. ‘Millions were taken from Central and West Africa-from Cameroon, Nigeria, Angola, and beyond.’

Falola praised Toby Green’s work for reclaiming African women’s agency. ‘We are discussing this to emphasise the role of women. In classrooms, we call it agency-how people express themselves and find empowerment. Green shows us that African women were not simply victims; they were traders, political leaders, and brokers.’

He added that the book ‘reveals that the Atlantic world was not shaped by a single religion. Alongside Catholicism, African spiritual systems-dreams, rituals, and ancestral beliefs-coexisted and shaped everyday life.’ For Falola, The Heretic of Cacheu stands as ‘a microhistory of one woman that illuminates the broader global history of Africa, slavery, and gender.’

Building on that, Professor José Lingna Nafafé expanded the lens to the broader Atlantic world, stressing that women ‘carried Africa’s philosophy, religion, and culture across the Atlantic.’ He observed that ‘the Atlantic was saturated by women and young people who were not part of wars but were captured and enslaved nonetheless.’ Women, he said, occupied domestic spaces that became ‘sites of knowledge transmission and resistance.’

‘They worked in the homes of slave owners, cooked, cared for children, and overheard conversations about the systems that oppressed them,’ he explained. ‘These women held the secret knowledge of the operation of enslavement and sometimes resisted from within that space.’ Nafafé also discussed the Black Brotherhoods-Christian fraternities where ‘women were given spaces to trade, and the money they raised was often used to liberate others. They became liberators within an oppressive system.’

He concluded: ‘Women bore the double pain of being mothers-uprooted from their families while also giving birth to children who were enslaved. They were the primary bearers of trauma and, at the same time, of resistance.’

Framing the discussion within a global context, Dr. Robin Chapdelaine of Stanford University asserted that ‘the history of African women in slavery is foundational to understanding the making of the modern world.’ ‘The term ‘Global Africa’ signals both geography and process-the ways Africa and Africans, especially women, shaped economic, spiritual, and intellectual worlds stretching from Senegambia to Bahia,’ she said.

Chapdelaine noted that ‘women’s participation in trade networks tied African interior economies to Atlantic markets. Their labour-domestic, reproductive, agricultural, and commercial-sustained the circulation of goods, people, and ideas that defined the Atlantic and Indian Ocean worlds.’ Yet, she added, ‘their autonomy was often recast as deviance, their knowledge as sorcery, their mobility as a moral threat.’

‘To study women in slavery in a global frame,’ she said, ‘is to reimagine freedom not as a European invention but as a contested African practice.’

For author Toby Green, the story that inspired The Heretic of Cacheu lies in the life of Krispina Perez, ‘the most powerful trader in the settlement of Cacheu in today’s Guinea-Bissau.’ He explained: ‘This was a rare Inquisition trial from 1665 involving a West African woman. Perez was part of the elite trading class, and her influence was so significant that it drew the attention of the Inquisition-something that almost never happened in Africa.’

Green emphasized that the trial documents revealed ‘the emotional world underlying commerce-envy, bitterness, love, fear, anxiety, and debt-all shaping historical experience.’ He added: ‘The book is unusual because it captures the 17th century-a transformative period that set the stage for the industrialisation of global slavery.’

Sunday’s discussion reinforced the intellectual mission of The Toyin Falola Interviews-to connect Africa’s past with its global future through deep scholarly dialogue. By spotlighting women’s overlooked roles in shaping Atlantic history, the episode underscored Falola’s vision of an Africa that continues to speak powerfully to the world, reclaiming its stories, scholars, and the silenced. The event was broadcast across various television, radio, and digital platforms.

Bauchi State Governor, Sen Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed has disclosed that certain individuals are bent on sabotaging the Economic Summit that opens on Wednesday.

He emphasised that his administration will not be complacent, as there are enemies of progress around who are bent on disrupting and scuttling the summit.

He said, ‘Security reports have it that there are people who want to sabotage the administration’s plans and tamper with the peace the State is currently enjoying just for political reasons.’

The Governor therefore raised concerns over attempts by certain individuals to sabotage the forthcoming International Investment Summit, describing them as enemies of progress who are bent on disrupting the peace and development of the state.

The Governor made the remarks while presiding over an extraordinary State Executive Council meeting held at the Executive Chambers of the Governor’s Office, Government House, Bauchi.

He said that the meeting’s agenda was concerning reaching policy discussions and not just contracts, stressing that the council’s primary responsibility is to design ideas and programmes that will strengthen governance and leave behind enduring legacies of good practice and transparency.

Bala Mohammed charged members of the Council to be watchful and proactive, warning that there are people trying to undermine government efforts as the state prepares to host investors and development partners at the summit.

‘We should not be complacent, we should not take it for granted, because I have been hearing some voices, some people want to sabotage the event,’ he said.

The Governor continued, ‘This is the characteristics of people who don’t want success, so all of you are going to be policemen, you must open your eyes and we are not going to allow anybody to tamper with our peace for any political reason.’

‘They are against us and they are very few in number, and the majority of Bauchi State people are with us, so we want to tell our detractors that we are equal to the task.’

Bala Mohammed further warned that the state government would not allow anybody to disturb the peace the state is enjoying, to score political capital.

The Governor described the upcoming investment summit as the first of its kind since the inception of his administration, urging commissioners and other officials to take full ownership of the event and ensure its success.

‘We are going to have an International Investment Summit. I know we are very busy, and we have to go back to see what we should do so that we can host these people.’

‘I want the council members to know more about the event. I could not remember when such an occasion was held in Bauchi as a state, so there are so many things to be done to have a successful conduct,’ he added.

He expressed gratitude to members of the State Assembly, contractors, and the public for their cooperation and continued support to the government.

Bala Mohammed also commended members of the press for their dedication in covering government projects across the state, describing their efforts as a mark of sacrifice and commitment to public enlightenment.

An association of concerned professionals, UmuNsukka in Enugu State have advised the Vice Chancellor of University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN), Professor Simon Uchenna Ortuanya, to shun partisan politics and focus on his job.

The President of the group, Engr. Ozioko Asogwa, gave the advice while reacting to recent media reports linking the VC to the alleged certificate forgery levelled against the Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology, Chief Uche Geoffery Nnaji.

‘We have been following your progress since assuming office as UNN’s 16th Vice Chancellor and we want to be able to protect your interest being one of our illustrious children occupying such a high public position’ Engr. Asogwa said.

Asogwa disclosed that in the 70years of the existence of the UNN, Professor Simon Uchenna Ortuanya is the first person of Nsukka extraction that has the privilege serving as the VC of the prestigious institution.

He added, ‘Your appointment of VC is an answer to decades of prayers by the good people of Nsukka . It’s too early to be mired in any controversy, particularly one that doesn’t really have any connection with you. That way, you will not give our enemies the opportunity to question your leadership acumen, which, for us, is not in doubt.

‘For instance, if there’s is a court order for UNN to release the transcript of the Minister and also the 1985 Convocation Brochure, why don’t you simply do that so that it doesn’t give any impression that you are being used as a tool to settle political scores’, Engr. Asogwa advised

He cautioned the university don against setting bad precedence for the younger generation.

‘Don’t set a bad precedence for younger people from Nsukka aspiring to be VC of UNN someday, please. Avoid being used by anybody. Don’t dent your reputation and career. We are not sure when next an Nsukka person will be appointed VC of UNN.

‘As your kinsmen, we are proud of your achievements so don’t spoil what you’ve built over the years with being partisan in what’s going on between the Enugu Governor and the Minister for Innovation, Science and Technology’, Engr. Asogwa added

Continuing, he said, ‘Your previous public leadership positions of Commissioner for Education in Enugu State, and most recently, the Secretary to the Enugu State Government speak to your wealth of academic and administrative experience. We are convinced if you avoid the distractions of partisan politics, coupled with your deep understanding of university governance, policy, and law, as well as his extensive leadership experience, garnered over the years as Associate Dean of the Faculty of Law, University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus, Professor of Law at the Enugu State University of Science and Technology (ESUT), visiting scholar at the Loyola University Chicago School of Law, will significantly advance the mission and vision of Nigeria’s premier university during your tenure.

‘So, please, one more time, remove your hand from the current imbroglio between the Governor of Enugu State and the Minister of Innovation, Science, and Technology’, he concluded

Former presidential aide, Reno Omokri, has criticised Nigerians for what he described as a culture of inconsistency, noting that despite widespread complaints about the country’s economic hardship under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the newly released iPhone 17 Pro Max has sold out across the nation.

In a post on Facebook on Tuesday, Omokri argued that many Nigerians claim the economy has been destroyed, yet continue to spend lavishly on luxury products such as Apple’s latest smartphone, which costs about $1,999.

He noted that while citizens are quick to criticise government policies and lament inflation, they often avoid fulfilling civic duties like paying taxes.

He said the current economic situation had not destroyed the country but had instead exposed what he called the pretence of living beyond one’s means.

According to him, many people present themselves as poor when it comes to taxation but show off wealth through extravagant spending.

He wrote, ‘Tinubu has destroyed Nigeria’s economy! Nigeria is finished! Yet, the iPhone 17 Pro Max, which costs $1999, is completely sold out in Nigeria.

‘Ask those who bought the phone to pay taxes, and you will hear stories. But they expect everything from a government they do not pay taxes to.

‘Listen, President Tinubu did not finish Nigeria. All he finished is our fake life! We act as though we are poor when it comes to paying taxes, but we behave richly when it comes to blowing money!’

Tribune Online reports that Apple’s latest release, the iPhone 17 line-up, was unveiled on September 9 at its Cupertino, California, headquarters in the United States, featuring new AirPods and smartwatches ahead of the holiday shopping season.

Prominent human rights lawyer, Femi Falana, SAN, has called for a coroner’s inquest into the tragic Afriland Tower fire that claimed ten lives on 16 September 2025, at Broad Street, Lagos Island.

In a formal petition addressed to the Chief Coroner of Lagos State, dated 29 September 2025, Falana requested an official inquiry to determine the cause and circumstances of the fatalities.

The human rights lawyer said the victims – four officials of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) and six employees of United Capital Plc – were trapped in the six-storey building after it was engulfed by thick smoke during the fire outbreak.

Signed by Taiwo E. Olawanle on behalf of Falana’s chambers, the letter emphasised that the incident was avoidable and fell within the purview of Section 15 of the Lagos State Coroner’s Law, 2007, which mandates an inquest in cases of violent, unnatural, or suspicious deaths.

Falana urged the Chief Coroner to use his good offices to ensure justice for the deceased and to make recommendations that could help prevent similar tragedies in the future.

As part of the steps to reduce the frequency of violent clashes between farmers and herders, the Bauchi State Government has revoked all land allocations in the Aliya and Yautare grazing reserves of the Darazo Local Government Area of the state.

The development follows growing tensions between farmers and herders in the area, which have led to the loss of innocent lives and the destruction of properties.

The disclosure was made by the Chairman of the Committee set up to mitigate the development, Deputy Governor of the state, Mohammed Auwal Jatau, while briefing journalists on the outcome of the government’s review of land activities in the reserves.

He explained that the recent de-reservation of parts of the forests was originally aimed at encouraging greater community participation in farming under the Darazo Ecological Project.

However, the government observed that the implementation of the allocations was fraught with irregularities, leading to the improper distribution of land.

This, according to him, resulted in the allocation of almost the entire grazing reserves, a situation that triggered disputes between farmers and pastoralists.

The Deputy Governor stated that, ‘After carefully studying the situation – including personal visits and discussions with the parties involved – Governor Bala Mohammed ordered the immediate revocation of all the allocations.’

He stressed that the decision was taken in the interest of peace, justice, and sustainable development.

The Deputy Governor further explained that even the hectares earlier approved by the Governor will be subjected to a fresh review to ensure transparency and proper land management.

Auwal Jatau also said that the decision was made due to irregularities in the allocation process, which led to conflicts between farmers and herders, resulting in the destruction of farmlands, loss of properties, and loss of lives.

He explained that the grazing reserves were designated in 1953 and gazetted in 1986; however, the allocation process was marred by irregularities, leading to the current crisis.

A high-powered committee was set up to investigate the crisis, and its findings and recommendations have been submitted to the government.

According to him, the government has decided to revoke all land allocations in the grazing reserves with immediate effect; however, farmers who have vested crops on the land will be allowed to evacuate their crops and harvests.

He further said that the government will review the allocation of 2,500 hectares in the grazing reserves and reallocate the land in line with due process.

The Deputy Governor reiterated that the present government is committed to resolving the crisis and ensuring peace and stability in the state.

He assured that the government will follow due process in allocating the land and ensure that the rights of all stakeholders are protected.

He stressed that ‘The Bauchi State Government has revoked all land allocations in the Darazo grazing reserves due to irregularities that led to conflicts between farmers and herders, and will review and reallocate 2,500 hectares in line with due process, allowing farmers with vested crops to evacuate them.’

He appealed to the people of Aliya, Yautare, and the entire Darazo Local Government Area to remain calm and cooperate with the government.

The Bauchi State Government stated that the revocation exercise is part of broader efforts to restore peace and promote harmonious coexistence between farmers and herders in the region.