Category: Philippine Star

From hair fall and thinning to oiliness, sensitivity, buildup, dandruff and flakes, hair and scalp concerns vary from person to person. And with so many products to choose from, sometimes the hardest part is simply knowing where to begin.

Watsons is making that first step easier with its Hair Health Zone, a dedicated destination in participating stores that helps shoppers navigate products based on their specific hair and scalp concerns.

Know your concern, find your zone

The Hair Health Zone brings together three dedicated sections-Scalp Care, Anti-Hair Loss, and Anti-Dandruff-so shoppers can quickly identify their concern and find relevant products in one place.

For everyday scalp concerns such as oiliness, dryness, sensitivity, and buildup, the Scalp Care zone features products formulated for different scalp needs. Depending on the product, shoppers may find ingredients such as Salicylic Acid, Zinc PCA and Niacinamide. Products available include Novuhair Topical Scalp Lotion and Scalpex Shampoo.

If hair fall or thinning is the concern, the Anti-Hair Loss zone brings together targeted options to explore. These may include topical treatments containing Minoxidil, an active ingredient used to treat certain types of hair loss, as well as hair supplements that can be part of an overall hair-care routine.

Available products include Regroe Botanicals Shampoo and Serum, and hair supplements such as Watsons Biotin Gum and the Collagen Peptides.

For visible flakes or an itchy scalp, the Anti-Dandruff zone makes it easier to find products specifically intended for dandruff-related concerns. Formulations may feature ingredients such as Ketoconazole, an antifungal ingredient commonly used in anti-dandruff treatments, and Salicylic Acid, which helps loosen and remove scales and flakes. Products available include Nizoral Shampoo and Dermazole Plus Zinc Shampoo.

‘At Watsons, we want to make personal care more accessible, relevant, and easier to navigate for every customer. Hair health is no different. By organizing our selection around real hair and scalp concerns, we’re helping customers move from simply looking for products to finding solutions that are more relevant to their needs,’ said Danilo S. Chiong, managing director of Watsons Philippines.

He added, ‘The Hair Health Zone reflects our commitment to creating a better and more intuitive shopping experience, one that helps customers make more informed choices while giving them access to a wide range of products in one trusted destination.’

With the Hair Health Zone, shoppers no longer have to navigate an entire aisle without knowing where to start. Whether it’s caring for the scalp, addressing hair fall and thinning, managing dandruff, or exploring supplements as part of a hair-care routine, there’s a dedicated space to help point them in the right direction.

Have a hair or scalp concern? Know what you need, find your zone, and discover your options at Watsons. Visit the Hair Health Zone at participating Watsons stores or explore available hair care solutions through the Watsons App, with convenient ways to shop including Click and Collect and Home Delivery Express.

And for Watsons Club members, there’s more to enjoy, from exclusive offers and rewards to more ways to make every Watsons trip more rewarding.

On the same day that the Supreme Court issued a rare directive to Congress, telling its co-equal branch to pass an anti-dynasty law as mandated 39 years ago by the Constitution, lawmakers rushed the passage of a bill favoring the grassroots arm of their dynasties, the barangay officials.

To do away with a lengthy bicameral conference, the House of Representatives adopted the Senate’s counterpart version of the bill postponing for the nth time the barangay and Sangguniang Kabataan elections (BSKE) scheduled this Nov. 2.

For this latest postponement – which thwarts anew the aspirations of thousands of people hoping to have their turn at running their barangays and youth councils – the incumbents will get a bonus of not just one but two more years in office.

As in the last BSKE postponement, this latest move also resets the terms of BSK officials from the newly approved four years (from the original three) to five.

This is Congress’ way of going around the Supreme Court’s prohibition on BSK term extensions for being unconstitutional.

Barangay posts are the entry-level seats for members of the political dynasties. This has gone unnoticed because many people don’t bother getting to know who their barangay officials are. But check out the surnames and family ties of your village officials. In many areas, chances are they include relatives of the clans entrenched in the area.

Those repeated postponements of the BSKE and ever-lengthening terms gifted to the incumbents should be challenged not only for being unconstitutional, but also for involving conflict of interest among lawmakers and their relatives holding village positions.

Election lawyer Romulo Macalintal, who skipped challenging the last BSKE postponement that was bundled with the grant of a new four-year BSK term, has promised to challenge before the SC this repeat of the tactic, once President Marcos signs it into law.

BBM, who belongs to one of the fattest (vertical and horizontal) political dynasties, is sure to sign the rushed law. Even if it means wasting the P8 billion already spent by the Commission on Elections for this year’s BSKE.

The mandamus of the Supreme Court on an anti-dynasty enabling law is most welcome. Whether Congress will heed the SC order is another story, as noted by lawyer Eirene Jhone Aguila of the Dapat Isa Lang movement, which is pushing for a people’s initiative for a genuine ban on dynasties.

Also, we have to be careful what we wish for. The SC directive to Congress could hasten the passage of a law that effectively institutionalizes dynasty-building, but presented as compliance with the constitutional provision.

This watered-down measure has hurdled the House, with BBM’s son Sandro and Speaker Faustino Dy III of the obese Dy dynasty the principal sponsors.

The Senate, with four sets of siblings and busy with the impeachment trial, budget deliberations and internal feuding (but not too busy for the BSKE postponement bill), has yet to tackle its counterpart version.

At least the ‘clustering’ concept in the House version will effectively put an end to having siblings sitting simultaneously in a 24-member Senate. This is probably why the measure can’t even get past the Senate committee level.

But the House version allows direct succession by family members, which is the essence of dynasty building. Some senators at least are proposing a ban on such succession.

Dynasties, along with chronic influence-peddling by voting blocs for appointments and promotions in government, are among the reasons why governance is so inefficient and corrupt in our country. Family members who can’t land a decent job on personal merit in the private sector are simply parked by the clan leader in government positions, starting at the barangay level and rising steadily.

These are major hindrances to developing a culture of merit and excellence. Too many Filipino achievers have been disappointed upon seeing underachieving peers leap past them in terms of social advancement based chiefly on the right surname.

A nation can’t achieve progress when one’s standing in life is determined at birth.

Considering the difficulty of governance in our land of pasaways and the relatively modest pay compared to the skills required, we can only guess why people want to turn politics into their main family business.

Weeks before the anti-dynasty bill was filed at the House, Deputy Speaker Janette Garin had told ‘Storycon’ on One News about the plan to propose ‘clustering.’

This means positions are clustered into several levels: national, regional, provincial, city or municipal/barangay. The party-list may fall under national. Family members can’t simultaneously seek posts in the same cluster, but can run in other clusters.

Another version is to allow anyone to run, but in case of victory, only one family member can occupy a seat within the same cluster. It’s unclear though how this might be settled: through a coin toss or rock-paper-scissors?

Garin told us that while clustering may seem like hardly a nudge in moderating greed for political monopoly, it makes the dynasty ban palatable to the dynasty-packed Congress.

Critics, on the other hand, see the House bill as an attempt to institutionalize dynasty building.

The SC order is in response to a petition filed by Dapat Isa Lang. Retired SC senior associate justice Antonio Carpio, who is part of the movement, lauded the unanimous SC ruling, which also provided guidelines, although non-binding, to Congress.

These include the coverage of the prohibition up to the fourth civil degree, including half-blood, adoptive, common-law, legitimate and illegitimate filiations. It covers both simultaneous and successive bids for the same or other covered positions within the same administrative region.

Carpio chooses to be positive about the ‘unprecedented’ mandamus, seeing it as ‘a huge endorsement from a unanimous Supreme Court.’

‘We could not ask for more from the SC,’ Carpio said.

The devil will be in the implementation of the court directive.

It’s an open secret that our youths learn corruption at the Sangguniang Kabataan. That’s because of the bad influence of elders in barangay councils.

Here’s the modus operandi:

There’s a ‘kontratista’ at the barangay council. He is usually a friend of the chairman and council members. They let him handle all purchases and expenditures. These range from multimillion-peso construction of barangay halls or acquisition of service vehicles, all the way to the smallest birthday gift to senior citizens and snacks during council meetings.

The kontratista overprices the expenditures and purchases by 30 to 300 percent, or even more. He splits the loot with the chairman, the barangay treasurer, and councilmen. Everybody happy, everybody quiet.

Kickbacks per year can total hundreds of thousands to tens of millions of pesos. That’s why aspirants for chairman, treasurer, councilman kill for the post.

A spouse, offspring, or councilman usually succeeds the termed-out chairman. The kontratista stays.

The Sangguniang Kabataan chairperson automatically sits in the barangay council as ex-officio member. S/he also automatically partakes off the kickbacks.

The SK has its own project expenditures and purchases. These two are done through the kontratista. Again, these are overpriced 30 to 300 percent, or more. The SK chairperson, treasurer, and youth kagawad share the loot.

It’s easy to spot the kontratista. S/he’s the one who wears too much jewelry. The crook invariably flaunts the fruits of her/his corruption. S/he also hovers around meetings and huddles at barangay halls, eavesdropping for new potential deals.

The Dept. of Interior and Local Government oversees the 42,010 barangay and 41,995 SK councils. Sec. Jonvic Remulla reportedly strives to clean up local government units.

Meanwhile the Ombudsman has power to discipline crooked barangay and SK officials. ‘I can dismiss those who do not do their jobs,’ Sec. Jonvic’s brother Ombudsman Jesus Crispin Remulla told the Senate finance committee on Sept. 3. ‘All we need is a substantiated complaint, a complaint that people will stand up to, will try to prove to us that we can utilize this power given to us by the law.’

May the Remulla brothers clean up sleazy barangay councils and SKs. DILG can construct more provincial, city, and municipal jails to lock up barangay and SK crooks. Multiply Ombudsman personnel to handle complaints against barangay and SK councils.

Congress should not postpone barangay and SK elections. It should instead enact laws for more transparency with barangay and SK funds, stronger people’s audits, and stricter performance rules for grassroots officials.

Stop China’s continual bullying of the Asian Games. In 20th ASIAD, Sept. 19 – Oct. 4, let Taiwan compete as Taiwan.

At today’s opening ceremonies in Nagoya, China will again compel organizers to make Taiwan athletes wear uniforms of Chinese Taipei. This demeans not only Taiwan’s sportsmen and women, but also countries that allow bullying even in sports.

‘This indignity has gone on long enough,’ international relations specialist Lindell Lucy writes in Japan Times. ‘Before the Tokyo 2020 Olympics, more than 131,000 people signed online petitions calling on the International Olympic Committee to allow Taiwan to compete as ‘Taiwan’ rather than ‘Chinese Taipei.’

‘Although Taiwanese athletes were ultimately required to attend the Opening Ceremony wearing Chinese Taipei uniforms, Japanese TV announcers, who were not bound by IOC rules, introduced the athletes as representing Taiwan. The incident sparked a massive outpouring of appreciation across Taiwan.’

Filipino sports editors, writers, and commentators can do the same in ASIAD. Taiwan, not Chinese Taipei, is the Philippines’ closest northern neighbor. The Philippine island of Y’Ami (Mavulis) is only 98 kilometers from the nearest Taiwanese territory, Orchid Island.

At the Paris 2024 Olympics, Taiwan’s men’s badminton doubles team won its second consecutive gold medal, defeating China for the championship, Lucy recalls. ‘Unfortunately, the victory was overshadowed by a heavy-handed crackdown on fans holding towels and signs bearing the word ‘Taiwan.’

‘Images and video of Olympic security staff confiscating the items, as well as one Chinese spectator forcibly snatching a sign from the hands of a Taiwanese fan, went viral around the world, prompting Taiwan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs to issue a statement condemning the incidents.’

There’s no such thing as Chinese Taipei. Taiwan consists of 14 counties and 23 cities, with Taipei the capital.

Taiwan is independent and democratic. It has an elected President and Parliament. Its navy and coastguard patrol its waters against Chinese intruders.

China Communist Party has never controlled Taiwan. Yet it flexes economic and military muscle to make Asian neighbors treat Taiwan as a CCP domain.

CCP propagandizes to take over Taiwan by 2027. It also claims to own Okinawa.

The Philippines is also a victim of CCP expansionism. CCP’s navy, coastguard, and maritime militia vessels menace Batanes, Panatag (Scarborough) Shoal, Kalayaan (Spratly) Islands, and Palawan’s Recto (Reed) Bank.

CCP likewise trespasses waters of Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Vietnam.

Catch Sapol radio show, Saturdays, 8 to 10 a.m., DWIZ (882-AM).

The Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) has rolled out a taxpayer assistance and mentoring program for micro and small businesses in Makati, helping them comply with their tax obligations.

In a statement, the agency announced that it expanded its taxpayer assistance push with the launch of the Micro and Small Taxpayers Assistance and Mentoring Program (MS-TAMP) by Revenue Region (RR) 8A-Makati on Sept.15.

MS-TAMP extends guidance, direct assistance and mentoring to micro and small taxpayers to help them understand and comply with their tax obligations.

BIR regional director and MS-TAMP executive sponsor Antonino Ilagan said the program is focused on taxpayer assistance rather than audit.

‘At its core, MS-TAMP is about helping taxpayers. Through data-driven monitoring, taxpayer education and coordinated assistance, we want to identify where guidance is needed, reach out early and help our micro and small taxpayers comply correctly,’ he said.

‘This is not an audit program – it is an assistance and mentoring program,’ Ilagan added.

The agency also issued regional orders implementing MS-TAMP and establishing its organizational structure, the creation of the official RR 8A-Makati Viber Community Channel, an MS-TAMP infomercial and the ceremonial sending of assistance notices to taxpayers.

BIR Commissioner Charlito Martin Mendoza has commended BIR Makati for taking the initiative to bring assistance closer to micro and small taxpayers.

‘This is the kind of service we want to strengthen across the Bureau – helping taxpayers understand their obligations, addressing concerns early and making compliance easier,’ Mendoza said.

It is worth looking forward to the initial public offering (IPO) scheduled next month of electronic wallet giant GCash. The forthcoming IPO of GCash will certainly generate much interest among more than half of the 90 million registered users who actively use one of the country’s most popular e-wallet apps. Established in 2004 as e-wallet brand GCash, the Mynt Inc. will make its IPO offering on Oct. 20 at the Philippine Stock Exchange (PSE), as announced earlier. The 22-year-old Mynt Inc. is described as a ‘fintech unicorn,’ or a privately held financial technology (fintech) company currently not yet listed in the PSE.

At the Kapihan sa Manila Bay news forum last Wednesday, capital market expert Jonathan Ravelas and Scam Watch Pilipinas convenor Jocel de Guzman welcomed the IPO announcement of Mynt Inc., a fintech enterprise backed by Globe Telecom Inc. and Ayala Corp. and parent company of GCash. Both Ravelas and De Guzman cited financial analysts who foresee strong growth and earnings potential in GCash operator Mynt to support a valuation of as much as P10 per share.

Ravelas explained the P10 maximum offer price contained in Mynt’s filing represents a regulatory ceiling that gives the issuer flexibility as it proceeds with the offering. It is neither the company’s target price nor its final offer price, Ravelas hastily clarified. He pointed out it will be determined through bookbuilding based on investors’ trust that will fuel demand, company fundamentals, comparable firms, market conditions and the structure and size of the offer.

He cited the more meaningful question is not simply how close the final price comes to the ceiling. It is whether the offering attracts credible long-term investments, generates healthy demand at a sustainable valuation and provides a foundation for value creation after listing.

An IPO is the first time a private company sells its shares of stock to the general public. In the IPO of Mynt, it will change its status from a private business owned by a few people into a public company listed in the PSE. A company that also goes on IPO can get and raise cash to grow the business, build new products or pay off debts. Or, to other companies, it allows their early owners and founders to sell their private shares for a profit.

Thus, Mynt’s IPO will give ordinary Filipino GCash users the opportunity to become stakeholders of a giant e-wallet company.

Many Juan dela Cruz and Juana dela Cruz who have small savings to spare can now become stockholders with minimum amount of at least P10 per share price in the IPO.

Citing data from GCash, De Guzman disclosed, an average of least 49 million GCash users per month actively use their e-wallet. Out of 95 million Filipinos connected to the internet, De Guzman cited, more than P1 trillion in transactions went through the digital infrastructure of GCash. ‘Using their GCash has been a part of their daily lives,’ De Guzman noted.

‘Our position is simple. If GCash is going public, it should come with higher transparency, stronger accountability and better consumer protection because it holds the money and data of millions of Filipinos,’ De Guzman urged.

‘And for those planning to buy, make sure you deal only through official GCash channels and authorized platforms to avoid investment scams and fake offers,’ De Guzman advised the public in general.

Like any fintech unicorn, Mynt currently relies on private funding, use software, mobile apps, artificial intelligence (AI) or blockchain to change traditional banking, lending, investing or payments. By industry standards, the market value of fintech unicorn exceeds $1 billion based on investor funding rounds.

Morgan Stanley earlier highlighted Mynt’s profitability at scale, citing P17.2 billion in net income on P79.7 billion in adjusted revenue in 2025, equivalent to a 21.6 percent net margin and a 32.1 percent return on equity. For 2026, Morgan Stanley reportedly projects Mynt’s net income to rise to P21.2 billion.

Based in New York City, Morgan Stanley is a company that helps big companies buy, sell and trade stocks or bonds. With Morgan Stanley acting as a joint global coordinator and joint bookrunner, their financial review outlined Mynt’s preparation for a maiden public offering valued at up to P92.3 billion.

The digital e-wallet platforms in the Philippines are highly competitive. The major platforms are licensed as electronic money issuers (EMIs) by the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP).

The largest direct competitor of GCash is Maya, formerly PayMaya, that is operated by Maya Philippines Inc. under Voyager Innovations. Maya functions as an all-in-one e-wallet and digital bank. It is popular because users can seamlessly move money from their e-wallet into a high-yield Maya Savings account. But Maya-Voyager have yet to go into IPO.

The healthy competition in the e-wallet industry reflects the digital platform’s evolution into a sustainable fintech business, allowing early investors to realize gains while testing the Philippine capital market’s potential to host massive fundraisings. Market analysts underscored the success of the offering, however, should be measured beyond whether its final offer price matches the maximum indicated in its regulatory filing.

Much more crucial are investor quality, sustainable demand and long-term value creation which will provide a broader test of its strength. The upcoming listing of GCash-Mynt is also being viewed as a major milestone for the Philippine capital market. Potentially, it will give millions of Filipinos an opportunity to own shares in one of the country’s biggest homegrown fintech companies and broaden retail participation in equities.

It was thus timely for the government, through the Board of Investments (BOI), to launch the Digital Investor’s Guidebook designed as an interactive online platform to assist foreign and local investors transacting with various Philippine government agencies.

Why not come out with an idiot’s guide for the many first-timers like us on how to use our e-wallet savings to become stockholders, too. The BOI Guidebook is only for big business. The government must also assist ordinary Filipinos to become small investors through IPOs like that of GCash-Mynt.

A South Korean drug convict serving time at the New Bilibid Prison could not execute his escape plan of strapping himself to a drone, the Bureau of Corrections said yesterday.

The BuCor assured the public that strict security measures are in place at the national penitentiary after South Korean media reported that Park Wang-yeol planned to break out using a drone that can carry 75 kilos of weight and fly over Bilibid’s walls.

Park allegedly devised the plan shortly before he was temporarily transferred to South Korea in March at the behest of South Korean President Lee Jae Myung.

‘All our operating prisons and penal farms are no-fly zones. We have watchtowers manned around the clock, which immediately alert our guards if there will be attempts to escape through drones,’ BuCor Director Gregorio Catapang Jr. said in a statement.

Catapang noted that the audible motors of drones, especially when flying in low-lying zones, would immediately attract the attention of prison guards.

Closed-circuit televisions or CCTVs have the ability to detect suspicious activity, he said.

‘A drone-assisted escape does not translate into a realistic escape method,’ Catapang said.

Park was convicted in 2022 for killing three South Korean nationals in the Philippines in 2016.

He allegedly continues to distribute illegal drugs using mobile phones while in prison.

The Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility, a fixture of Philippine journalism’s post-dictatorship rebuilding, will shut down on September 30 after 37 years, citing mounting difficulty securing funds for its operations.

CMFR announced the closure Friday, September 18, citing the decision of its board. With it ends the work of one of the country’s most established media watchdogs and an institution that helped shape professional and ethical standards in Philippine journalism.

“Philippine and international funding support has sustained the work of CMFR; but multiple factors have affected the funding environment, making it difficult for CMFR to secure the necessary funds for its operations,” the organization said.

Established in 1989 by journalist Melinda Quintos de Jesus, three years after the People Power uprising ended the Marcos dictatorship, CMFR was created as the Philippine press rebuilt its freedoms and institutions after 14 years of authoritarian rule.

Its founding premise joined two concerns that would define much of its work: defending press freedom from outside interference while demanding greater responsibility from the press itself.

Over nearly four decades, CMFR became a persistent monitor of both.

It documented killings, threats and attacks against journalists, tracked impunity in media murders and regularly assessed the state of press freedom. At the same time, it scrutinized news coverage for accuracy, fairness, balance, context and sourcing, often publicly calling out lapses by news organizations.

That role placed CMFR in an unusual position in the industry. It defended journalists against repression while arguing that press freedom could be sustained only by stronger professional practice and self-regulation.

Building standards after dictatorship

CMFR began monitoring Philippine media in 1990, developing what became the Philippine Journalism Review and later PJR Reports into vehicles for peer review, accountability and continuing education.

Through media monitoring, training programs and published ethical guidelines, CMFR sought to establish common standards in a profession where routes into journalism, training and newsroom practices varied widely.

Its 2007 ethics manual was published as an effort to further professionalize Philippine journalism, linking ethical practice with competence and laying out guidance on accuracy, conflicts of interest, privacy and coverage of crises, crime, war, terrorism, women and children.

CMFR also organized training for working journalists, developed reporting manuals and established press councils intended to give members of the public a way to raise grievances against media without immediately turning to the courts.

PJR Reports became a regular forum for evaluating the performance of Philippine news organizations and a reference for journalism schools. CMFR described the publication as a mechanism for self-evaluation and correction, and as a model of media self-regulation.

The organization also spent two decades administering the Jaime V. Ongpin Awards for Excellence in Journalism, which recognized investigative and explanatory reporting and helped establish benchmarks for sourcing, verification, fairness, accuracy and technical proficiency.

Its next iteration, the Jaime V. Ongpin Journalism Seminar, annually selects journalists commended for their coverage of critical issues affecting Filipinos.

CMFR’s ethics manual and other publications also became reference materials in universities, while its seminars regularly brought working journalists together with students and faculty.

Watching the watchdogs

As a watchdog, CMFR was frequently unsparing toward the industry it sought to protect.

Its media monitoring examined not only attacks on journalists but failures within journalism itself, including weak sourcing, lack of context, sensationalism and ethical lapses.

That combination of advocacy and criticism reflected an argument embedded in CMFR’s work since its founding: that the credibility of the press was itself part of the defense of press freedom.

The organization also became a repository of data on attacks against journalists.

Its reports, often produced with other media organizations and press-freedom groups, documented journalist killings, legal harassment, red-tagging, surveillance, censorship and other threats across successive administrations.

CMFR’s reports and alerts also circulated through international press-freedom networks, giving its documentation a role beyond the Philippine media industry.

An institution of the post-1986 press

The organization’s lifespan covered markedly different periods for the Philippine press, from the democratic opening after Ferdinand Marcos Sr.’s dictatorship through successive political crises, the rise of digital media, the collapse of traditional advertising models and renewed pressure on journalists.

CMFR described those 37 years as a mission carried out through “widely differing political environments and the diverse challenges they presented.”

Its closure comes as the economics supporting journalism and media-development institutions have grown more difficult, while Philippine news organizations continue to face questions of financial sustainability, safety and public trust.

In its farewell statement, CMFR and its executive director thanked its past and present staff, journalists and news organizations, embassies, schools, students and civil society groups that had supported its work.

“We are truly grateful,” De Jesus said. “Please accept our best wishes.”

Association of Southeast Asian Nations member states have signed the Manila Declaration, affirming their collective commitment to accelerating implementation of the ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response (AADMER) Work Programme 2026-2030; strengthening ASEAN accountability, monitoring, and learning for disaster resilience; and shaping the region’s disaster resilience agenda toward 2030 and beyond.

Defense Secretary Gilbert Teodoro Jr., who also chairs the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council, presided over the ASEAN Ministerial Conference on Disaster Resilience (AMCDR) Ministerial Meeting on Wednesday where ministers from ASEAN member states adopted the Manila Declaration.

The Department of National Defense said the meeting ‘took place against a backdrop of complex and dynamic risk landscapes, and presented an opportunity to build consensus on exchanging knowledge, best practices, and lessons learned, which are vital to ASEAN efforts to enhance the safety and well-being of its communities and build the resilience and prosperity of the region.’

‘It likewise reaffirms the role of ASEAN as a global leader and convener in disaster resilience, as well as our commitment to sharing lessons, innovations, and good practices with the international community,’ Teodoro said.

With the concurrence of all member states, the DND said it is now slated for notation by state leaders at the 49th ASEAN Summit this November.

ASEAN vision

Teodoro also announced that they will seek the endorsement of the ASEAN Leaders’ Statement on the Resilient, Innovative, Sustainable, and Empowered ASEAN Vision, subject to the consensus of all member states.

This statement declares the region’s shared vision of a resilient, innovative, sustainable, and empowered ASEAN, which is defined as ‘one that can better anticipate, withstand, adapt, recover, and thrive in the face of complex and systemic risks while leaving no one behind.’

‘We are hopeful that these critical directions will reduce risks, accelerate resilience, and transform the lives of our people. For our part, the Philippines remains firmly committed to building and enhancing ASEAN solidarity,’ Teodoro said.

‘This is the indispensable pathway to ensuring resilience, security, and prosperity in our region, not only today, but for generations yet to come,’ he added.

During his closing remarks at the two-day AMCDR held on Sept. 15 and 16, 2026, Teodoro expressed his hope for continued cooperation, networking, and finding effective and agile solutions beyond the conference.

‘I am hopeful that we will continue to work with one another faster, more often, on a more collaborative basis – not only within ASEAN, but with the international community within which we coexist – in the pursuit of a safer, more prosperous, and more resilient future for our people,’ he said.

With the theme, ‘Twenty Years of AADMER: Advancing Global Commitments Toward a Resilient ASEAN Beyond 2030,’ the AMCDR is a flagship activity of the Philippines’ 2026 ASEAN chairmanship under the Marcos administration, bringing together ASEAN ministers, disaster management officials, and stakeholders from international organizations and civil society groups.

The National Capital Region Police Office (PNP-NCRPO) will be placed on full alert status starting Saturday, September 19, in anticipation of protest actions scheduled in connection with the September 21 Martial Law commemoration.

The PNP announced that the transition to full alert status will officially begin at 12 a.m. Saturday, with full deployment of police personnel commencing at 5 p.m. that afternoon, PNP spokesperson Col. Allen Rae Co said.

More than 15,700 personnel will be deployed, according to Co.

He added that the PNP may augment its personnel with forces from Central Luzon, Calabarzon and neighboring regions if necessary.

Asked what gear police would carry, Co said personnel deployed for crowd dispersal management would have standard protective equipment, including helmets, shields and batons.

“Babalik rin po tayo sa main function ng ating kapulisan to ensure the safety of other people and ‘yung infrastructures natin,” Co said.

(We will also return to the main function of our police force, which is to ensure the safety of the public and our infrastructure.)

“So we have to control pag ‘yung crowd natin ay naging unruly,” he added. (So we have to maintain control if the crowd becomes unruly.)

The PNP, however, had yet to receive information on any rally permit applications as of Thursday morning.

He added that peaceful assemblies may be held in designated freedom parks even without a permit, subject to existing rules.

ames Huang, chairman of the Taiwan External Trade Development Council (TAITRA), said Taiwanese companies could become partners in efforts to develop an artificial intelligence hub in the Philippines.

Huang said this during the sidelines of the opening of Taiwan Expo 2026 in Manila on Thursday, September 17, where 125 Taiwanese companies are showcasing products and technologies in areas including smart technology, healthcare, agriculture, energy and lifestyle.

The Philippines joined Pax Silica in April as its 13th signatory. The US-led initiative aims to build a secure and resilient supply chain for silicon, semiconductors and artificial intelligence infrastructure.

Asked to comment about the Philippines’ participation in Pax Silica, Huang said Taiwan and the Philippines could support each other through the initiative.

‘Pax Silica is a very, very important alliance for like-minded, democratic countries in the world in building up a strong alliance of silicon and semiconductor cooperation,” he said.

Taiwan and the Philippines, he added, both work closely with the United States.

‘And, we can be very…partners supporting each other in Pax Silica,’ the TAITRA chief added.

On AI infrastructure

Asked specifically about the planned AI hub within the Luzon Economic Corridor, Huang said Taiwan could help countries develop their own AI infrastructure.

‘Every country is trying to build up its own sovereign AI and AI infrastructure. And when it comes to sovereign AI and AI infrastructure, Taiwan would be a very, very important partner because we are..we have the most complete and most advanced artificial intelligence supply chain ecosystem,” Huang said.

‘We support almost every country in the world. And we will be happy to work with the Philippines,” he added.

The proposed Pax Silica project in Capas has faced questions in the Philippines over concerns that the hub could exploit natural resources and displace Indigenous peoples.

Last month, Sen. Raffy Tulfo filed Senate Resolution No. 571 seeking to assess the potential impacts of Pax Silica on the country amid the growing concerns about its consequences. Tulfo urged the Senate to determine whether the existing laws and policies in the country are enough to regulate Pax Silica.

President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has defended the project, saying Filipinos could benefit from jobs, investment, technology and training.

‘What we are interested in is to benefit our people in terms of jobs, in terms of investment into the country, in terms of the advancement of our capabilities, in terms of technology, in terms of training, reskilling and upskilling, all of those things,’ Marcos was quoted as saying at a forum organized by the Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines.

Science and Technology Secretary Renato Solidum Jr. said the project is expected to involve semiconductor production supporting AI rather than AI data centers, which he said would mean lower water requirements.

‘Essentially, it is AI-focused by developing chips that will support (the technology), but not an AI hub,’ Solidum said. ‘Since there will be no AI hub, the water requirement will not be very much,” he said.

Semiconductor potential

Huang said Taiwan’s interest in the Philippines extends beyond Pax Silica and AI. He said Taiwanese companies are already operating in the country in areas including electronic manufacturing and that the Philippines could potentially develop into a semiconductor packaging center in Southeast Asia.

‘In the future, I think Philippines has the potential to be developed into one of the semiconductor packaging centers in the ASEAN,’ he said.

He also cited the Philippines’ English-speaking workforce as an advantage for Taiwanese companies working with US customers.

‘So, I would anticipate more and more Taiwanese companies will come over, particularly in the area where they can enjoy the language advantage,’ Huang said.

Huang said the restructuring of global supply chains is also encouraging Taiwanese companies to consider the Philippines for investment and manufacturing.

Meanwhile, Huang said participating companies at the Taiwan expo were selected based on areas where Taiwan sees potential for cooperation with the Philippines and in support of Philippine national development priorities. The three-day Taiwan Expo 2026 runs until September 19 at the SMX Convention Center Manila in Pasay City.