Category: Nigerian Tribune

The Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUN), Mr Akintunde Sawyerr, has explained why the Federal Government’s student loan scheme is not restricted exclusively to Nigerians classified as poor or indigent, arguing that parental wealth should not automatically determine a young person’s access to educational support.

Sawyerr said the circumstances confronting individual students could be more complex than their family background, insisting that young Nigerians should be treated as adults capable of making decisions about their education and future.

‘You need to start treating Nigerian youths as adults. The fact that they come from a wealthy family, or maybe stand to benefit from a big inheritance, does not preclude them from needing support,’ he said.

Sawyerr spoke on Channels Television’s Politics Today programme while responding to questions over how NELFUND determines whether applicants genuinely need financial assistance, particularly concerns that students from wealthy families could benefit from funds intended to expand access to tertiary education.

He illustrated the dilemma with the case of an 18-year-old from a wealthy family whose parents refuse to finance the course the student wants to study.

‘If your parents refuse to fund your education, does that mean you don’t go to school?’ he asked.

According to him, using the government’s social register of poor Nigerians as the principal mechanism for determining eligibility would not necessarily produce a fairer student-loan system because the register was not designed specifically to capture the circumstances of young people seeking tertiary education.

‘We are dealing with young people. The social register that you’re referring to is not just for young people. And the minute we start to tap into the social register, the number of people who are eligible for this loan will diminish significantly,’ he said.

Sawyerr said NELFund’s objective was to ensure that young Nigerians who might otherwise be unable to complete tertiary education were not excluded simply because their circumstances did not fit a narrow definition of indigence.

‘We are trying to rescue people who are in need, who may not be able to speak up,’ he said.

He acknowledged that the broad eligibility approach could mean that some students who could otherwise afford their education might receive support, but argued that preventing such cases at all costs could ultimately hurt a much larger number of genuinely needy students.

‘I’d rather pay as NELFund for a handful of students who can afford it if I can carry along a very large number of students who can’t, than deprive a large number of students because I’m trying to stop three or four people from getting it,’ Sawyerr said.

He added that no eligibility system could be completely foolproof.

‘You can never get a watertight system,’ he said, insisting that the priority should be to expand access to tertiary education while continuously improving the system.

Sawyerr’s position also extends to the broader philosophy behind the student-loan programme. He argued that access to the Fund should not simply be viewed as a welfare intervention for poor students, but as an investment in young Nigerians and the country’s future workforce.

He said the fact that beneficiaries would eventually repay the loans could also encourage them to make more deliberate choices about the courses they study and the institutions they attend.

‘If you have to pay back money for something that you have borrowed, you are likely to be more considered about the course you are going to take,’ he said.

‘You are likely to look more closely into what sort of job opportunities there are thereafter.’

According to him, the loan model could consequently create greater attention to employability, skills and the relevance of academic programmes, while encouraging competition among institutions to attract students whose education is being funded through NELFund.

Sawyerr, who disclosed that he had personally taken and repaid a student loan, also rejected the argument that repayment necessarily places an excessive burden on beneficiaries.

‘Not a burden at all,’ he said when asked whether repaying a student loan had been burdensome.

He explained that repayment is linked to employment, saying beneficiaries are technically expected to begin repayment two years after completing the National Youth Service Corps, provided they have secured employment.

‘If they don’t have a job, they don’t pay,’ he said, adding that employers are expected to deduct 10 per cent of a beneficiary’s salary for repayment, with deductions stopping if the beneficiary loses the job.

The NELFund boss said the broader access policy had already translated into substantial demand for the programme, with about 1.8 million applications received since its commencement.

He disclosed that 1.659 million applications had been processed, with just under one million students becoming beneficiaries, although he explained that the number of applications was higher because some students applied in successive academic years.

According to him, NELFund had so far disbursed about N355 billion, comprising N162 billion in upkeep payments to students and N192 billion for institutional charges across 319 government-owned tertiary institutions.

The Fund currently spends about N16 billion monthly on upkeep, with beneficiaries receiving N20,000 each month.

Sawyerr said the scale of the intervention was increasingly being assessed not merely by the amount disbursed but by its impact on students’ ability to remain in tertiary institutions.

He cited research which, he said, showed that the scheme had reduced dropout rates by 20 per cent in the previous year, while a separate study by DAWN reportedly found that 84 per cent of beneficiaries were retained within tertiary education because of the intervention.

He maintained that these outcomes strengthened the case for keeping the scheme broadly accessible rather than narrowing it exclusively to students who meet a particular definition of poverty.

The debate over eligibility comes amid criticism from sections of the education sector that government should provide grants and increase direct public investment in tertiary education rather than place young Nigerians under a repayment obligation.

But Sawyerr maintained that the fundamental objective of NELFund was to ensure that financial constraints did not prevent Nigerians from obtaining tertiary education.

For him, the question is therefore not simply whether a beneficiary’s parents are rich or poor, but whether the individual student requires support to access and complete tertiary education, and whether the system can expand opportunity without shutting out those who genuinely need it.

In 1969, legendary Yoruba Sakara music lord, Yusuff Olatunji, serenaded and celebrated the sterling qualities of the Seriki of Egbaland, Chief Abdul-Wahab Amódemájá. Amodemaja held an Egba high-ranking military-derived civil title. In his Volume 3 album entitled Amódemájá, using a twin engine of dense metaphor and vivid imagery, Olatunji advocated for the place of good people as templates of a good society. The man he called ‘Abudu Amodemaja’ was his prime example. He sang: ‘If you behold some people gaily and expensively dressed, sitting in royal poise on elegantly embroidered horses, unbeknownst to an enraptured world taken in by these adornments, these men are merely decorated swindlers.’ Olatunji’s raw Yoruba rendering was: ‘B’óo r’òmo elòmíìn l’órí esin, jìbìtì l’ó fi ñs’èsó.’ The paradox of esin (horse) and èsó (adornments), set against jìbìtì (swindle), was a potent literary tool this Sakara legend deployed to teach the virtues of the noble citizen.

Are there still good people in Nigeria? Are there good people in Nigerian politics? Can they be found anywhere in Nigerian government circles?

Yusuff Olatunji sang this song barely nine years into the Nigerian post-colony. It was an era when personal honour was paramount, and dishonorable people were treated as social rejects and villains. Olatunji himself had carved a remarkable niche in the social cosmos. A musical hippopotamus, his feat in popularizing traditional Yoruba music across Nigeria and the West African coast was adjudged legendary. Deploying profound poetic lyrics, philosophical reflections on existential matters, and a mastery of the single-headed frame drum called the Sakara, Olatunji denounced societal ills while celebrating impeccable character.

Amodemaja was equally known by the moniker, ‘A. B. Council’ due to his massive influence in First Republic’s Abeokuta Council local administration. Musicians of the era took turns celebrating this incredibly influential powerhouse of Egbaland. Yet, Amodemaja was a prominent Ogboni secret society leader for whom the Edan – a sacred, highly revered pair of cast brass/bronze figures clipped by an iron chain that served as membership emblem and spiritual authority in the indigenous Yoruba Ogboni society – was his bond. In an emerging post-colony where Christianity and Islam had colonized the religious consciousness of the people, how did that society reconcile this complex reality?

Amodemaja spent a lengthy period as the Adelé Oba (Regent) of Egbaland before the coronation of Oba Oyebade Lipede as the 9th Alake of Egbaland. His character must have been the reason why, when he passed in the late 1970s, his death caused a seismic rupture in the social fabric of Egbaland. Indescribably hurt by the shock of his passage, his fellow Egba son and Apala music spellbinder, Ayinla Omowura, composed an evergreen tribute in his honour. In it, Omowura deconstructed death as a ‘disheveled idiot with ugly, black, and dilating eyes’ for its audacity in stealing the crème de la crème of society. Suddenly, as Omowura sang, the cadence of his drums shifted. His drummers masterfully infused the solemn, heavy rhythmic beats of the Ogboni traditional dance into their drumming. It was a final salute to a man for whom neither the Bible nor the Quran, but the cylindrical Edan, was his bond – a tribute that led critics to submit that Omowura himself was likely an initiate.

Forgive the digression. The offering today is not music, traditional worship, or a tribute to departed heroes. It is politics – raw Nigerian politics in its most roiling, unfiltered form. The focus today is the dwindling values of Nigerian politics and politicians, alongside the elaborate swindle racket that governance in the country has become.

Look around you today. Even before they officially mount campaign podiums, Nigerian politicians have begun regaling us with grand promises. In real terms, these are simply an assortment of lies in which they do not believe and which will never materialize.

What is the precise place of lies in Nigerian governance? A vast body of literature exists on lying as a political weapon. The Nigerian electorate should, as usual, prepare to be treated to a confetti of falsehoods as we travel the 2027 election road. Worldwide, debates on social and political lies continue to engage public discourse. Are political lies symptoms of a systemic cancer, or are they mere political sports that should be excused? In the 2022 Annual Billy Dudley Memorial Lecture he delivered, Prof. J. A. A. Ayoade, dwelt extensively on this phenomenon. It is a paper that remains an essential reading.

Lying, Ayoade noted, is ‘ubiquitous and prevalent in human society.’ He defined a political lie as one ‘purposely constructed in the politician’s heart to deceive the public with a view to gaining and/or maintaining political power.’ He observed further: ‘Studies say that Americans lie an average of 11 times per week. This is in contrast to Donald Trump, who, according to the Washington Post, logged 20,055 falsehoods in 1,207 days – an average of fifteen lies per day. The average politician, starting at age eighteen, would have lied 33,747 times by age seventy. At 30,000 false claims attributed to Trump in his four-year term, he told 88.9% of the lies the average citizen would tell in fifty-three years.’ This reality likely drove Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka to dub Nigeria ‘the Republic of Liars’ in his 2015 work, InterInventions: Between Defective Memory and the Public Lie.

The maths above does not diminish the toxicity of political lies or the sheer scale on which politicians deploy them. The liar, Ayoade argued, ‘opts to lie because he calculates that the truth cannot deliver the expected reward to him in that particular case.’ He cited Adolf Hitler, who concluded that ‘it is not truth that matters, but victory.’ Ayoade set this side-by-side with former Aviation Minister Femi Fani-Kayode’s boast that he would rather die than defect to the APC. When Fani-Kayode eventually defected, he justified eating his words by stating, ‘There is no point having principles without power’ – a sentiment echoed by American politician, Robert S. Strauss, who famously remarked, ‘If you’re in politics, you’re a whore anyhow.’

In Nigeria’s contemporary political landscape, the petroleum subsidy has become the lowest-hanging fruit of national mendacity. It is a convenient bait dangled like worms on fishing hooks to catch unsuspecting fish. Aware that the subsidy removal is the hemlock Nigerians have been forced to drink in 39 months under Bola Tinubu, with severe effects on their daily existence, politicians view it as the primary path into the electorate’s hearts. Both President Tinubu and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar have boarded this convenient vessel to secure prime space in the public consciousness. Yet, the truth remains that neither figure holds the masses as their main concern; the primary objective is the preservation of their elite status and personal political empires.

As the whistle blows for the commencement of the 2027 political campaigns, Nigerians are once again in for a seasonal roulette of tears, sorrow, and blood. It is a season of sabre-rattling, damaging rhetoric, and a dangerous descent into political anarchy. The dress rehearsals are already being served à la carte across the nation. Politicians are painting the dais red with do-or-die rhetoric. If I’m asked for examples, my response remains that once an okra farm is within reach, harvesting it before it becomes overripe need not be a complex enterprise. Yoruba say this as ‘Bí oko ò jìnnà, ilá ìí kó’.

One example holding Nigerians on tenterhooks is the ongoing drug allegation debate -a humiliating spectacle for the nation. It is humiliating because, regardless of guilt or innocence of the charge, it is a shame that a Nigerian president is subject of a drug inquisition. After all, Yoruba say if one does not walk needlessly like an Òkété, the African giant pouched rat, no one would offer one the rat’s palm kernel favourite meal.

The central dispute, whether evaluated in American court dockets or in the court of public opinion, centers on whether the Nigerian president was involved as a baron or courier of illicit narcotics. In recent statements, the Washington-based lobbying firm hired by Atiku Abubakar, Von Batten-Montague-York, claimed that FBI files link Tinubu to a criminal organization smuggling heroin during the 1980s and 1990s. As the firm presses its claims, the presidency’s efforts to distance itself from the matter have only drawn more attention to the allegations. It then will seem that, the more it tries to pull its horse from this dirty manger, the more messy dung this heroine drama pelts on its face. The American lobbyists, in a most recent X post, claimed that Tinubu would face international embarrassment at the UN General Assembly. Looks like, in the hands of Atiku, our president is carrying on his head a faggot enveloped by a notorious beehive (ó ti ru igi oyin).

Through this evidentiary search – what some have termed ‘legal tourism’ – Atiku Abubakar appears to be pursuing a Samson option: the total destruction of what he views as a political house of cards built by his former friend and ally.

This dynamic recalls an ancient fable of Ekùn, the Leopard, who was a shadow merchant:

Long ago, in a distant valley, the Leopard, Ekùn, amassed immense wealth by selling a rare, mind-clouding herb harvested from swampy thickets. The trade devastated the forest›s youth, cutting their lives short, while Ekùn quietly lined his vaults for decades. When animal elders finally gathered to investigate the destruction, Ekùn set his secret storehouses ablaze to erase evidence and fled across the great mountain.

In the realm beyond, ruled by ?fòn the Buffalo, Ekùn forged a fresh alliance. Believing his dark history was permanently erased, he used his vast riches for philanthropy – feeding the poor and housing the homeless. Over time, he earned ?fòn’s trust and a seat by royal right hand.

Decades later, a traveling merchant from Ekùn’s old valley arrived as royal guest of ?fòn. He bore an old, rusted iron chest salvaged from the burnt thickets of yesteryears. Inside were charcoal ledgers and dried herb samples, all stamped with Ekùn’s unique claw-mark seal.

Horrified by the revelation, ?fòn the King ordered the chest’s contents burned in a sealed chamber, with Ekùn inside. Knowing the mind-destroying fumes – the very source of his fortune – would prove fatal to him, Ekùn trembled and refused to step inside. His guilt exposed, the King stripped him of his regal robes and had him dragged away in chains, leaving his past to finally claim him.

Tinubu and Atiku, friends-turned-foes, risk treating the nation to an equivalent of a Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) – the Cold War military doctrine where a full-scale nuclear attack by one power guarantees complete annihilation for both sides. For both men, this dynamic represents a destructive equation. Francis Bacon’s reflection on friendship underlines the tragedy of this dispute: «Age appears to be best in four things: old wood best to burn, old wine to drink, old friends to trust, and old authors to read.» Even Yusuff Olatunji, in the album referenced earlier, sang that the deity in a friend›s house should not seek one›s ruination: ‘Òrìsà ilé òré eni, kò gbodò run ni.’ Both gladiators seem deaf to that counsel.

Yet, this destructive chess game continues between men vying for the ultimate political prize. As this piece was about going to press, news filtered in that a regime fawner has called for an exhumation of Atiku’s 2006 indictment by the EFCC. He has thus issued a 14-day ultimatum to the EFCC to reopen and prosecute these historical corruption allegations against the Wazirin Adamawa.

Seasons of political campaigns in Nigeria remain seasons of vitriol and drama. Painfully, everyday citizens are regularly drawn into these partisan conflicts. To be fair to contemporary politicians, rhetoric, exaggeration, and underlying tension have long been part of the nation›s political lineage. Like Tinubu and Atiku, when the relationship between erstwhile friends, Western Region Leader Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Premier Chief S. L. Akintola, broke down irretrievably in the 1960s, the region was consumed by incendiary rhetoric. Campaign grounds became arenas of ethnic anxiety and personal insults, where hostility was openly weaponized.

As the 1964 general elections and the 1965 Western Regional elections approached, Premier Akintola formed an alliance with the Northern People›s Congress (NPC) led by the Sardauna of Sokoto, Ahmadu Bello called the NNDP. Action Group also aligned with Nnamdi Azikiwe’s NCNC to form UPGA. Akintola accused UPGA of facilitating an Eastern takeover of the West, using campaign tropes that framed the opposition as an ethnic vehicle designed to disenfranchise the Yoruba. He frequently repeated names like ‘Okafor’ and ‘Okeke;’ ‘Ikejiani’ which he inflected to ‘Ekini-ani’ to highlight claims of Igbo domination of western region civil service appointments. He used this logic to justify his alliance with the NPC. Conversely, UPGA labeled Akintola a feudal puppet and traitor who sold Yoruba to Hausa-Fulani hegemony.

Akintola, an orator par excellence, who used to be labeled by Adegoke Adelabu as ‘Osanyin Awolowo’ – ‘Awo’s deity’ due to his tiny voice like that of an Orisa deity – deployed the Yoruba language to great effect at campaign rallies. Veterans of that era recall that during campaigns in the Ekiti district – where Awolowo’s reputation was held in high regard – Akintola openly mocked the opposition’s emphasis on formal education. He joked that only in Ekiti could one find professors named after birds, playfully altering the name of the renowned economist, Professor Aluko, to «Professor Agbe and Professor Atioro.» In the Bendel area, he derided Awolowo’s prominent supporters like Dennis Osadebey, declaring: ‘Bí Òrìsà bá d›ébè, a ó f›òkò tu ká!’ – meaning, even if a deity manifested as a farm mound, his party would level it with hoes.

In the Eastern region during the Second Republic, political contests were equally fierce. In old Anambra State, the primary struggle was between Jim Nwobodo of the NPP and Christian Chukwuma (C. C.) Onoh of the ruling NPN. As both sides competed, language became a central weapon. Campaign strategists satirized opponents using localized humor and wordplay. Nwobodo’s supporters mocked Onoh’s name through deliberate homophones, calling him ‘Onoh ono Okpa,’ meaning ‘Onoh who swallows Okpa,’ – a popular, protein-rich traditional food pudding made from ground Bambara nuts – while Onoh’s camp portrayed their rival as desperate for political survival. Figures like Nnamdi Azikiwe were surrounded by elaborate political mythologies, with supporters attributing near-mystical resilience to him to rally voters.

When political engagement is reduced to manufactured promises, historical grudges, and calculated character assassination, governance loses its moral compass. Just as Yusuff Olatunji warned his listeners 57 years ago not to be deceived by the grand adornments of riders on horseback who conceal fraudulent intent, the contemporary electorate must learn to look past the elaborate pageantry of the political class.

Until citizens demand genuine integrity and accountability over strategic deception, the nation will remain trapped in a paradise built on falsehoods – a system where power is pursued as an end in itself, and public good remains a secondary consideration.

Former Jigawa State governor and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chieftain, Alhaji Sule Lamido, speaks with ADAMU AMADU on the proposed opposition coalition under G-100 against President Bola Ahmed Tinubu ahead of the 2027 general election, the PDP, Nigeria’s democratic future and the poverty ravaging Nigerians.

AS a statesman and a major figure in Nigerian democracy, how did you view the reported plan by the G-100 coalition to come together, support one candidate and unseat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the 2027 general election?

Well, to be frank, I’m not aware of this group. If they are really a group of 100, tell me who they are so that I can comment. I do not know them. Who are they?

They are reportedly a group of opposition political parties, including the ADC, NDC and other opposition parties and their leaders.

When you say the group, not political party. Who are the people behind it?

They include presidential candidates, former vice-presidents, former governors and other political stakeholders. People like former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rabiu Kwankwaso, Rotimi Amaechi and others are said to be part of it.

So, you are talking about people like Amaechi, Malami and others, isn’t it? What is my business with that? They are from the same political background. They are from the same group, their own family. It is a civil war. So why do I come into it? What should I comment? All of them have, at one time or another, been part of the APC or its political family. From 2014 to date, those who are claiming to be opposition are, in many ways, people from the same political family. So, in their own civil war, what is my business? I am PDP. I have been PDP since 1999 and I remain PDP till date.

From your experience in politics, do you think such a coalition can succeed in defeating the APC and President Tinubu in 2027?

What I am saying is, what is my business? In your own family, you are fighting. What concerns me about your family’s fight? You should know your family better than me. You should understand your own family better than me. All of them have been in different political parties. They moved from ANPP to PDP, ACN, CPC and eventually APC. I have been PDP all along. All these people who came together are from the same APC family that fought PDP, maligned PDP, abused PDP and destroyed PDP. They wanted to remove us from office, and they did. Now, from 2014 to date, they have been changing their political platforms and alliances. But they are still from the same family. Therefore, it is a family civil war. It is their problem and their business. Let them go and fight their own war.

How do you assess the political activities and preparations of your party, the PDP, ahead of the 2027 general election?

Look, it is a very simple thing. Political parties are formed with a purpose. Parties are formed based on certain principles and programmes, and they articulate their positions on issues. For any given election, you tell Nigerians what you are going to do on the economy, security, human development and other important areas. These are the issues political parties normally present to the public. They tell the people: this is what we are going to do if we win the election. For me, our purpose is to win the election. Simple. Therefore, like all political parties, our programme and the election are ultimately about Nigeria.

What, in your view, should Nigerians look out for as the 2027 general election approaches?

Nigerians should look at the political parties, their backgrounds and the political pedigree of the various actors. They should examine their records and determine who is sincere and who genuinely has the interest of Nigeria at heart.The issue is for Nigerians to see through these people and ask: who is talking? Who is saying what? Who is sincere? Who is honest? Who is there for Nigeria?Then they can make their own choice.

You have on several occasions expressed fear about the possibility of defeating President Tinubu in 2027. What exactly do you mean by that?

No. When you say fear, what do you mean by fear?

Fear in terms of his political capacity and ability to win the election?

It is about capacity and what he can do, and to what extent. You understand, this is somebody who has been a survivor in politics. Those who have worked with him at one time or another should know him better than me because they were with him. They belonged to the same political family. Therefore, they should understand his political capacity better than I do.

How do you forecast the 2027 general election?

My focus is that Nigerians should look at the political parties, look at their background and look at the political pedigree of the various actors. They should ask themselves: is there anybody among them who is sincere, who is genuine and who is committed to Nigeria? Then they should make their choice. The political environment is very murky and unconventional. It is difficult to make a realistic political analysis in terms of sincerity and honesty. Political analysts should be able to look at issues based on national interest, national stability, security and other considerations. But today, look at the main players and their characters. Let Nigerians look at them and determine how sincere and genuine they are.

Do you think national interest has been given enough attention by the political actors?

To me, Nigeria has been abandoned by all of them. I am not making any spiritual claim that I am more Nigerian than any other Nigerian. But look at the country today and compare it with what it was in 1999. People who emerged as governors, vice-presidents, presidents and ministers since 1999, across different political parties, have benefited from Nigeria. Now, having benefited from Nigeria, when the country is going through these difficulties, are they willing to pay back Nigeria what Nigeria gave them? That is the issue.

What do you think is the future of Nigeria’s democracy, given the current political and economic challenges?

Nigeria will be there. This is part of the whole evolution. All nations go through difficulties. Some are caused by the players, while some are natural, but nations go through a process.I hope people understand that beyond the next four years, five years, 10 years or 15 years, many of these people will no longer be there.They will leave, but Nigeria will remain. Therefore, do not despair and don’t give up. Nigeria will be there.But the evolution is very stressful. The living conditions in the country are now very stressful, with a lot of difficulties. But we shall overcome, I believe.

What is your advice to Nigerians at this critical period?

What kind of advice? You advise people when you think there is ignorance, lack of understanding, fear or something like that. But when the environment is very clear, you know that people are no longer ignorant. Nigerians are not ignorant. They know what they are doing politically. Nigerians are politically very conscious. Look at social media and the way people discuss politics. They know what is happening. There is no ignorance and there is no fear. They say anything and read anything.So, you advise where there is ignorance. But that is no longer the situation. Every Nigerian, whether from the North or South, Christian or Muslim, knows what we are going through. We are politically conscious and very aware. It is up to us to determine what is best for Nigeria. What have I done? What have you done? What have they done? What are we doing?

What do you think is the major factor responsible for the challenges facing Nigerians today, particularly poverty?

Poverty. But whether God caused poverty or whether poverty was human-induced, that is the question. Was it caused by God or was it caused by human beings?

Would you take it that it is both natural and human-induced?

No. It cannot be both. Because Nigeria is well endowed by God. We have resources underground. We have minerals. Our land is very fertile. We can grow almost anything through agriculture. We have people with very strong cultural backgrounds and traditions. We have highly educated people who are respected around the world. Therefore, when you say poverty is natural, you are not being fair to nature.

So, what is the missing link?

Look, you have been asking questions. You ask me what the problem is and what the solution is. I told you: look at whether the poverty is human-induced or natural. You said both. I said it cannot be both.

Jigawa State has clocked 35 years. Your administration lasted eight years and is often credited with significant human and infrastructural development. What is your assessment of the state’s journey and its future?

All of us, in the last 25 or 30 years, have made our contributions. We have all put in our maximum best. All the governments, whether military or civilian, whichever political party was in power, have contributed. The people, the emirs and everybody have contributed to making Jigawa great. It is a process of evolution.No one person can claim that during his time, he did everything. You do what you can and leave, then somebody else comes in. Whatever you see today is a collective achievement. It is through the collective efforts of the people that you got Jigawa as it is today. It is not the achievement of Sule Lamido or anybody else alone.

Leaders and members of the Fusengbuwa Ruling House of Ijebu Ode, has warned against any attempt to frustrate the royal family from filling the vacant stool of the revered vacant seat of the Awujale and Paramount Ruler of Ijebuland.

Rising from the enlarged meeting of princes and princesses of the family held at the Ike Nla Agunsebi, Ijebu Ode, on Saturday, the family declared that it remained united and determined to produce the next Awujale.

The meeting, which was convened to deliberate on the stalled selection process for the next Awujale, was co-chaired by Otunba Abdulateef Adebayo Owoyemi, Chairman/Head of the Fusengbuwa Ruling House Family; Otunba Adedokun Ajidagba, Deputy Chairman; and Professor Fassy Yusuf, Vice Chairman.

The leaders while briefing the meeting said those in attendance were drawn from the various units of the Fusengbuwa Ruling House, and that the meeting became imperative in order to inform them on developments surrounding the stalled selection process and the legal steps being taken to address the delay.

Recall that a court action was instituted against Ogun State Governor, Dapo Abiodun, nine Ijebu-Ode kingmakers and five other defendants, praying for the order of the court to compel the defendants to conclude the selection process.

At the end of the meeting, members endorsed decisions previously taken by the ruling house leadership and expressed renewed confidence in its ability to steer the family through the ongoing process.

The family head, Otunba Owoyemi, said the gathering was primarily aimed at updating members on the situation and explaining the steps taken by the leadership to protect the interests of the ruling house.

He lauded members of the family for turning out in their numbers, an indication that the family remained united.

‘The meeting was called to update and brief members of Fusengbuwa Ruling House about the stalled selection process for the next Awujale and the steps we have taken to address the issue.

‘The large attendance is an attestation of unity. The house is united. Princes and princesses came from Lagos and other places. They supported our decision and they have confidence in our leadership and the things we are doing,’ the former ICAN president said.

Owoyemi alleged that some individuals were working to frustrate the ruling house’s effort to produce the next Awujale, saying such actions could ultimately be used to question the house’s eligibility to produce the monarch.

‘Our enemies are those who want to spoil things so that they will come back to say our ruling house cannot produce the next Awujale again,’ he said.

The ruling house leadership maintained that its current legal action was aimed at ensuring that the established selection process was concluded and that the Fusengbuwa Ruling House was allowed to exercise what it described as its legitimate opportunity in the succession process.

The family leaders urged members to remain calm, focused and united as the legal process continues, while reaffirming their commitment to pursuing the matter through lawful means.

The meeting ended with members reaffirming their support for the leadership and its decisions concerning the succession process.

Minister of Defence, Gen. Christopher Musa (retd.), has said the Nigerian military, in collaboration with intelligence and security agencies, has significantly disrupted the financial networks sustaining Boko Haram and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP).

Musa said the sustained action had weakened the ability of major terrorist groups to launch the large-scale attacks that previously characterised the insurgency, forcing them to increasingly resort to abductions, kidnappings and other criminal activities to generate funds.

The minister disclosed this during a live interview in Abuja, where he spoke on Nigeria’s territorial defence, counter-terrorism financing, border security, political stability and the welfare of military personnel and veterans.

He said sustained military operations deep into terrorist enclaves had disrupted the operational capabilities of the groups and reduced their ability to carry out major attacks.

According to him, ‘Now, we don’t have those brazen attacks that used to be.

‘Before now, Boko Haram would go to places, attack areas, and go. You don’t hear of that anymore. The trajectory has moved from insurgency back downwards toward terrorism, abductions, and kidnapping because that is the easiest way for desperate networks to try and raise money.’

Musa also linked the recent rise in security incidents in some parts of the country to a pattern that had previously been witnessed around major political cycles.

He said concerns had emerged that some of the incidents could be exploited by political actors to generate negative sentiments against the government ahead of the 2027 elections, with campaigns expected to begin in January.

The minister, however, assured Nigerians that security agencies were taking measures to contain the situation and ensure that political campaigns and other activities were conducted without hindrance.

On counter-terrorism financing, Musa said the government was intensifying efforts to dismantle the financial and logistical structures supporting terrorist operations.

He said the military was working with the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit to identify and block illicit funding channels, including proxy bank accounts, social media crowdfunding platforms and cryptocurrency transactions.

According to him, Nigeria was also adopting international counter-terrorism financing mechanisms following a high-level engagement with the United States Department of State.

He said the measures would help security agencies identify and isolate foreign influences and links between ISIS and its local affiliates.

Musa warned Nigerians providing logistical assistance to terrorists that such support was prolonging the conflict.

He specifically mentioned the supply of fuel, food and water to terrorist cells as part of the support networks being targeted by security agencies.

On border security, the minister said the government was strengthening surveillance along Nigeria’s borders, particularly areas historically vulnerable to the movement of terrorists, weapons and other criminal elements.

He said the Ministry of Interior and the Nigeria Immigration Service had activated specialised border-control hubs equipped with real-time cameras, with continuous drone surveillance also being deployed.

Musa identified the approximately 1,500-kilometre Nigeria-Niger border as one of the areas requiring increased surveillance.

Beyond technological measures, he said the military had expanded its operational structure from eight to 12 active divisions, with four new divisions established to improve localised security monitoring and response.

He added that the expansion was being supported by increased recruitment into the Nigeria Police Force and the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps, as well as the creation of a new Homeland Adviser position to improve domestic intelligence coordination.

Speaking on the recently foiled plot allegedly aimed at disrupting Nigeria’s democratic process, Musa said investigations by the Department of State Services and the National Intelligence Agency were still ongoing.

He said the investigation would determine the circumstances surrounding the alleged plot and identify those involved.

The minister said the incident had also highlighted the need for stronger vetting procedures within the military and other sensitive government institutions.

He disclosed that stricter vetting protocols had consequently been institutionalised to assess the backgrounds, mental capacity and allegiance of recruits and personnel assigned to sensitive positions, including those deployed to the Presidency.

According to him, the measures followed the alleged involvement of a colonel who misled some younger officers into the plot.

Addressing concerns over the continued presence of terrorist cells despite sustained military operations, Musa said the government was also confronting the ideological roots of terrorism.

He said increased military pressure was encouraging low-level fighters to surrender after realising that they had been deceived into joining the groups.

The minister further disclosed that military operations had led to the rescue of more than 700 abducted persons from captivity.

He said the military would sustain the pressure on terrorist groups until their operational and recruitment capabilities were substantially dismantled.

On the welfare of serving personnel and veterans, Musa said President Bola Tinubu had approved upward reviews of salaries and pensions for serving military personnel and retired members of the Armed Forces.

The minister, who described himself as a military pensioner, also addressed concerns over delays in the payment of veterans’ pensions.

He said presidential directives had resolved the issue, adding that the next harmonised pension payments were scheduled for the end of September 2026.

Musa urged Nigerians to take greater responsibility for national security by promptly reporting suspicious activities to relevant authorities.

He stressed that public cooperation with security agencies remained essential to defeating terrorism and other forms of criminality.

‘The armed forces are stable, inter-agency service rivalries have completely gone, and we are working assiduously as a unified unit to guarantee total tactical superiority,’ the minister said.

Sample 1: ‘The YWC leader also urged the Yorubas home and abroad to take ownership of the Tinubu project assuming that the nation would fair better under Tinubu’s presidency.’ (2023: Yoruba World Congress endorses Tinubu’s presidency…Opera News, 18 December, 2022)

The word that should interest readers is fair which occurs in the following context: ‘the nation would fair better under Tinubu’s presidency.’ Confused regarding the semantic identities of the forms fare and fair, the writer has selected the latter instead of the former. Having almost identical pronunciation but clearly different spellings, the words fare and fair are significantly differentiated at the level of meaning. For the sake of emphasis and clarity, the word required by the context in question is fare (and not fair).

The word fair, which we are starting with, could mean: just average, not excellent, not very high. Please read the following sentences: 1) The performance of the Super Eagles was just fair during the last season. 2) The students’ scripts were sorted and categorized according to whether they were fair, good or excellent. 3) That was a fair attempt at scoring a goal. 4) He is normally an excellent student; but on this occasion his performance is just fair. 5) The article was a fair attempt to psychoanalyze the president in terms of his attitude to power. 6) The confessions of the criminal are fairly truthful. 7) The interview sessions are fairly well-organised. 8) Some of the students are fairly fluent in English. 9) The examination questions are of a fairly high standard. 10) The policemen are fairly honest. 11) No doubt, the text is difficult to follow; surprisingly, the students have a fair understanding of it. 12) Members of the audience relate fairly intelligently to the issues raised.

The word fair could also mean: just, in accordance with justice, equitable, impartial, not discriminatory as far as justice is concerned. Now read the following sentences: 1) The sharing formular is fair to all stakeholders. 2) The complaint is that the constitutional provisions are not fair to all the federating units. 3) Did INEC treat all the political parties fairly? 4) According to the Islamic injunction, a man can marry two or more wives provided he can be fair to all of them. 5) The man has not been fair to the son of his late wife. 6) One major problem with capitalism is that it cannot guarantee fair distribution of resources. 7) Journalistic reports must be fair and balanced. 8) Most traditional societies are not fair to women. 9) The charge that God did not provide sufficiently is unfair to the compassionate God. 10) Some Nigerians who are evidently corrupt in their areas of activities are unfair to policemen when they accuse them of corruption. 11) Many extant laws are not fair to the common man. 12) The referee has not been fair to our team. 13) Many commentators are not fair to the newly inaugurated government.

Another noteworthy meaning of the word fair has to do with light skin, contrasted with the relatively dark. We consider the following sentences: 1) There used to be a time when fair women were given a pride of place in Nollywood casting. 2 She is tall, beautiful and fair. 3) Fair women are not necessarily beautiful women. 4) People with fair skin are usually physically conspicuous. 5) There is this myth that fair skins are susceptible to diseases that dark skins are not. 6) Would albinos fit into the description of fair skin? 7) The belief seems to be somewhat widespread that fair skin is synonymous with demonic possession. 8) Some men are instantly attracted to fair-skinned women. 9) How could a girl so fair and so beautiful have chosen to be a call girl? 10) The two girls are an example of contrasts: the one is short, stocky and dark; the other tall, slim and fair.

The word (fair) can also be used as a noun. Here, it refers to exhibition or display of merchandise for the purpose of attracting patronage, creating public awareness, making ‘noise’ to generate massive interest. Please read the following sentences: 1) The economic climate is so gloomy that trade fairs which featured so frequently in the preceding decades are a rarity in the current situation. 2) The Lagos Chamber of Commerce used to organize trade fairs in partnership with the Lagos State Government. 3) How feasible or reasonable is it for dealers in automobiles to organize trade fairs? 4) Trade fairs are a testimony to a prosperous economy. 5) Even traditional herbal products had their place in trade fairs in those days. 6) The International Trade Fair was declared open by the President.

Now we turn to the word fare. Let’s start with the verb which has to do with how someone or something performs; how they go through a certain experience or place: 1) There is a great hope that the nation will fare significantly well under the current leadership. 2) We should endeavour to find out why the students fared so poorly in the last exams. 3) Women and children are faring well under the current regime. 4) How could anyone suggest that Nigerians fared better under military regimes than they do under the civilian? 5) The economy used to fare very well without the benefit of the oil resources. 6) How did organized crime fare when soldiers were in the helm of affairs? 7) The poor and the underprivileged are faring worse and worse under the circumstance. 8) Can teachers fare much better than this in the foreseeable future? 9) Worship centres fared badly during the Covid-19 pandemic. 10) The Governor assured the people that education would fare well under his watch.

Next, we consider the usage of fare as a noun. As a noun, it refers to payment for transportation; fee payable or paid for conveying a person by train, by bus, by a plane, etc. Consider the following sentences: 1) It is a known fact that fares skyrocket during festive seasons. 2) Commercial drivers charge exploitative fares when prospective passengers come in large numbers. 3) Like the prices of other goods and services, fares never come down once they go up. 4) As part of relief measures, intended to cushion the hardship occasioned by the removal of subsidies on prices of petroleum products, the Federal Government subsidized fares during the end-of-the-year festivities. 5) Some commercial bus drivers now issue tickets as evidence of payment of fares. 6) To reduce your fares per month, look for accommodation that is close to your place of work. 7) It is important to include a projection of your fares in your monthly budget. 8) Transporters should magnanimously reduce the fares of genuinely poor Nigerians.

Another word that deserves consideration against the background of our discussion so far is fear. Let’s have the following sentences: 1) The fear of poverty should drive people to work extremely hard. 2) Politicians do know that the fear of EFCC is the beginning of wisdom. 3) Hardened criminals exercise no fear as to the prospect of being caught by law enforcement agents. 4) Fear and faith are mutually exclusive: the presence of the one means the absence of the other and vice versa. 5) The lady lives in perpetual fear of darkness. 6) The residents live in fear of violent criminals. 7) The Police Commissioner said honest citizens had nothing to fear. 8) Okonkwo in Things Fall Apart committed suicide because of the fear of failure. 9) Policemen should be respected and not feared. 10) Some students fear their teachers more than they respect them. 11) It is wrong for a man to rule his family by the instrument of fear. 12) The fear of death is a universal phenomenon.

In a coordinated sweep across the country, the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) has arrested a convicted cocaine trafficker who disguised himself as a herbal tea merchant.

The agency also intercepted a 20,000-litre fuel tanker fitted with a concealed compartment for illicit drugs, and recovered several other consignments of cannabis, tramadol, methamphetamine and other psychotropic substances in Lagos, Adamawa, Ondo, Kaduna, Bauchi, Ekiti, Kogi, Taraba and Enugu states.

Following the interception of a 1.2kg cocaine consignment concealed in phone chargers and destined for Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, at a courier company in Lagos on 31st July 2026, operatives of the Directorate of Operations and General Investigation (DOGI) in NDLEA successfully tracked the mastermind through painstaking intelligence-led operations.

A statement by the Director, Media and Advocacy of the NDLEA, Mr Femi Babafemi, on Sunday said,

the suspect, arrested in a sting operation at Article Market, opposite Trade Fair Market, Ojo area of Lagos, on 4th September 2026 while posing as a herbal tea businessman, was identified as 34-year-old Dunu Bethel Ebubechukwu.

In his statement, he admitted being the mastermind of some illicit drug shipments in the past, while stating that he discarded his telephone SIM card once he learnt his latest consignment had been intercepted by the NDLEA.

Further investigation revealed the suspect is no stranger to the Agency: he was first arrested in 2011 at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport (MMIA) Ikeja, Lagos, after ingesting 900grams of cocaine and 130grams of heroin in an attempt to fly to Austria under the name Dunu Chukwuyenre Enoch. He was prosecuted for the crime, convicted, and sentenced to five years in jail. He thereafter changed his name to Dunu Bethel Ebubechukwu and returned to the criminal trade.

A search of his residence located at 6 Yemishola Street, Ejigbo, Lagos, on 4th September led to the recovery of phone chargers similar to those used to conceal the intercepted cocaine, with their internal components removed to create space for drugs.

At the Lagos airport, operatives recovered 966,200 tablets of Tramadol 225mg worth over N1.1 billion concealed among thrift trousers in a 21-carton consignment from Pakistan, and 57.80kg of Loud, a synthetic strain of cannabis, worth over N173 million in street value, hidden inside cartons of disposable hand gloves in a shipment from Singapore that had lain unclaimed for weeks before a joint examination by NDLEA officers, Customs and other security agencies was conducted on 3rd September.

In one of the week’s most brazen discoveries, a 20,000-litre fuel tanker marked MKA 960 XC, and notorious for evading arrest in the past, was chased down by NDLEA officers along the Akoko/Lokoja expressway in Ondo State on Friday after its driver refused to stop. The driver later abandoned the vehicle at a church premises in Ugbe Akoko and fled into the bush.

A search of the tanker revealed a false compartment concealing 165 bags of cannabis weighing 2,145kg alongside its legitimate fuel cargo destined for Jos, Plateau State.

Barely a month after three suspects: Yashim Dauji, Larry Ifeanyi, and Joseph Moji were arrested at Tincan Port in Lagos over the seizure of 842.54kg of cannabis-laced cookies, another 598.08kg (890 packets) of similarly infused cookies and gummies were intercepted on 2nd September in a 40-foot container at the port and linked to the suspects already in custody.

In Adamawa State, NDLEA operatives on patrol along the Damilu and Jambutu axis in Jimeta, Yola North LGA, on Friday, recovered 864,000 pills of opioids, especially tramadol, from a residence linked to a fleeing suspect, Patrick KC Frank, whose Honda Civic car rammed an NDLEA patrol vehicle before he escaped.

In another interdiction operation in

Michika area of the state, a major methamphetamine supplier from Lagos to Mubi and Michika axis, Calistus Ebubechukwu, 35, was arrested on Friday, 4th September, with a total of 2kg of the dangerous substance, while Attahiru Hussaini was intercepted with 750,027,530 pills of tramadol and other opioids concealed in a soap-laden Ford Galaxy bus marked JJM-953XD at Namtari checkpoint in Mubi on 31st August.

In Lagos, NDLEA operatives on Friday recovered 2,386.9kg of cannabis, 350grams of cocaine, over 100kg of assorted tramadol grades, 9.7 litres of codeine syrup and 4kg of rohypnol at Gbaji area of the state, while two suspects, Damilare Francis and Emeh Emmanuel, were arrested with 720kg of cannabis at Agbara area.

Three suspects: Saidu Mustapha, Zaharadeen Salisu and AbdulSalam Abdullahi were nabbed with 636kg of cannabis concealed in chicken manure aboard a bus travelling from Owo, Ondo State to Jos, Plateau State along Okene/Lokoja highway in Kogi.

In Taraba, 58-year-old Kelechi Unachukwu was arrested along Zaki-Biam road, Wukari LGA, with a cocktail of over 109kg of tramadol, diazepam, pentazocine, phenobarbital, exol-5, nitrazepam, bromazepam and pregabalin being conveyed in his Toyota Corolla car marked KUJ-333BT from Onitsha, Anambra to Yola, Adamawa.

A truck loaded with bags of cement was intercepted by NDLEA operatives along the Zaria-Kano expressway, Kaduna, with 1,179kg of skunk recovered, while a suspect, Hamza Dahiru, was arrested by NDLEA operatives in Bauchi in a follow-up operation following the seizure of 322.5kg of cannabis at Deba town, Gombe State, on Tuesday, 1st September.

In Ekiti State, two suspects, Chuks Alex and Asafa Adekunle, were arrested after NDLEA operatives uncovered and destroyed a 4-hectare cannabis farm in Efon-Alaaye forest, recovering 117kg of already-harvested skunk, just as a 20-year-old Obinna David was arrested at Ugbema Junction, Enugu, with 40,590 capsules of tramadol on Saturday, 5th September.

With the same vigour, Commands and formations of the Agency across the country continued their War Against Drug Abuse (WADA) sensitization activities to schools, worship centres, workplaces, and communities, among others, in the past week.

While commending the officers and men of DOGI, MMIA, Ondo, Tincan, Lagos, Adamawa, Kaduna, Bauchi, Ekiti, Kogi, Taraba and Enugu Commands for their professionalism and intelligence-driven approach to the various successful operations, the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the NDLEA, Brig-Gen. Mohamed Marwa (rtd) enjoined them and their colleagues across the country to continue with the current balanced approach to the drug control efforts of the Agency.

He reiterated that traffickers who believe they can reinvent themselves under new identities or legitimate business fronts will continue to be tracked down.

A 13-year-old boy, Mubarak Mohammed, of Udubo village in Gamawa Local Government Area of Bauchi State, has died following a firearm incident involving a loaded Dane gun.

The Bauchi State Police Command confirmed the incident in a statement issued by its Police Public Relations Officer, SP Nafiu Habib, on Sunday.

The Command said a 35-year-old hunter, Suleiman Hamza, had allegedly returned from hunting at about 4:30 p.m. on Saturday and left his loaded Dane gun inside his room before going out.

According to the police, the teenager subsequently entered the room and suffered fatal injuries in an accidental discharge involving the firearm.

The PPRO said detectives attached to the Gamawa Division were immediately mobilised to the scene to commence a preliminary investigation.

‘The victim was evacuated to the General Hospital, Gamawa, for post-mortem examination, where the medical doctor on duty confirmed him dead,’ Nafiu Habib stated.

He added that photographs were taken before the remains were released to the victim’s relatives for burial in accordance with Islamic rites.

‘The suspect has been arrested, preliminary investigation was concluded, and the case has been transferred to the State Criminal Investigation Department for discreet investigation,’ the statement added.

The police said the investigation was aimed at establishing the circumstances surrounding the incident and determining responsibility.

Police foil robbery attempt

Meanwhile, the Command said its operatives had foiled an armed robbery attempt along the Kajala-Kere Road and recovered two stolen motorcycles.

Nafiu Habib said the incident occurred on Saturday at about 9:45 p.m. after suspected hoodlums armed with cutlasses and sticks reportedly blocked the road and dispossessed four residents of Kere village of their belongings.

He said, ‘On 5th September, 2026 at about 2145hrs, a report received from the Officer-in-Charge, Kajala Police Outstation, on the outskirts of Burra, indicated that yet-to-be-identified hoodlums armed with cutlasses and sticks blocked the Kajala-Kere road and dispossessed one Mr Ado and three others, all male of Kere village, of two Bajaj motorcycles, two Android phones and a power bank.’

According to him, a combined team of policemen from the Burra Division and vigilantes was immediately mobilised to the scene following the report.

‘The hoodlums, on sighting the team, abandoned the stolen motorcycles, aborted their mission and fled to an unknown destination,’ he stated.

The PPRO said the operatives recovered the motorcycles and searched the surrounding bushes in an effort to apprehend the fleeing suspects and recover the remaining stolen items.

The Commissioner of Police, Sani-Omolori Aliyu, commended the operatives for their prompt response, which he said foiled the robbery attempt.

He also expressed sadness over the death of the teenager in Gamawa and cautioned hunters and other firearm owners to exercise utmost care in handling weapons.

According to Nafiu Habib, Sani-Omolori Aliyu urged firearm owners to keep their weapons securely and out of children’s reach to prevent avoidable loss of lives.

The Commissioner reaffirmed the Command’s commitment to protecting lives and property and urged members of the public to continue providing timely and credible information to the police.

Many people believe that combining two strong cleaning products will double their cleaning strength and remove tough grease faster. In reality, mixing everyday household cleaners can trigger dangerous chemical reactions right inside your kitchen or bathroom.

Simple substances like bleach, vinegar, and rubbing alcohol are safe when used alone. However, combining them produces toxic gases, corrosive acids, and skin-burning solutions.

According to safety alerts from the American Association of Poison Control Centers (AAPCC), thousands of accidental poisonings happen every year because homeowners mix common household disinfectants.

In this article, Tribune Online examines five common kitchen and household chemicals you should never combine, explaining the exact science and risks behind each mixture.

Bleach and vinegar

Bleach contains sodium hypochlorite, while common cooking or cleaning vinegar contains acetic acid. When you pour these two liquids into the same bucket, the acid strips the oxygen from the bleach and instantly releases chlorine gas.

Chlorine gas is a pungent, yellow-green gas that severely irritates your eyes, nose, throat, and lungs. Even brief exposure can trigger severe coughing fits, breathing difficulties, and chemical burns along your airway.

If you need to disinfect a surface with bleach after descaling with vinegar, always rinse the area thoroughly with plain water and allow it to dry completely before applying the next cleaner.

Bleach and ammonia

Ammonia is commonly found in glass cleaners, window sprays, and certain toilet bowl solutions. Mixing bleach with any cleaner containing ammonia triggers a fast reaction that produces toxic chloramine vapors.

Inhaling chloramine fumes causes immediate chest tightness, nausea, wheezing, and fluid buildup in the lungs. At higher concentrations, this mixture can even produce dangerous hydrazine, which poses severe explosion and respiratory hazards.

Always read product ingredient labels before cleaning. If your glass cleaner contains ammonia, keep it far away from bleach-based disinfectant sprays.

Bleach and rubbing alcohol

Rubbing alcohol (isopropyl alcohol or ethanol) mixed with household bleach produces chloroform alongside toxic hydrochloric acid.

Chloroform fumes quickly depress the central nervous system. Inhaling these fumes causes sudden dizziness, headaches, loss of consciousness, and long-term damage to the kidneys and liver.

Stick to using diluted alcohol on electronics and smooth surfaces, and reserve bleach strictly for diluted mopping or laundry sanitization with plain water.

Hydrogen peroxide and vinegar

Many online DIY cleaning hacks suggest combining hydrogen peroxide and vinegar in a spray bottle to create a potent sanitizer. However, mixing these two in one container creates peracetic acid.

Peracetic acid is a highly corrosive substance that severely burns skin and permanently damages your eyes. It also produces sharp, irritating vapors that harm mucous membranes and degrade sensitive kitchen countertops.

Health agencies recommend using vinegar and hydrogen peroxide in separate steps rather than blending them together. Spray one, wipe the surface down, and then apply the other.

Two different drain cleaners

Commercial drain uncloggers rely on completely different, powerful active ingredients, such as concentrated sulfuric acid or caustic sodium hydroxide (lye).

When you pour one drain cleaner down a blocked sink and immediately follow it with a different brand, the acid and base react violently. This sudden reaction produces intense heat that can crack PVC pipes or spray boiling chemicals directly back out of the drain into your face.

If a commercial drain opener fails to clear your clog, do not pour another chemical down the drain. Instead, use a mechanical drain snake, plunge the sink, or call a plumber.

Former Vice President and Presidential Candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Atiku Abubakar, has said that targeted support for domestic production is necessary to ease the current cost-of-living pressures on Nigerians.

Reacting on Sunday through his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, Atiku said economic indicators announced by the government must be matched with improvements in the daily realities of citizens, including the prices of fuel, food and transportation.

Atiku noted that the Crude Oil Refinery Owners Association of Nigeria (CORAN) has called for support for domestic refining, while policies in other countries, including recent energy measures in the United States under President Donald Trump, have focused on strengthening local petroleum production and refining capacity.

‘Tinubu’s policies removed the fuel subsidy, and since then Nigerians have experienced higher costs for fuel, transport and food. Now that there is a proposal to provide targeted support to production, it is important that we look at models that work and apply them here,’ Atiku said.

He cited examples of rising input costs affecting households and businesses, noting that increases in the prices of fertiliser, petrol, cement and foreign exchange have put pressure on family budgets and business operations.

‘A woman selling frozen food in Kubwa, for instance, now pays more for transportation, more to power her freezer, and more to restock. Her customers also have less to spend, which affects sales and the entire supply chain,’ he stated.

Atiku said his proposed ‘Production Subsidy’ is designed to support what Nigeria produces and refines locally, increase supply, and ensure that the benefit reflects in lower prices for consumers.

‘CORAN is asking for support for domestic production. The United States is also investing in strategic energy production. The question is: why should similar support for Nigerian producers and consumers be treated differently?’ he asked.

He argued that government already provides waivers, incentives and concessions to large companies, including oil majors, and that a similar approach can be applied to support local refining and reduce the burden on households.

‘What Nigerians need now is not just statistics, but relief in their daily expenses. We must support production, refine more in Nigeria, create jobs, and lower the cost of living,’ Atiku said.

He added that the choice before the country is between continuing with policies that increase costs for citizens, or adopting measures that restore purchasing power.

‘Nigeria must produce more, so that Nigerians can pay less. Families should have more money left to meet their needs,’ he added.