Category: Philippine Star

Ombudsman Jesus Crispin Remulla has accused the camp of former House speaker Martin Romualdez of being behind the recantation of four former bodyguards who linked him to the multibillion-peso flood control scandal.

This developed as police arrested 10 of the 18 self-proclaimed bagmen of Zaldy Co after they failed to post bail in their perjury case.

The four earlier told GMA News they were retracting their previous statements, claiming they signed a joint affidavit after being promised money. They also alleged that they were pressured into signing affidavits later used in the Office of the Ombudsman’s investigation involving Romualdez and other officials.

The National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) said it would probe the recantation.

Remulla claimed that Romualdez’s camp is already ‘desperate to take away the witnesses against them’ as his office has already built a ‘solid case’ against the former speaker.

Romualdez denied Remulla’s allegations and stressed the recantations only prove that the accusations against him are false and trumped up.

‘This is not a fair search for truth. I will not be intimidated. I will face every accusation against me, defend myself with the facts, the evidence and the truth,’ Romualdez said in statement.

NBI Director Melvin Matibag said the bureau had received prior information about the planned recantation.

‘There were already feelers that first two, then four, and eventually more wanted to speak to us. We are validating the information, but I was not surprised when the recantation surfaced because it is consistent with our earlier findings,’ he told True FM.

Trillanes to drop case

Meanwhile, former senator Antonio Trillanes IV said he would withdraw the cases he filed against four bagmen who recanted allegations linking him to alleged cash deliveries from fugitive ex-congressman Zaldy Co.

Trillanes said he had instructed his lawyer to drop the complaints following the four men’s retraction of their earlier affidavits and allegations against him.

‘As a former soldier, I sympathize with what they went through,’ Trillanes said. ‘I hope they have learned a hard lesson from this experience.’

10 bagmen arrested

Lawyer Levito Baligod went to the Las Piñas Regional Trial Court with the remaining 14 bagmen to post bail for perjury cases filed by ML party-list Rep. Leila de Lima, Trillanes, former national security adviser Eduardo Año and Bureau of Corrections chief Gregorio Catapang Jr.

The court set bail at P18,000 per count, so each bagman needed P72,000 for four counts of perjury. Baligod said he and his wife shouldered all the bail expenses of over P1 million.

But Las Piñas acting police chief Fermin Armendarez III told The STAR that authorities arrested 10 of the accused after they failed to post bail.

One of the companions said they didn’t reach the banks on time to pay the bail

It’s all eyes now on interim head coach Louie Alas, who will be tasked to steady the ship for the sunken Ateneo men’s basketball program on the heels of one of the biggest sports tragedies in history.

With the UAAP finally hammering the verdict on Ateneo with a perpetual ban on resigned head coach Tab Baldwin and the suspension of eight team staff, Alas is looking like the man in charge ready to inherit the full mantle of leadership for the Katipunan dribblers.

And while his role is not permanent just yet, Alas’ mettle will be tested way before the UAAP.

Alas and what’s left of the Blue Eagles coaching staff and roster will try to usher in a new era starting in the PinoyLiga Big Dance, where Ateneo earned a wildcard entry as the No. 21 seed.

Serving as Baldwin’s assistant last season, Alas was appointed on an interim basis last month in the middle of government probes on the Dipaculao, Aurora tragedy that led to the drowning of Rene Baterbonia and Divine Adili.

In an attempt to do it right slowly but surely, the former PBA and NCAA champion mentor will turn to his old cavalry for help, getting the services of former Letran Knights RJ Jazul and Kerby Raymundo as assistant coaches. Gene Afable and Bacon Austria are also on board with deputy Nico Salva, a five-time UAAP champion with the Blue Eagles, serving as interim team manager.

Alas is hoping this could be enough to guide the Blue Eagles still trying to get on their feet after the unfortunate incident that resulted into a windfall: Baldwin’s resignation and later on lifetime ban from the UAAP as well as the suspension of team manager Epok Quimpo.

Also suspended ‘until further determination by the UAAP Board’ were assistant coaches Dean Caesar Castaño, Sandro Nicholas Romero Soriano, Reynaldo Jacinto Jr., Hernan Ameer Domingo, Caesar Vincent Javellana Elumba and Grant Dearns alongside physical therapist John Eric Rueca.

The PinoyLiga Big Dance, featuring 28 teams, will start this weekend, exactly two months after the infamous team building activity of Ateneo that’s still under a massive national investigation.

It will be the first tournament of Ateneo, which is yet to announce its full roster, since a 72-52 debut win against Adamson in the19th Filoil EcoOil Preseason Cuplast June 6 at the Playtime Filoil Centre in San Juan.

The Blue Eagles two days later embarked on a journey to North Luzon for a camp at the Hermanos Leisure Farm in Dipaculao.

Since then, Ateneo pulled out of the Filoil tourney and the Japan’s University Top League as part of its supposedly UAAP build-up under four-time champion mentor Baldwin.

Ateneo’s move to brave on while paying respects to its fallen players comes on the back of the UAAP’s decision to keep its eligibility to compete in Season 89 but with pre-conditions.

Before the UAAP Season 89 opener on September 12, Ateneo must undertake ‘acomprehensive reassessment of the organizational structure and management of its men’s basketball team in relation to the University’s entire athletics program in order to strengthen student-athlete protection, welfare, accountability, and institutional oversight.’

But first things first, and that’s to revive its program in the PinoyLiga Big Dance against fancied teams from the UAAP, NCAA and other leagues nationwide.

The share of national government debt to gross domestic product (GDP) breached a 22-year high of 66 percent as of end-June, raising concerns that weak growth and sluggish investment could complicate efforts to pare down the country’s debt stock.

Data from the Bureau of the Treasury (BTr) showed that the country’s debt level, when measured against gross domestic product (GDP), increased from 65.2 percent in end-March.

This was the highest level since the 71.6 percent seen in end-2004.

UnionBank chief economist Ruben Carlo Asuncion said the 66-percent debt-to-GDP ratio warrants close monitoring, but it ‘remains manageable’ provided economic growth recovers and fiscal consolidation remains on track.

‘The increase reflects not only the government’s financing requirements but also the slower pace of economic growth,’ Asuncion said.

He also said that the weaker-than-expected GDP growth of 2.3 percent in the second quarter likely contributed to the higher ratio, as slower economic expansion mechanically raises debt relative to GDP.

‘The more important question is whether the economy can grow fast enough to stabilize and eventually reduce the debt burden over time. Debt becomes more difficult to manage when growth remains weak, revenues underperform or borrowing costs rise significantly,’ Asuncion said.

The increase came after the national government’s outstanding debt logged a new record high of P19.07 trillion at end-June, up by 2.8 percent from P18.55 trillion in end-May. This already surpassed the P19.06-trillion year-end projection.

‘The Philippines continues to benefit from a relatively deep domestic funding market and access to external financing. However, the latest debt ratio suggests that fiscal space is becoming more constrained, which means policymakers will need to carefully balance growth-supportive spending with fiscal consolidation objectives,’ he added.

Treasury data showed that domestic debt still accounts for the lion’s share of the debt stock at 67.3 percent, while the rest came from external sources.

Domestic debt rose by 2.7 percent to P12.84 trillion at end-June, while external debt inched up by 2.9 percent to P6.23 trillion.

With this, Asuncion said the ‘most sustainable way’ to improve the debt-to-GDP ratio is through stronger economic growth.

However, Asuncion warned that slower economic growth and softer investment activity could make debt reduction more difficult over time, highlighting the need to boost the economy’s growth drivers.

Reyes Tacandong and Co. senior adviser Jonathan Ravelas said debt is no longer just a fiscal issue and is becoming a growth issue.

‘Without a credible plan to expand revenues, improve spending efficiency and accelerate private sector investment, the burden of today’s debt will increasingly be passed on to future generations,’ Ravelas said.

Under the Philippine Development Plan 2023-2029 Midterm Update – Results Matrices released on May 20, the Marcos administration expects the debt-to-GDP ratio to be 60 to 63 percent this year, 59 to 62 percent in 2027 and 58 to 61 percent in 2028.

At the rate several of the 18 self-proclaimed former bodyguards of Zaldy Co keep changing their stories, their testimony in the corruption scandal would be worth less than used toilet paper.

In a joint affidavit, the 18 had originally claimed that Co, at the time the chair of the powerful House committee on appropriations, had tasked them to deliver suitcases stuffed with cash, some in US dollars, to several senators, congressmen led by former speaker Martin Romualdez, and to former senator Antonio Trillanes supposedly for visiting probers of the International Criminal Court. The ICC denied the accusation.

By the bagmen’s reckoning, the cash, mostly meant as kickbacks for anomalous government projects, amounted to a staggering P805 billion.

Lawsuits were filed by Trillanes and several of the others implicated, not only against the bagmen but also their counsel, Levito Baligod, and their handler Michael Defensor. The 18 later dropped ML party-list Rep. Leila de Lima from their list of alleged cash recipients.

The accusations seemed to shift with political winds, with the names of lawmakers added or taken out depending on their ties with the Duterte camp.

In a press conference, the bagmen claimed delivering the suitcases of cash to the homes of Romualdez, President Marcos himself and his son, Ilocos Norte Rep. Sandro Marcos.

Ombudsman Jesus Crispin Remulla said individual affidavits were needed amid such broad accusations. Several of the 18 complied, but only four were deemed by the ombudsman to be credible.

Yesterday, the four retracted their statements. Remulla, in a press conference, openly expressed suspicion that Romualdez had a hand in the recantation.

The four claimed they hurled false accusations in exchange for promised compensation, and that they were merely forced to sign affidavits before the ombudsman. Remulla denied this. The National Bureau of Investigation is set to probe this claim by the four.

It was the second major blow in Remulla’s efforts to pin down Romualdez, following the rejection by the Sandiganbayan of the ombudsman’s petition to allow former public works chief Manuel Bonoan to turn state witness.

Romualdez has denied receiving the cash deliveries. He has also stressed that he did not handpick Co as chair of the appropriations committee and that he did not micromanage the budget proceedings.

Malacañang urged the public not to be easily swayed by disinformation coming from pro-Duterte groups.

But even some people who weren’t pro-Duterte were ready to believe some parts of the bagmen’s story. With the latest retractions, the nation may never know the truth.

President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. on Saturday, August 8, admitted that several issues were left out of his fifth State of the Nation Address (SONA) because his speech was already running too long.

In a vlog released nearly two weeks after his July 27 address, Marcos said Filipinos should watch for his next SONA for some of the issues that did not make it into his speech.

‘Marami kaming nailagay na kailangan na hindi namin na maisama, dahil masyado ng mahaba kaya’t abangan na lang ninyo sa susunod na SONA,” Marcos said.

(We had a lot of things that we needed to leave out because it was too long. So just wait for them in the next SONA.)

Marcos said his team gradually shortened the speech to prevent it from lasting two and a half hours.

‘So dahan-dahan naming ginawang mas maiksi para naman hindi umabot ng dalawang oras kalahati ang ang speech. Masyadong mapapagod ang tao pati ako mauubos ang boses ko,’ he said.

(So we gradually shortened the speech so it wouldn’t end up lasting two and a half hours. People would get too tired, and I would lose my voice.)

His fifth SONA lasted one hour and 26 minutes, making it his longest annual address since he assumed the presidency.

The president said preparations for the speech began weeks before he delivered it at the Batasang Pambansa in Quezon City. He said he primarily wrote the opening and closing portions, while his team handled research and supplied details such as statistics and events.

Marcos also said the speech continued to evolve until the last moment, including while he was already delivering it.

“At ang katotohanan nu’ng lumabas na ‘yung speech ko, mayroon pa rin akong binago habang ako nagsasalita. Kaya ‘pag basta’t may naisip ako na mas maganda ang pwedeng pagkasabi eh ‘yun ang aking ginagawa,” he said.

Issues left out

In his vlog, Marcos read letters from people who wanted him to address specific concerns during his SONA.

Among the concerns raised was hunger and malnutrition among young Filipinos.

Marcos responded by citing the Department of Social Welfare and Development’s Walang Gutom Program, which provides qualified poor families with P3,000 worth of food credits each month. He also mentioned school feeding programs and government funding for local government units to provide affordable rice to Filipinos in need.

He also mentioned the government’s Zero Balance Billing program, saying patients may have zero out-of-pocket expenses for medical services, laboratory tests, medicines and doctors’ fees through government subsidies and assistance from the Philippine Health Insurance Corp.

Marcos did not revisit some of the major issues he tackled during his SONA, including his announcement that criminal cases were being prepared against his cousin, former House Speaker and incumbent Leyte Rep. Martin Romualdez, over alleged irregularities in flood control projects.

The president also said that his SONA should be seen as a starting point for government action.

‘Alam ko na ang SONA ay higit pa sa isang talumpati marami pang trabaho ang kailangang gawin para maisabuhay ang lahat ng ating tinatalakay at minimithi bilang isang bayan,’ he said.

(I know that the SONA is more than just a speech. There is still much work to be done to put into action everything we have discussed and aspire to achieve as a nation.)

Marcos has two years left in his term to pursue the priorities outlined in his fifth SONA, with some issues that did not make the speech potentially carrying over to his final address next year.

Information and Communications Technology Secretary Henry Aguda wants the private sector to take a front-seat role alongside government in driving the Philippines’ artificial intelligence push.

The Private Sector Advisory Council (PSAC) is urging the creation of a national AI implementation task force to allow the Philippines to move faster in preparing various sectors for the opportunities and risks brought about by artificial intelligence.

The proposal was presented during the fifth meeting of the PSAC Education and Jobs Sector Group last Wednesday at Malacañang.

PSAC said President Marcos agreed on the need for the AI task force initiative, but not without seeing inputs from the private sector.

In a statement, the PSAC said the meeting focused on turning the country’s AI plans into concrete actions that would enhance education and upskilling at scale, create better jobs and strengthen the country’s global competitiveness.

PSAC Strategic Convenor Sabin Aboitiz said the Philippines already has a national framework to guide AI development, deployment and governance.

The challenge is delivering the National AI Strategy for the Philippines through collaboration between the government and private sector, using a nationwide approach, he added.

‘Artificial intelligence is no longer a technology of the future – it is already changing the way people work, learn and do business today,’ Aboitiz said.

The proposed task force will focus on three major areas – education and workforce development; technology, infrastructure and research and development; policy and governance.

The Philippines’ entry into Pax Silica presents a genuine strategic opening. It could help the country move into higher-value segments of semiconductors, artificial intelligence, advanced manufacturing and critical-mineral supply chains. It could also leave the Philippines with another enclave of foreign-owned facilities, generous incentives and limited domestic capability.

The difference will depend on how the country defines its national interest, and how firmly it negotiates for it.

Technology, trade, energy and national security are increasingly treated as a single strategic system. Semiconductors, data centers, critical minerals, telecommunications networks and AI infrastructure are now sources of economic power and leverage.

Supply chains are being reorganized, with the United States and its partners seeking trusted locations for manufacturing, processing, data infrastructure and research. The proposed 4,000-acre industrial hub in New Clark City places the Philippines within that emerging architecture.

But strategic location alone does not create strategic value. The task is not merely to host the infrastructure of other powers, but to use it to build Philippine capability.

Move beyond the enclave model

The Philippines already has a strong semiconductor and electronics industry and decades of experience in assembly, testing and packaging. Yet much of the highest value remains elsewhere.

Pax Silica will matter only if it changes that structure. The Philippines should target advanced packaging, integrated-circuit design, power electronics, industrial automation, cybersecurity, specialized engineering services and applied AI.

This requires industrial policy, not only investor promotion.

The test is simple: after ten years, will the Philippines know more, design more and own more? If not, investment will have arrived without transformation.

Strategic partnership must preserve strategic autonomy

Pax Silica is part of a US-led effort to build trusted technology supply chains and reduce dependence on strategic competitors. The Philippines should recognize this reality without being trapped by it.

A small or middle power protects its interests by engaging major powers while preserving room to maneuver and avoiding excessive dependence.

The question is not whether the Philippines must choose between the United States and China in every economic decision, but whether each partnership strengthens Philippine resilience, expands its options and avoids creating new strategic vulnerabilities.

The country must retain authority over land use, infrastructure, data governance, environmental standards, investor selection and the terms for foreign firms. Agreements should address export controls, cybersecurity, intellectual property, technology restrictions and dispute settlement.

A sound arrangement should diversify economic options, deepen the technological base and reduce dependence on imported knowledge, not replace one dependence with another.

Energy is part of economic security

Data centers, semiconductor facilities and advanced manufacturing require large, continuous electricity supply, redundancy and protection against outages. A technology hub cannot be globally competitive if its energy system is expensive, unstable or heavily dependent on imported fossil fuels.

Energy must be designed into the project from the start. New generation capacity, transmission upgrades, storage, backup systems and demand management will be needed. Investors should help finance this capacity rather than compete with households and existing industries for limited supply.

Water may be the harder limit

Water may prove the more difficult constraint. Semiconductor manufacturing, mineral processing and some data-center cooling systems require substantial volumes and can generate wastewater containing chemicals, metals and other hazardous substances.

Government should require a transparent water-balance study for the entire zone, covering industrial demand, household use, agriculture, watershed conditions, dry-season supply and climate-change effects.

Water recycling and closed-loop systems should be mandatory where feasible. Wastewater standards should be set before operations begin.

Critical minerals must create domestic value

This is an opportunity to move beyond exporting raw or lightly processed materials, but it carries an old risk.

‘Critical minerals’ can become a geopolitical justification for expanding extraction while leaving value creation elsewhere. If the Philippines supplies ore but imports technology, equipment and finished products, little will have changed.

The country needs a realistic value-chain strategy. Mining should be linked to materials research, recycling, advanced manufacturing and domestic supplier development. Host communities must receive enforceable economic benefits, not only promises of future employment.

Nickel, copper or chromite do not automatically create a semiconductor industry.

Jobs must be judged by quality, not only quantity

Semiconductor assembly can employ thousands. Data centers may require billions in investment but relatively few permanent workers. Chip design and research may employ smaller numbers but create far greater knowledge and value.

Government should publish a workforce plan distinguishing construction, permanent, technical, managerial and indirect jobs. Universities, technical institutions and industry should jointly develop programmes in microelectronics, materials science, electrical engineering, AI, cybersecurity, industrial maintenance and environmental management.

Women, Indigenous peoples and young people from nearby communities should not be peripheral beneficiaries.

Governance will decide the outcome

The greater risk is that investment arrives before the Philippines has defined the rules.

Before land, major incentives or public infrastructure are committed, government should disclose the project’s integrated masterplan, energy and water requirements, environmental and social risks, fiscal costs and expected public benefits.

Investor incentives should be tied to performance and reviewed when commitments are not met. Public institutions should retain authority to enforce standards and recover assets.

The Philippines should compete through capability and governance, not simply cheap land, tax concessions and labour.

Make Pax Silica a Philippine project

The country should resist the excitement of announcements.

Acreage, memoranda signed and investor interest are not the final measures of success.

The real measures are harder:

Will Filipino companies become suppliers and innovators?

Will Filipino engineers move into design, research and management?

Will Philippine universities generate patents and applied technologies?

Will the energy and water systems become more resilient?

Will surrounding communities share in the gains?

Will the country retain policy space and control over strategic infrastructure?

Pax Silica should be designed as a Philippine industrial strategy that uses international partnership to build domestic power.

That is how the country can turn geopolitical relevance into sustainable development and avoid becoming merely the site where other nations secure their future.

SMX Convention Centers, the conferences and exhibitions arm of SM Prime Holdings Inc., saw a double-digit jump in visitor traffic in the first half amid robust demand for business events.

From January to June, SMX venues welcomed 4.3 million visitors, 18 percent more than the 3.6 million recorded in the same period last year.

A total of 807 booked events were hosted by SMX Convention Centers nationwide during the period.

SMX Convention Center Manila recorded the highest visitor traffic, welcoming more than 2.5 million visitors in the first semester.

Regional venues, including SMX Convention Center Davao, SMX Convention Center Bacolod and SMX Convention Center Clark, likewise recorded healthy growth in visitor traffic.

SM Hotel and Conventions Corp. executive vice president Peggy Angeles said locations within SM Prime’s larger mixed-use developments give event organizers and attendees direct access to dining, accommodation and transportation options, making events more convenient and attractive.

‘Our strong first-half performance supports our ongoing expansion. We are excited to add new capacity in Cebu and Metro Manila,’ Angeles said.

SMX Convention Center Seaside Cebu is set to become the country’s largest convention center when it opens in the fourth quarter of 2026.

Located beside newly launched SM Arena Seaside Cebu and connected to SM Seaside City Cebu via a link bridge, the venue will form part of an integrated MICE, entertainment and retail destination in the Visayas.

SMXCITE in Pasay, which is slated to open in early 2027, has started booking negotiations with event organizers.

The 18,000-square-meter facility will offer 900 parking spaces and direct access to SM Mall of Asia via an elevated walkway.

Its proximity to Ninoy Aquino International Airport and a broad range of hotels makes it well suited for local and international events.

The new developments will expand SMX’s portfolio to seven convention centers and six trade halls across the Philippines, bringing its combined leasable area to more than 90,000 square meters.

Up to 93,155 dengue cases have been recorded this year, which is lower by 46 percent than the number of infections reported in 2025, according to the Department of Health.

DOH data showed the figure, which was recorded from Jan. 4 to Aug. 1, is lower by 80,922 than the 174,077 cases recorded during the same period last year.

The number of dengue fatalities is also lower with 386, while 699 died from the mosquito-borne disease in 2025.

Among regions, Central Luzon recorded the highest number of cases with 16,057 followed by the National Capital Region with 10,611 and Calabarzon with 10,320.

Davao region and Zamboanga peninsula reported 7,537 and 6,124 cases, respectively.

The DOH reported that from July 5 to Aug. 1, several areas have breached the epidemic threshold including the cities of Mandaluyong, Lapu-Lapu and Zamboanga as well as the provinces of Abra, Agusan del Sur, Albay, Aurora, Camarines Norte, Davao Oriental, La Union, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi and Zamboanga Sibugay.

The cities of Cebu and Mandaue as well as the province of Davao de Oro breached the alert threshold.

A dengue alert threshold serves as an early warning for local government units and related agencies to prepare for the disease.

The epidemic threshold indicates an active, widespread outbreak requiring urgent action.

‘Practice taob or flip, taktak or shake, tuyo or dry up and takip or cover all containers to prevent them from becoming breeding sites of mosquitos,’ the DOH said.

Dengue is an acute viral infection transmitted through the bite of aedes aegypti and aedes albopictus mosquitoes.

Political dynasties are thriving not only in Congress and local governments, but also in barangay offices.

This has to be one of the biggest reasons for both Congress and Malacañang to repeatedly postpone the barangay elections, from the administration of Rodrigo Duterte to the current one.

Even as a bill that effectively institutionalizes dynasty-building has breezed through the House of Representatives and now awaits the counterpart measure from the Senate, both chambers are moving for yet another postponement of the barangay elections, already delayed by a year.

Not only that, since the latest scheme to circumvent the Supreme Court prohibition on repeated poll postponements worked last year, the sponsors of the current move are using the same tactic to reward their relatives and political leaders: by giving them an even longer regular term of five years, from the just approved four years.

Those hoping to challenge the incumbents this November must be wondering: what fantastic job did the current set of barangay officials do to deserve such a reward? Investors, for one, have long cited barangay red tape, meant chiefly for fund-raising, as one of the top hindrances to doing business in this country. For another, barangay officials failed to flag ghost or substandard flood control projects in their jurisdictions.

Commission on Elections officials have warned that every poll postponement costs taxpayers billions in additional expenses. But lawmakers have a dismal track record in the judicious use of public funds.

So here we are again, just three months before the next barangay and Sangguniang Kabataan elections, and right on cue, bills have been filed in both chambers of Congress, seeking a postponement of the BSKE by not just one but two years.

The SC had struck down as unconstitutional the repeated postponement of the BSKE. But lawmakers saw a loophole: the law gives Congress the power to fix the terms of BSK officials. So they used this power to effectively postpone last year’s BSKE, by tacking it on to resetting the BSK officials’ term from three to four years.

If they could do it for the 2025 BSKE, why not for this year? This time, the proposal is to give BSK officials a five-year term.

This move is just the latest manifestation of lawmakers’ inability to resist any opportunity to abuse power, perpetuate their dynasties or reward their supporters. If they could have their way, they would allow their relatives and political leaders in the barangays to serve forever.

In declaring BSKE postponement unconstitutional, the Supreme Court had emphasized the importance of genuine periodic elections in exercising the right of suffrage and proper representation in a democracy.

But since when did the Constitution stop the abuse of power in this country?