Category: Philippines Daily Inquirer

There are few things as dispiriting as political cynicism-the scourge of democratic politics. I can’t, however, blame our folks for succumbing to spasms of cynical lamentations. The numbers are staggeringly depressing. According to the Second Congressional Commission on Education’s report, the number of ‘functionally illiterate’ Filipinos nearly doubled from 14.5 million in 1993 to 24.8 million today. Even accounting for our substantial population increase in the past three decades, we are still talking about a quarter of our population lacking the requisite training to fulfill their potential in an increasingly globalized economy.

The upshot for our democracy is doubly troubling: the (i) denial of the opportunity for millions of Filipinos for self-actualization and the pursuit of happiness; and (ii) the tragic creation of a potential ‘underclass,’ which has both dire economic and political implications. Our chattering classes and middle-class thought leaders, however, were quick to revert to elitist tropes by, inter alia, warning of the doubling of the supposed ‘bobotante’ class. The narrative of ‘disinformation’ and ‘voter manipulation’ has, accordingly, gained greater credence.

What these self-assured and sanctimonious commentators, however, tend to overlook is the blatant failing of reformist politics, which oversaw the deepening of the education divide and economic inequality decades after the fall of the Marcos dictatorship. Our education system was already in trouble well before the predatory Duterte-Marcos axis colonized our state institutions. Instead of blaming the unfortunate ‘functionally illiterate’ folks, we should critically examine the root causes of the education crisis.

What the false bobotante narrative also overlooks is this: Our supposedly functionally literate middle class is not so politically literate. Nothing better captures this than Jerrold Tarog’s ‘Bayaniverse’ trilogy, which aesthetically mirrors the toxic cynicism of our supposedly enlightened classes. This was not the director’s intention, but the trilogy has this functional implication: ‘Heneral Luna’ is the seduction of the strongman, while ‘Goyo’ is aestheticized vacuity-namely, ‘vibes;’ as for ‘Quezon,’ it’s a treatise on the innate hopelessness of parliamentary-procedural democracy.

The final installment, ‘Quezon,’ has drawn both controversy and criticism for good reasons. In the (seemingly admiring) words of Bart Guingona, the movie was a ‘cynical post-modern take on Philippine politicians reflecting our own present-day political climate.’ Perhaps the best sociologically oriented review of the book came from one of the grandsons of our founding father. As Manuel L. Quezon III rightly observed in these pages, the (aesthetic) strength of the movie is also its (intellectual) weakness, namely elimination of ‘nuance’ in order to pander to the ‘comforting confirmation of the biases of the audience.’

The ‘Bayaniverse’ trilogy clearly appeals to the new middle class-namely, the aspirational ‘upper C’ and more entrenched ‘B’ demographics, which lean illiberal and traffic in anti-pluralistic chatter. In the words of Quezon III, the post-Edsa middle class is ‘dismissive of both the electoral process and the electorate as gullible . perfect dupes for politicians who can only be duplicitous, and in cahoots with a population unwilling to listen to their betters-the middle classes.’

Dismayed by the failure of reformist politics and bolstered by the moralism of more civic-minded cohorts, the new Filipino middle class has not only been a reliable market for Tarog’s oeuvre but also a staunch base for the Duterte-Marcos axis.

Both exit polls and final preelection surveys show that ‘ABC’ and the highest educated voters were proportionally the most enthusiastic supporters of the Duterte dynasty and the return of the Marcoses to Malacañang. If anything, surveys show that the most reliable base of support for liberal-progressive candidates such as Leni Robredo, Mar Roxas and Francis Pangilinan tended to come from class ‘E,’ the most marginalized sector.

If that is not shocking enough, think of this: six out of 10 ‘ABC’ respondents expressed ‘trust’ in former President Rodrigo Duterte a month into his detention at the International Criminal Court on charges of crimes against humanity! As the great Filipino sociologist Walden Bello argued in his autobiography, ‘Global Battlefields,’ a comparative study of middle classes in a dozen nations from Chile to Thailand and India, shows that ‘middle classes were not necessarily forces for democratization’ but instead a ‘Janus-faced class,’ which sometimes struggled against ‘elites defending their power and privileges’ but also turned reactionary ‘when confronted with lower classes seeking a revolutionary transformation of society.’ The implication is clear: we need to enhance political-civic education among our middle classes, too.

Nearly 6,000 farmers in Western Visayas and nearby areas lost crops to Typhoon Tino (international name: Kalmaegi) that swept through the Visayan regions and Northern Mindanao on Oct. 4.

The Department of Agriculture (DA) reported that agricultural damage caused by Typhoon Tino has reached an estimated P159.14 million, affecting 3,547 hectares (ha) of farmland. Of this, 2,526 ha (71.22 percent) are still recoverable, while 1,021 ha (28.78 percent) are considered beyond recovery.

In its Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Operations Center Bulletin No. 6 released on Saturday, the DA said the typhoon’s total production loss was recorded at 6,578 metric tons (MT). Rice suffered the largest share of losses at P125.53 million, covering 3,006 ha of affected fields and 5,542 MT in production loss. High-value crops followed with P21.25 million, while corn losses were estimated at P10.23 million, cassava at P1.26 million, and livestock and poultry at P452,960.

Damages to agricultural infrastructures, machinery, and equipment were also noted at P400,500.

The DA said most of the rice crops were in their reproductive and maturity stages, while corn and vegetable losses occurred mainly during the vegetative phase.

Intervention

To aid recovery efforts, the DA has set aside P382 million worth of interventions for affected farmers and fishers.

These included P216.39 million worth of farm inputs, such as seeds for rice, corn, and high-value crops; P1.12 million worth of animal feeds and supplements for livestock and poultry; P841,600 worth of bangus, tilapia, and carp fingerlings; and 2.6 million bags of rice from the National Food Authority for distribution to local government units and relief agencies.

Financial and credit assistance will also be made available through the department’s support programs.

These included the quick response fund for rehabilitation and recovery; P22 million in funding under the Survival and Recovery Loan Program of the Agricultural Credit Policy Council, which offers up to P25,000 in loans per farmer at zero interest payable in three years; and P142.31 million in indemnification through the Philippine Crop Insurance Corp. for insured affected farmers.

As Typhoon Tino’s aftermath continued to affect parts of the Visayas and Negros Island, the DA assured that it remained on heightened alert and was working closely with its regional field offices to ensure that assistance is promptly delivered to farming communities recovering from the storm

The flooding that swallowed Villa del Rio, Bgy Bacayan in Cebu city and adjacent neighborhoods during Typhoon Tino is not a natural tragedy alone – it is a man-made moral catastrophe. Watching long-time, middle-class homeowners – people who poured their life savings into a house and a neighborhood they thought safe – but had to punch and climb onto rooftops to wait out a flood that rose to second floors. They witnessed the collapse of every promise given to them, safety, planning and the duty of the state and developers to protect them.

Villa del Rio’s horror – families stranded for hours on rooftops, cars shredded and piled like driftwood, dozens rescued and uncounted people feared swept away – should trigger more than pity. It should provoke national shame. These are not informal settlers who ‘chose’ risk; these are residents who invested decades in homes they believed to be secure. Many have lived in Villa del Rio for thirty years. They trusted that government, developers and local officials had learned the lessons of past calamities. Yet the water proved otherwise.

That failure echoes painfully with Provident Village in Marikina during Typhoon Ondoy in 2009. In that terrifying 20 minutes, middle-class streets turned into lahar-thick torrents. Two-story homes were inundated to ceiling heights. People scrambled to rooftops; many died – not only of drowning but of electrocution when floodwaters shorted household power. Provident Village was not a cautionary tale that changed our behavior; it became a precedent we have shamefully allowed to repeat.

If anything, Villa del Rio demonstrates that the lessons of Ondoy never really took hold. Stakeholders across the board in housing – national agencies like the DENR, NHA, developers who carve up uplands for profit, local governments that rubber-stamp subdivisions, and disaster managers who treat mitigation as an afterthought – have failed to act with the urgency and integrity demanded by repeated disasters. Rapid urbanization, deforestation of upland watersheds, cemented hillsides and narrowed waterways are not spontaneous; they are government policy choices and profit-driven decisions with predictable outcomes.

Let us be honest: this is negligence, carelessness not fate. When developers pave and sell mountain lots without adequate hydrological studies, when local regulators permit construction that destroys natural absorption and channelizes runoff, they are both engineering catastrophes. When the DENR allows watershed degradation to continue and LGUs permit settlements on riverbanks or fail to enforce setbacks, they are both to blame. When the emergency apparatus has no robust early-warning network, no reliable communications in upland barangays, and no automatic utility shutoffs to prevent electrocution, they are inviting mass injury and death.

Worse still, the rhetoric of ‘we warned them to transfer’ shifts all blame to victims who, after years of safe occupancy, trusted the system. It is an insult to suggest that middle-class families chose to risk their lives rather than heed evacuation notices. Many were unaware of the scale of the hazard because the hazard was created under their feet. The city told them to move – after developers sold them the illusion of permanence.

What must happen now is not ceremonial sympathy but decisive, structural action, Steps must be immediate, both short and long term and institutional. Promises that amount to ‘study committees’ and vague pledges of rehabilitation will not rebuild lives or restore trust. The lives lost and the households washed away are the result of predictable, preventable policies. They are not unavoidable acts of God but are the outcome of human decisions.

Villa del Rio and Provident Village floods are not anomalies – they are warnings. If the same stakeholders are allowed to continue business as usual, nothing will change the next time. The price of complacency will be measured again in broken families and bodies. What we need today is accountability, reform and the political will to place our citizens over profit. That choice must be made now.

From Tokhang to the Hague: Bato must answer

Whether or not the International Criminal Court has formally transmitted a warrant for the arrest of Senator Ronald ‘Bato’ dela Rosa, the substance of the allegations and the long shadow of the Duterte drug war demand an uncompromising response and that is justice for the thousands killed must be the nation’s absolute priority.

Families of victims have lived in terror for years, not just sadness. Fear of punishment, which was spread on purpose by the people who built and ran the killing machine, made it difficult for too long to hold people accountable at home. This is exactly why the ICC probe was needed: when victims can’t safely seek justice at home, the world must step in.

According to reports, Kristina Conti, an ICC-accredited assistant to counsel, has made a key legal point: a transfer to the ICC is not a normal extradition between nations; it is a surrender of custody. The details are important because they show a basic truth: the ICC has ways to hold people accountable even when national systems have broken down or been used as weapons by those in power. No senator’s title, no political theater, and no procedural theater should be able to protect someone from being accused of committing a major atrocity.

Everybody knows that Ronald dela Rosa was the head of the Philippine National Police while Tokhang operations were at their peak, and official documents show that they were linked to hundreds of killings. Many families believe that the policies he implemented were based on and expanded the Davao Death Squad model across the country. Victims’ groups and civil society groups have consistently asked for his arrest and surrender if there is an ICC warrant. They are not looking for revenge, but for the same legal responsibility and truth-telling that every democracy must ensure.

At the same time, a commitment to justice must be based on the law. If there is a warrant, it should be checked and then handled according to the Constitution and any relevant international responsibilities. However, ‘due process’ should not be used as an excuse to avoid or delay accountability forever. People who say that the ICC can’t issue further warrants or that reports are just ‘tea-leaf reading’ or ‘pure fiction’ can’t drown out the victims’ requests. The Senate also cannot be made a haven for people who are credibly accused of crimes against humanity.

The Department of Justice, the Office of the Solicitor General, and the Senate leadership are all facing a test of principle. Will they uphold the rule of law and the rights of victims, or will they give in to political pressure and protect those who are accused? The Marcos administration’s support for Duterte’s move to The Hague should set a good example: if the court processes require surrender, the Republic must comply. Being stubborn or dragging their feet would only make things worse for the families who are still looking for closure.

Finally, justice is broader than arrest warrants. The state must guarantee witness protection, support for survivors and families, transparent investigations, and reparations. It must reform policing and dismantle the structures that enabled extrajudicial killings. The moral and legal obligation is clear: accountability for the past is the foundation for a safer, more just future.

If the ICC issues a warrant for Senator ‘Bato’ dela Rosa, it must be taken upon without delay, with full respect to all required legal procedures, but also with unswerving attention on the victims whose lives were ruined.

The Philippines cannot heal while real or perceived impunity endures. Justice for the thousands killed in the drug war is not negotiable; it is non-negotiable.

So goes the first few words of a popular Argentinian ‘joke’ that alludes to the tendency of populist and progressive political leaders to later veer toward extreme-right political strategies. Uruguayan author Eduardo Galeano once wrote a piece that included this ‘joke’ that dates back to the 1970s, which reads in full as: ‘Power, they say, is like a violin. It is held by the left hand and played by the right.’

Aman Sethi, editor in chief of Open Democracy, an online platform that critiques various political leaders in many parts of the world, recounted this quote from Galeano to highlight the rise of rightist regimes in many countries in Latin America, like Venezuela, El Salvador, Ecuador, and Chile, among others. Sethi cited how Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa’s far-right government ‘has unleashed a reign of repression, in part to push through legal changes to allow the United States military bases on Ecuadorian soil.’ In Chile, a ‘resurgent right wing is seeking to grasp power in the upcoming elections, while there are reports about a possible regime change in Venezuela, where the United States government of Donald Trump has been sending American troops to the region, alongside drones, bombers, and half a dozen warships.’ These military interventions are designed to influence the upcoming elections there to ensure a right-wing leader will come out victorious in the country’s forthcoming elections.

I write on this quoted Argentinian ‘joke’ because it resonates with one of our leaders who started his presidential reign as a populist or seemingly left-leaning politician. He started with campaigns articulating the need to uplift the lives of the poor and make this country ‘more peaceful’ and ‘great again.’

Former President Rodrigo Duterte is the quintessential example of how a perceived-to-be ‘left-leaning’ or progressive and populist politician has transformed into a rightist and autocratic leader. But more significantly, he is the main architect of a deadly ‘war on drugs’ that snuffed the lives of more than 20,000 people, including the elderly, women, and children. Such a blood-soaked ‘war’ was justified as a way of cleansing the country of illegal drugs and protecting the lives of Filipinos, while killing some of them.

And this is precisely why he is now detained at the International Criminal Court in The Hague for alleged crimes against humanity-all from his deadly war on drugs.

When Duterte started his presidential regime, he appointed some left-leaning personalities as members of his Cabinet. Two of them were considered die-hard activists. Judy Taguiwalo, a prominent woman leader from Gabriela, a known left-oriented women’s rights advocacy group, was appointed secretary of the Department of Social Welfare and Development. The second was Rafael Mariano, a famous leftist farmer leader, who once chaired the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas, known to have risen from the ranks of leftist activist groups, including the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan. Leftist groups enjoyed a ‘honeymoon’ stage early in Duterte’s presidency.

Such moves demonstrated that Duterte was not only friendly with left-leaning groups. Many people thought he was also progressive. Some were even enamored of his rough, street-type, and rather vulgar way of speaking, which many impoverished communities identified with.

But it was only a facade to earn not only the acceptance of those who had worked hard to create a national political agenda that would translate into a better life for the masses of workers, farmers, and other marginalized groups. It was the start of Duterte’s use of his political violin-holding it with his left hand, engaging left-leaning leaders to establish a fake empathy for them.

Soon, the honeymoon with left-leaning leaders ended, unraveling Duterte’s true political agenda. He started playing his political violin using his rightist, even autocratic tendencies. He soon launched an all-out, deadly war on drugs and allegedly issued a ‘license’ to his police forces to kill suspected drug pushers or dealers. He referred to the members of the Philippine National Police as if they were his own, as though he were paying for their salaries.

He became allergic to various criticisms of his policies, especially of his war on drugs, and became punitive with those who publicly critiqued him. He sent former Sen. Leila de Lima to jail without being tried on trumped-up charges. This was because De Lima launched a series of investigations in the Senate about his deadly war on drugs. He also harassed journalist Maria Ressa through seemingly interminable court cases regarding the ownership of her media group. Later, Ressa became a Nobel Peace Prize awardee in recognition of her for standing up to a dictatorial president.

Senate President Tempore Panfilo Lacson was reelected on Tuesday as chairman of the Senate blue ribbon committee.

No senator objected when Sen. Ejercito moved to reinstate Lacson as chairman of the committee, which has been investigating the corruption allegations hounding the government’s flood control projects.

‘Any objection? Chair hears none. Sen. Lacson is hereby elected,’ Senate President Vicente ‘Tito’ Sotto III declared.

Lacson resigned last month as chairman of the committee as some of his colleagues expressed disappointment with the direction of its investigation.

‘Some senators publicly and secretly pursue the narrative that I am zeroing in on several of my colleagues while purportedly protecting those members of the Lower House perceived to be the principal actors in the budget anomalies related to the substandard and ghost flood control projects,’ he said in his letter to Sotto last Oct. 7.

Several lawmakers, including senators, were dragged into the controversy after being accused of receiving kickbacks in exchange for flood control projects.

‘Very important witness’

The blue ribbon probe is set to resume this Friday, Nov. 14, with a ‘very important witness’ expected to attend.

‘All systems go,’ Lacson told reporters before the session.

As to the unnamed ‘very important witness,’ the senator said, ‘It’s still a go, as we speak now.’

‘[The witness] will arrive,’ Lacson said in Filipino, adding that the witness had already made a draft affidavit.

Although he refused to provide more details about the witness, the senator earlier said this witness would implicate some new and old names in the flood control controversy.

‘It’s important because it can wrap up everything that can or needs to be known leading up to the prosecution and conviction,’ Lacson said in a forum last week.

Aside from the said witness, 19 members of the House of Representatives, including former Speaker and Leyte Rep. Martin Romualdez, will also be invited to this Friday’s meeting.

The invitation to the House members will be coursed through the office of Speaker Faustino ‘Bojie’ Dy III, Lacson also said.

Farm Fresh took down its biggest prey yet in two-time champion Petro Gazz to formalize its march to the quarterfinals with a gritty 25-21, 25-22, 21-25, 28-26 triumph in the PVL Reinforced Conference on Tuesday at the FilOil EcoOil Centre in San Juan.

Denied of a sweep, the Foxies kept their composure when it mattered most, outlasting the Angels in the tension-filled fourth set where championship experience was supposed to give Petro Gazz the edge. Instead, the young Farm Fresh side showed poise beyond its years.

Trisha Tubu once again played fearlessly, complementing the dynamic tandem of Eli Rosseaux and setter Alohi Robins-Hardy. Together, they steered the Foxies through a dramatic endgame stretch.

Tubu repeatedly punished the Petro Gazz defense with off-the-block hits, including a crucial spike that saved a set point at 25. Then Robins-Hardy, reading the floor perfectly, executed another trademark 1-2 play for her ninth attack point, pushing Farm Fresh to match point.

Lindsey Vander Weide momentarily kept the Angels alive with a deep crosscourt kill, but Rosseaux – quiet for a spell in the rotation reasserted herself in the closing moments. Off another feed from Robins-Hardy, the Belgian import launched a thundering backrow attack that pierced through the Petro Gazz defense, then delivered the finishing blow after the Angels faltered to mount a steady counterattack following a shaky reception.

The two-hour, one-minute win propelled the Foxies to the Last 8 with a 5-1 record, matching the PLDT High Speed Hitters’ output and joining the unbeaten ZUS Coffee Thunderbelles (6-0) atop the leaderboard entering the knockout rounds.

‘The break did good for us. We really had time to practice on our serve and defense, which were needed – and we saw that in this game,’ said Rosseaux, who delivered another 31-point explosion to power the Foxies to back-to-back wins following their Oct. 31 victory over Choco Mucho after a tough loss to PLDT.

When asked about her growing chemistry with Robins-Hardy, Rosseaux said: ‘We’re just chill and good together. We don’t push each other too hard. It’s not really a secret.’

But beyond their skills, it’s the Foxies’ evolving cohesion that’s quickly turning heads. Once seen as a promising but raw squad, Farm Fresh now plays with precision, trust and a quiet confidence that speaks of a team growing into its full potential.

Their defensive intensity, fluid offensive patterns, and steady composure in crunch moments have transformed them into legitimate contenders – a unit no longer content with moral victories, but one that demands to win.

With the knockout stages looming, the Foxies’ blend of youth, chemistry and hunger is proving to be their sharpest weapon – and perhaps, their ticket to an even deeper playoff run.

Meanwhile, Petro Gazz fell to its third loss in six outings, staying at joint seventh with Cignal. The Angels’ latest setback also opened the door for other struggling teams to stay in contention for the eighth and final quarterfinals berth.

Tubu finished with 14 points, while Ces Molina contributed 10, and Lorene Toring and Rizza Cruz combined for 13 as the Foxies outgunned the Angels in attacks, 68-54. That offensive edge helped offset their disadvantage in blocks, 4-9, and in free points, 22-28.

Robins-Hardy also stood out with 21 excellent sets, outplaying counterpart Jules Tolentino, who tallied 15. Molina aalso helped anchor the defense with 19 excellent digs and 11 receptions, teaming up seamlessly with Alyssa Bertolano, who added 13 digs and 11 receptions, to fortify the Foxies’ floor coverage.

Vander Weide and Brooke Van Sickle paced Petro Gazz with 16 points apiece, while MJ Phillips and Ranya Musa chipped in 13 and 10, respectively. However, the Angels struggled to keep up with the Foxies’ strong finishes in the first two sets and couldn’t sustain their momentum after a spirited third-set win, fading in the closing stretch of the fourth.

Earlier, with Rousseaux and Tubu delivering as expected on both wings, the Angels struggled to contain the Foxies’ relentless offense. Adding to their woes was their inability to mount an effective counterattack, as Vander Weide and Van Sickle failed to shake off their first-set struggles and were outplayed at the net.

While the Foxies displayed efficiency and cohesion, the Angels grappled with inconsistency – moving sluggishly and appearing tentative with their plays. This allowed the Foxies to dominate and sweep the first two sets.

Petro Gazz, however, threatened to turn things around in the second set. A crosscourt hit from Vander Weide, following a solid dig by Jellie Tempiatura on a Rousseaux hammer, pulled them within 22-23. But Rousseaux responded with a baseline hit, and after the Foxies picked up a Myla Pablo attack, she unleashed another rocket that deflected off Van Sickle’s arms and into the bleachers, sealing a commanding 2-0 set lead for Farm Fresh.

Still, the Angels, who suffered a shutout loss to the unbeaten ZUS Coffee Thunderbelles, refused to go down quietly. They raced to a 7-3 advantage in the third set – a cushion that served as their springboard to stay alive in the match. Vander Weide took charge in the stretch, unleashing three consecutive kills as the Angels broke a 21-all count to reach set point.

After another solid defensive stand, setter Jules Tolentino stepped up and outdueled Ces Molina in a joust to seal the Angels’ crucial victory and keep their campaign alive.

The Foxies, meanwhile, played in crunch time without Rousseaux, as coach Alessandro Lodi chose to rest his prized import. Still, their all-Filipino squad held firm, managing to pull even at 21-all on a sharp Tubu hit before eventually yielding.

Many expected the economy to soften in the third quarter (Q3), but hardly anyone thought our economy’s growth would slow down as sharply as it did, to 4 percent from 5.5 percent in the first half. The nine-month cumulative growth of 5 percent already falls well below the government’s 5.5-6.5 percent target for the year, and global bank ING projects it to further slow down to 4.7 percent. While that’s a respectable growth rate that still exceeds those of our Asean peers other than Vietnam, it is well short of the International Monetary Fund’s 5.2 percent 2025 growth forecast for emerging and developing Asia.

Unlike us, our Asean peers are actually seeing their economies pick up speed. Vietnam leads with a reported 8.2 percent Q3 growth, while Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand similarly report or project faster growth in Q3, and all expect to improve on their 2024 growth. With us missing out so far on zero-tariff concessions, given by United States President Donald Trump at the last Asean meeting in Kuala Lumpur, to Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, our earlier expected advantage over our neighbors has disappeared.

Where did our slowdown come from? It would seem logical to point to two major forces as having dragged the Philippine economy this year, one external and one internal: Trump’s tariff hikes early this year and our own ‘floodgate’ corruption scandal that erupted in July, which drastically curtailed infrastructure spending. As for the first, we were hit-like most other countries worldwide-by Trump’s large new import tariffs. Apart from more restricted access to the US market itself, it has led to a wide expectation of further slowdown in global trade that began in Trump’s first presidency due to disrupted global value chains, which we are also part of and benefit from.

But has that really slowed us down? Surprisingly, the numbers suggest otherwise. A closer look at our Q3 GDP growth numbers tells a different story. Rather than slow down, our overall export growth has actually been speeding up since 2023, and even in the aftermath of Trump’s tariffs. Our merchandise or goods exports grew annually by 1.4, 3.3, and 6.3 percent in 2023, 2024 and 2025 (so far), respectively. Exports data in September show the US actually topping our export buyers, while electronics, our top export product, grew by a hefty 27.9 percent, a sizable chunk of which goes to the US. Even in the face of new tariffs, September electronics exports to the US reportedly grew by 2.3 percent from the previous year. While the US tariffs will inevitably take a toll on our US-bound exports, a downturn has so far not been seen.

So did Trump’s tariffs cause our Q3 slowdown? It doesn’t seem so. It’s our own self-inflicted roadblocks that must be the real culprit behind the Q3 letdown. True enough, the GDP numbers tell the story. The demand or spending side of the data shows that overall construction spending fell by half a percent, pulled down by a deep 26.2 percent dive in government construction. Even the 14.4 percent growth in corporate construction spending and the 13.3 percent hike in household construction spending could not prevent an overall construction decline. Worse, even consumption spending by the government successively slowed down to 5.8 percent from 18.7 percent and 8.7 percent in Q1 and Q2, respectively, when it actually helped drive overall growth. I wrote last May on how our economy’s growth was being driven by government construction (infrastructure) and consumption spending (see ‘Government-led growth,’ 5/13/25). Take those away or drastically reduce them as what happened in Q3, and the economy grinds to a halt or a slow crawl.

Something similar happened in 2010-2011, under then newly elected President Benigno ‘Noynoy’ Aquino III. When his Public Works Secretary Rogelio ‘Babes’ Singson halted questionable infrastructure projects, it curtailed growth in government construction spending to only 4.1 percent in 2010, from 15.9 percent in 2009, and on to a drastic -31.8 percent drop in 2011. The unwanted effect was to drag the whole economy’s growth from 7.3 percent in 2010 to a mere 3.9 percent in 2011. The Aquino administration went into crisis mode and embarked on the Disbursement Acceleration Program to divert freed-up infrastructure funds into productive expenditures to reignite growth in pursuit of inclusive development.

The ongoing scandal has seen budgets move in the reverse direction: from priority public investments and programs to spurious public works projects that have fabulously enriched politicians, officials, and contractors. Harnessing Singson again to help fix things makes eminent sense. But we all must put pressure on the government to convincingly bring all offenders to justice. Only then can government construction spending not only speed up the economy’s growth, but also yield the greatest good for the greatest number.

Coconut product manufacturer Axelum Resources Corp. almost doubled its profit in the first three quarters, with its revenues even surpassing last year’s figures.

In a filing to the local bourse Tuesday, the firm said its net income reached P636 million, an 88-percent surge from P339 million a year ago.

Its sales also reported significant gains, hitting P7.6 billion, on the back of strong volume growth and higher average selling prices across its major products.

Sales of the group’s white meat segment-composed of desiccated coconut, sweetened coconut and coconut milk/cream-also posted high double-digit growth.

‘We managed to outperform in spite of formidable headwinds particularly tight local supply and broader tariff-related impacts in our largest export base,’ said Henry Raperoga, Axelum president and chief operating officer.

‘From a long-term view, we are positive about our growth prospects as we continue to invest in building capacity and upgrading technology to meet rising demand,’ the official said.

The Philippine National Railways has temporarily suspended railway operations starting Monday, Nov. 10, due to damage to tracks and other infrastructure caused by Typhoon Uwan, PNR general manager Deovanni Miranda announced.

Miranda told the Inquirer in a Viber message on Monday that initial inspections showed some stretches of submerged and eroded tracks.

He said a railway bridge in Guinobatan, Albay, was also twisted after its foundation was eroded and damaged by floodwaters.

He added that daily trips from Camarines Sur to Albay and vice versa will be suspended for ‘more or less two months’ while repairs and restoration works are ongoing.

Miranda said the total cost of the damage has yet to be determined, as validation and detailed assessment will commence soon.

PNR maintenance teams and engineers have been deployed to inspect and repair affected segments.

‘Operations will resume once the tracks are cleared and deemed safe. Passengers are advised to monitor official advisories for updates,’ Miranda said.

Butuan City, the capital of Agusan del Norte, has been placed under a state of calamity after having been battered by consecutive Typhoons ‘Tino’ (international name: Kalmaegi) and Super Typhoon Uwan (international name: Fung-wong), which brought torrential rainfall that caused massive flooding, inundating villages, damaging crops and infrastructure, and displacing thousands of families.

According to the report of the Butuan City Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (CDRRMC) on Monday, a total of 3,615 families, or 44,317 residents, were forced to leave their homes because of the two typhoons that ravaged at least 33 barangays in the city over a span of weeks.

Tino lashed through the province on Nov. 4, while Uwan dumped heavy rains in the city days before the typhoon made landfall in Aurora province past 9 p.m. on Nov. 9.

Of the total number, 3,496 families, or 12,801 persons, were still staying in evacuation centers, while 119 families, or 508 persons, were temporarily staying with relatives.

Losses

Butuan City’s Sangguniang Panlungsod (SP) approved the declaration during its second special session last Saturday, following a recommendation by the CDRRMC.

The declaration would enable the local government to expedite the mobilization of calamity funds, impose price controls on essential goods, and provide immediate assistance to affected households.

According to the CDRRMC, the twin storms also caused extensive destruction to infrastructure, agriculture, and livelihoods across 33 barangays in the city.

Initial estimates placed agricultural losses at P4.54 million, while 21 houses were reported either partially damaged or destroyed.

The City Social Welfare and Development Department has distributed relief goods to 2,435 families, while rescue and response teams continue to monitor flood-prone and landslide-risk areas.

The city government urged residents to stay alert and to heed official advisories, as heavy rains and strong winds were expected to continue while Uwan remained within the Philippine area of responsibility.

‘We are intensifying our disaster-response operations to ensure timely assistance to all affected barangays,’ the city government said in a statement released by its city information office.

Even as some evacuees have begun returning home, officials warned that saturated soil and swollen rivers could still trigger flash floods and rain-induced landslides in the coming days