Category: PM News

When acts of extreme cruelty and oppression happen, most people get concerned with the side of those on the receiving end. This is a typically normal and logical human response, to focus on those who are affected before giving a thought to the perpetrators.

In the political dynamics of most African countries, cruelty has almost become next to nature, people being subjected to the extremes of oppression just to suppress and silence their opinions and cries for justice and fairness under the ideally unsurpassable rule of law.

Young people are important in the political life of any country, and in a special way in African countries, where young people (aged 30 and below) by far exceed half of the population of these countries. It is unjustifiable and unfair if such a big demographic chunk is not properly represented in the political life of the state.

For the most part, young people of today, especially the Generation Z, have evolved differently politically, demanding in their own ways, using the free digital space, a society that is fair, just and progressive. Unlike generations before, which had a do-or-die loyalty to political parties, the Gen Z young people today appear to favour a better agenda regardless of political parties; what experts call ‘Issue-based mobilization’ (Cf. The Oslo Centre, A Research Report on Youth Political Accountability in Kenya, 2025).

With recent happenings in some countries where the government machinery has responded with cruelty to the demands of these young people, over issues that were/are obvious, while the injustice is clear, the damage is beyond the bloodshed.

On the side of the perpetrators of such cruelty, some young people participate in the power fantasy of the oppressors by being agents for such cruelty. In philosophies of causality, human agency is a ‘instrumental cause,’ meaning they as well have responsibility for such acts of cruelty, given their nature, which is endowed with not only intelligence, but also a conscience capable of refusing cruelty and injustice.

The fact that the perpetrators may not be apprehended, given the corruption of the justice parastatal, does not mean no harm is done to society. In fact, the society will harbour the wound of living with cruel people as long as they last; it is an even bigger wound if these people are young.

Politics can cause deep wounds to society through acts of corruption, but society can survive these. There have always been corruption and mismanagement in our African countries. However, the corruption of young people, making them inherit the cruelty and heartlessness of oppressors and corruption kingmakers, is a harm beyond recovery. Cruelty in these young people become next to their nature, and a tool that metastasizes as they go on in life.

With thousands or tens of thousands of young people being involved in the cruel agendas of ruling parties across Africa, do we expect peaceful solutions to political problems anytime in the future? Cruel solutions are easier as compared to progressive dialogue that, in turn, has the power to not only heal hearts, but also heal conversations, and hold people accountable for what they do/did. Once one has tasted the ‘sweetness’ of cruel solutions, especially where lives are taken, one cannot tolerate dialogue and fairness anymore.

While young people are becoming more and more politically active, it is important to seek more meaningful solutions to existing problems and not to respond with cruelty. Cruelty affects the entire generation; massacres become part of the collective memory and, as such, part of the collective trauma of that generation. Such trauma, according to experts, can last up to 10 generations, both as a story as well as an existential reality.

It is a sad state where the majority of young people have traumatic experiences caused by politics, such as witnessing others being tortured, shot, kidnapped, disappeared, unjustly jailed, etc., and in worst cases, witnessing fellow young people being killed for political causes. It causes numbness, and in the worst case, it gives an extraordinary courage, given the loss of the sense of value for one’s life, having seen how another’s life is laid waste.

It is time we all take social responsibility to awaken the sense of value, especially among young people who have made themselves partisan to an oppressive agenda. In all our African countries, the side that oppresses can be easily pointed out. We ought to encourage young people to really be independent and make decisions by conscience, rather than desire for money, the handiest bargain in the hands of the oppressors.

Nonetheless, the struggle against injustice cannot be won by standing on the grey areas of political indifference. It adds value to stand firm on the side that serves the social good, regardless of the dangers, than to be mercenaries for the oppressive forces. The latter is a betrayal of the lives and dreams of fellow young people.

The Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, Mr Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, on Tuesday appeared for the prosecution in the trial of Omoyele Sowore, publisher of Sahara Reporters for alleged criminal defamation

Sowore is being prosecuted by the Department of State Services (DSS) for defamation before Justice Mohammed Umar of the Federal High Court in Abuja.

The activist, who is also the presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was alleged to have made false claims against the person of President Bola Tinubu by referring to him as ‘a criminal’ in a post he made on his ‘X’ and Facebook accounts.

Against this development, the DSS charged him with criminal defamation, cyberstalking and incitement.

Fagbemi, on Tuesday, led a team of lawyers, including the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), Rotimi Oyedepo, SAN, and Akinlolu Kehinde, SAN, among others, in the trial.

He urged the court to reject Sowore’s subpeaned letter, asking the DSS DG, Oluwatisin Ajayi, to testify in his defence.

The AGF, who said the DSS had been so responsive enough to allow the 2nd defence witness (DW-2), an official from the service, to give testimony on the last adjourned date, said the application for Ajayi to testify was to delay the proceedings.

The National Secretary of Project 774 Network, Retired DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel, speaks to MADUABUCHI NMERIBEH, on why the organization is organising a national summit on countering terrorism and other forms of insecurity in Nigeria, scheduled to hold on Friday, July 31, 2026, at Ladi Kwali Hall, Abuja Continental Hotel, Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, with the theme: ‘Our Security, Our Duty: Citizens Standing With Our Troops To End Terrorism, Banditry And Kidnapping.’ Excerpts:

Q: Why is Project 774 Network convening a National Citizens’ Stakeholders’ Engagement on countering terrorism and insecurity at this time?

A: Thank you very much. This engagement is necessary because, despite the tremendous sacrifices and achievements of our Armed Forces, the Nigeria Police Force, intelligence agencies, and other security institutions, insecurity remains one of Nigeria’s greatest national challenges. We believe the time has come to broaden the conversation beyond government alone and actively involve citizens, communities, traditional institutions, the private sector, civil society, and development partners. Security is everyone’s responsibility.

Your recent article argues that Nigeria’s insecurity will be defeated in the 774 Local Government Areas rather than in Abuja alone. What exactly do you mean?

The point is quite straightforward. Abuja provides national leadership, policy direction, and coordination, but criminal activities occur within our communities. Terrorists, bandits, kidnappers, and other criminal elements recruit, hide, move, and operate within towns, villages, forests, border communities, and highways across the 774 Local Government Areas. If we truly want sustainable security, every Local Government Area must become an active security ecosystem where citizens, security agencies, traditional rulers, religious leaders, women, youth, and community organisations work together to identify threats early and prevent crime before it escalates.

Does this mean the current security architecture is inadequate?

I would rather say that our security architecture must continue to evolve. Today’s security threats are increasingly local, dynamic, and intelligence driven. While our national security institutions remain indispensable, they need stronger community support and locally generated intelligence. National coordination must be complemented by community ownership of security.

What practical measures should government prioritise?

First, every Local Government Area should develop a comprehensive security profile identifying its peculiar threats, vulnerable communities, criminal routes, illegal arms circulation, drug distribution networks, and emerging risks. Second, functional Local Government Security Councils should be established to bring together security agencies, traditional rulers, religious leaders, women, youth groups, farmers, herders, transport unions, and other credible stakeholders. Third, Police Divisions must be strengthened with adequate personnel, logistics, mobility, communication equipment, and operational resources so they can respond effectively to emergencies.

You have consistently advocated decentralised policing. How does that fit into this conversation?

Nigeria’s size, diversity, and security realities require policing arrangements that are both nationally coordinated and locally responsive. A carefully regulated system in which Federal and State policing institutions operate under constitutional safeguards can improve operational effectiveness while maintaining professionalism, accountability, respect for human rights, and protection against political interference. The objective is to strengthen national security, not weaken it.

What role should communities themselves play?

Communities are the first line of defence. Neighbourhood watch groups, vigilante organisations, community development associations, and other local initiatives should operate within a clear legal and regulatory framework, with proper registration, training, vetting, and supervision. When communities trust security agencies and security agencies trust communities, intelligence improves significantly, and criminals find it much harder to operate.

Beyond security operations, what other factors must be addressed?

Security cannot be separated from development. Youth unemployment, drug abuse, poor educational opportunities, unresolved communal disputes, poverty, and inadequate public services create conditions that criminals exploit. We must therefore combine effective law enforcement with economic opportunities, education, infrastructure, and social development.

What should Nigerians expect from the National Citizens’ Stakeholders’ Engagement?

They should expect practical solutions, constructive dialogue, and actionable recommendations. The engagement will bring together government officials, security agencies, lawmakers, traditional and religious leaders, civil society organisations, academia, the organised private sector, youth and women groups, and development partners to strengthen collaboration in addressing insecurity. Our goal is to produce an Abuja Citizens’ Declaration and a Conference Communiqué containing practical recommendations for improving national security through stronger citizen participation and institutional collaboration.

What message would you like to leave with Nigerians?

My message is simple: security is not the responsibility of government alone. Every citizen has a role to play. If we secure our communities, we secure our Local Government Areas. If we secure all 774 Local Government Areas, we secure Nigeria. The road to a safer Nigeria does not begin or end in Abuja. It begins in every ward, every village, every town, and every community. That is where trust is built, intelligence is generated, criminality is prevented, and lasting peace is sustained. Together, through responsible citizenship and collective action, we can build a safer, stronger, and more prosperous Nigeria.

What is the philosophy, mission and vision of Project 774 Network?

The Project is designed and fashioned towards supporting Nigerian troops, strengthening national unity, as well as advancing peace and development across the country.

The Project 774 Network was established on the conviction that the future of Nigeria depends not only on the quality of its leadership, but equally on the character, responsibility, and active participation of its citizens. We believe that the greatness of a nation is measured not only by the strength of its institutions, the size of its economy, or the authority of its government, but also by the integrity, discipline, patriotism, and civic responsibility of its people. For this reason, Project 774 Network is built upon a philosophy of shared national responsibility-a philosophy that calls upon government to lead with accountability and citizens to serve with responsibility.

We reject the false belief that nation-building is the exclusive duty of government. Likewise, we reject the notion that citizens should remain passive observers of national affairs. Every Nigerian has a role to play in building a peaceful, secure, united, and prosperous nation. This philosophy guides every programme, partnership, publication, and initiative undertaken by Project 774 Network. Moreso, we affirm that leadership and citizenship are complementary responsibilities; rights and responsibilities are inseparable in a democratic society; national development is sustained by institutions that are strengthened through ethical leadership and responsible citizenship; peace is preserved through justice, dialogue, mutual respect, and community participation; security is most effective when citizens and institutions work together in trust; every Local Government Area is a strategic building block of national development; national unity grows when diversity is respected and the common good is placed above sectional interests; lasting progress is achieved through integrity, service, discipline, innovation, and collective action. Furthermore, the Project 774 Network believes that government must govern with integrity, transparency, accountability, and fairness; citizens must conduct themselves with honesty, discipline, respect for the law, and commitment to the common good; families must nurture character; schools must cultivate knowledge and civic values; religious and traditional institutions must promote morality, peace, and social harmony; businesses must operate responsibly and create opportunities; civil society must encourage participation and accountability; young people must become innovators, volunteers, and future leaders rather than spectators of national development. Indeed, a nation prospers when each institution fulfils its responsibility faithfully. Project 774 Network teaches that every Nigerian has a sphere of influence-however small-that can become a centre of national transformation. True nation-building begins when each person commits to excellence, honesty, and service to the country and humanity. Before we seek national transformation, we must begin with personal transformation. The future of Nigeria will not be determined solely by those who occupy public office. It will also be shaped by teachers who inspire, parents who guide, entrepreneurs who create opportunities, workers who perform their duties faithfully, community leaders who unite rather than divide, and citizens who choose honesty over convenience. Every Nigerian has the capacity to influence the nation’s future through everyday acts of responsibility and service. Project 774 Network is a non-partisan national civic movement founded on the enduring conviction that the future of Nigeria depends not only on the quality of its leadership but equally on the character, responsibility, and active participation of its citizens. We believe that the true greatness of a nation is measured not merely by the strength of its institutions, the size of its economy, or the authority of its government, but by the integrity, discipline, patriotism, compassion, and civic responsibility of its people.

Accordingly, Project 774 Network is founded upon the philosophy of Shared National Responsibility-a philosophy that calls upon government to govern with accountability and citizens to serve with responsibility. We reject the false assumption that nation-building is the exclusive responsibility of government. Equally, we reject the notion that citizens should remain passive observers of national affairs. Every Nigerian has both the privilege and the duty to contribute to the peace, security, unity, and prosperity of our nation. National transformation begins when every citizen chooses integrity, competence, discipline, and service within that personal sphere. Extraordinary nations are built through millions of ordinary acts of responsibility faithfully performed every day.

Our mission is to cultivate a civic culture in which government governs with integrity, institutions serve with excellence, communities thrive through cooperation, and citizens embrace their shared responsibility for building a peaceful, secure, united, and prosperous Nigeria.

The Oyo State APC governorship candidate, Senator Sharafadeen Alli, has begun reconciling aspirants aggrieved by the outcome of the party’s recent primary election.

Alli said he had begun meeting dissatisfied aspirants and party members following the APC primary contested by 11 governorship hopefuls.

The Oyo South senator disclosed that he met a member of the aggrieved G6 group on Monday as part of efforts to reunite the party ahead of the 2027 election.

He spoke during a media briefing at the Nigeria Union of Journalists Secretariat in Ibadan.

Alli said disagreements were inevitable after a fiercely contested primary in which only one candidate could emerge from a field of qualified aspirants.

‘It is not out of place to see aggrieved aspirants in a strong political party like the APC, which paraded an array of well-qualified and competent individuals who had shown interest in contesting for the party’s ticket,’ he said.

The governorship candidate disclosed that the party had constituted a committee to reconcile the aggrieved aspirants and other members unhappy with the primary’s outcome.

‘In a party that has 11 aspirants, it is expected. When 11 people are aspiring and there is only one state, the party has to pick someone. All of us are qualified for the position. APC has the best aspirants,’ he said.

Alli insisted that his emergence as the party’s flagbearer had been formalised, adding that the APC had uploaded his information.

‘I want to assure you all that grievances from the fallout of the governorship primary election of the party in the state will soon be resolved. I have been meeting people. I even met one of the G6 members today,’ he added.

The briefing was attended by his running mate, Adesoji Adedeji; Oyo APC Chairman Moses Adeyemo; and other party leaders.

Alli said the reconciliation drive was necessary to bring all factions together and strengthen the APC’s campaign to reclaim Oyo State in 2027.

One Tanzanite Football Academy (OTFA) has returned home after making history in Europe, with its youth teams delivering outstanding performances in Sweden and Denmark to showcase Tanzania’s growing football talent on the international stage.

The academy’s Under-17 (U17) side emerged champions of the prestigious Gothia Cup in Gothenburg, Sweden, while the Under-19 (U19) team secured an impressive third-place finish at the Dana Cup in Hjørring, Denmark.

The achievements mark one of the biggest successes by a Tanzanian youth football academy in international competition and reinforce the country’s growing reputation for developing talented young players capable of competing against some of the world’s best.

At the Gothia Cup, regarded as the world’s largest international youth football tournament, OTFA’s U17 team overcame strong opposition from across the globe to lift the title.

This year’s tournament attracted 1,956 teams in different age categories from 78 countries, making the triumph a significant milestone for both the academy and Tanzanian football.

The academy’s U19 team also impressed at the Dana Cup, the world’s second-largest youth football tournament, where they finished third after competing against leading youth academies and clubs from around the world. The tournament featured more than 946 teams from 56 countries.

According to the academy, the results demonstrate that Tanzanian youngsters can compete successfully at the highest level when provided with quality coaching, proper preparation and the right environment to nurture their talent.

OTFA thanked its sponsors and partners whose support made the teams’ participation possible. They include Azania Bank, Mega Beverages, ASAS Group, Derick Global Trading, ALAF Tanzania, the Gaming Board of Tanzania and CRDB Bank.

The academy also expressed appreciation to the Government of Tanzania, the Tanzania Football Federation (TFF), the National Sports Council (NSC) and other football stakeholders for their continued cooperation and confidence in the academy’s youth development program.

Founded to identify and nurture football talent among children and young people across the country, OTFA believes sport is an important tool for promoting discipline, education and creating opportunities for the next generation.

The academy said its mission extends beyond football, revealing that more than 95 percent of its players come from disadvantaged and low-income families.

Through sponsorship, professional coaching and mentorship, the academy aims to ensure that financial hardship does not prevent talented youngsters from pursuing their dreams.

Officials described the success in Sweden and Denmark as evidence that long-term investment in youth football can produce tangible results while raising Tanzania’s profile internationally.

The academy pledged to continue working with the government, sponsors, the private sector and other stakeholders to expand opportunities for young players and strengthen talent development program across the country.

It also called on institutions, companies and individuals to invest more in youth sports, arguing that supporting young athletes is an investment in Tanzania’s future.

OTFA concluded by thanking Tanzanians for their prayers, encouragement and messages of support throughout the tournaments, saying the achievements belong not only to the academy but to the entire nation.

The historic performances in Europe are expected to inspire more young Tanzanians to pursue football while demonstrating that the country has the potential to produce players capable of succeeding on the global stage.

Edo North Senator Adams Oshiomhole has declared that Peter Obi’s strong performance in the 2023 presidential election was driven by public anger over the failures of former President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, not enduring political strength.

Oshiomhole said the cash scarcity and fuel crisis that preceded the election created widespread hardship and frustration among Nigerians, resulting in protest votes for the Labour Party candidate.

Speaking during an interview on TVC News’ Beyond the Headline with Nifemi Oguntoye, the former Edo State governor blamed policies introduced during Buhari’s final months in office for worsening the hardship faced by Nigerians.

He argued that Obi was the major beneficiary of the anger generated by those policies during the presidential election.

According to Oshiomhole, the conditions that produced Obi’s 2023 electoral surge no longer exist, making it unlikely that he will repeat the performance in 2027.

The former APC national chairman also questioned Obi’s economic credentials, describing him as a trader focused on immediate gains rather than long-term national development.

He maintained that President Bola Tinubu’s infrastructure projects demonstrated a greater commitment to Nigeria’s economic future.

Turning to the 2027 elections, Oshiomhole said his priority was to persuade his constituents to re-elect him and support Tinubu alongside other candidates of the All Progressives Congress.

‘This time around, I want to concentrate on convincing the people of my constituency to vote for me, to vote for President Tinubu and to vote for the House of Representatives candidate and House of Assembly candidate because we belong to the same party,’ he said.

Oshiomhole also reaffirmed his loyalty to the APC, recalling that he refused to abandon his convictions even when he suffered personal consequences under the previous administration.

‘Everyone who knows me knows that I’m fiercely loyal. When my loyalty was tested by the previous administration, I stood my ground. They took their job, I stood my ground and kept my honour,’ he said.

The Oyo State Government has taken a major step to strengthen its security architecture with the acquisition of two Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) aircraft aimed at improving aerial monitoring, intelligence gathering and rapid response to criminal activities across the state.

The aircraft, identified as Diamond DA42 MNG ISR platforms, were procured at a cost of ?7.763 billion and are expected to enhance surveillance along Oyo State’s borders with Kwara State and the Republic of Benin, areas considered vulnerable to the activities of bandits and other cross-border criminals.

The acquisition comes amid growing security concerns following recent attacks in parts of Oyo State, including the abduction of pupils and teachers in Oriire Local Government Area.

Governor Seyi Makinde had disclosed that the surveillance aircraft were procured as part of a broader strategy to strengthen the state’s capacity to prevent and respond to security threats before they escalate.

According to the state government, delivery of the aircraft was delayed because their components required assembly by the Chinese manufacturers at the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) hangar in Lagos. Officials said the government opted to wait for the completion of all technical and safety procedures before deploying the aircraft rather than rushing them into service.

Makinde had expressed regret that the aircraft were not operational during the rescue mission for victims of the Oriire school abduction but stressed that deployment depended on the professional advice of the manufacturers and aviation experts.

The Diamond DA42 MNG aircraft are designed for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance operations, providing real-time aerial imagery and monitoring capabilities that can support security agencies in tracking criminal movements, securing forests and border communities, and coordinating rapid interventions.

The state government said the platforms will complement ongoing collaboration with the Nigerian Air Force and other security agencies, which have already deployed surveillance aircraft to support rescue operations during previous kidnapping incidents in the state.

Security analysts believe the aerial assets could significantly improve intelligence-led policing in Oyo, particularly in remote communities where difficult terrain has often limited the effectiveness of conventional security operations.

With the new surveillance aircraft expected to become fully operational, the Makinde administration says it is reinforcing its commitment to protecting lives and property while improving security across Oyo State and neighbouring border communities.

Omoyele Sowore, publisher of Sahara Reporters, on Tuesday rescinded his earlier decision to invite Oluwatosin Ajayi, the Director-General, Department of State Services (DSS), to testify in his defence in the ongoing trial for alleged criminal defamation.

Sowore, through his lawyer, Adeyinka Olumide-Fusika, SAN, made this known shortly before the conclusion of proceeding before Justice Mohammed Umar of the Federal High Court in Abuja.

The defendant was alleged to have made false claims against the person of President Bola Tinubu by referring to him as ‘a criminal’ in a post he made on his ‘X’ and Facebook accounts.

Against this development, the DSS charged Sowore, the presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), with criminal defamation, cyberstalking and incitement.

Olumide-Fusika had, on July 22, indicated his intention to apply for a subpoena on the DG of DSS.

The lawyer had wanted Ajayi to appear to testify on his client’s behalf and produce a document; a letter dated Sept. 7, 2025, asking Sowore to retract his alleged criminal defamatory posts about Tinubu.

He said his decision to invite the DG, DSS was because of the alleged inability of the official of the service, Uwem Davies, who appeared as the second defence witness on subpoena; to adequately address questions he raised in relation to the Sept. 7, 2025, letter.

He had said since Davies, who authored the said letter, told the court that he acted on the directive of the DG, DSS, it was necessary for Ajayi to appear and shed more light on the letter.

At Tuesday’s hearing, Olumide-Fusika later changed his mind on the issue after a heated argument on the propriety of the appearance of Mr Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), in the case without a prior notice.

Earlier when the case was called, Fagbemi announced appearance for the prosecution.

Responding, Olumide-Fusika said the matter was scheduled for continuation of defence.

He, however, said that he could observed that ‘the prosecution is reinforced with the presence of the AGF and DPP (Director of Public Prosecutions, Rotimi Oyedepo, SAN.

According to him, I don’t know if there is a reason why they are here.

‘So, what do you want me to do? I hope you are not intimidated?’ Justice Umar asked.

‘I am my lord,’ Olumide-Fusika responded in a lighter mood.

When the judge asked him if he was ready to continue with the proceeding, the lawyer responded in affirmative.

Olumide-Fusika then said their ‘next witness is a subpoenaed witness, the DG DSS, Oluwatosin Ajayi, who holds the position.’

Fagbemi, who appeared for the first time, queried the competence of the subpoena issued on the DG, DSS, and urged the court to hold that the invitation to the DG, DSS amounted to an abuse of court’s process.

Fagbemi said it was incorrect to state that the subpoena was served on Ajayi as earlier claimed by the defence lawyer, noting that service of a subpoena ought to be personal on the person it was directed at.

The AGF also submitted that the application for subpoena and the writ subsequently issued did not indicate when the DSS’ DG was expected to attend court.

The AGF, who argued that the subpoena amounted to an abuse of the process of the court, said that the letter, which the defence had wanted Ajayi to produce and answer questions on, had already been admitted in evidence twice by the court.

‘As a matter of record, this document has been tendered and marked Exhibit D. It was also tendered as Exhibit DWC on July 22, 2026. It was tendered by the defendant,’ Fagbemi said.

The AGF argued that although it was the constitutional right of Sowore to apply for subpoena against anybody in aid of its case, such privilege had limitation.

Fagbemi said: ‘It is worth hearing that the document in contention was authored by DW-2 (Davies).

‘The matter in contention is an official matter.

‘The DG of the DSS is not being subpoenaed to come in his personal capacity.

‘He is being subpoenaed in his official capacity to give evidence in respect of an official letter.

‘It is not about his person or any allegations against him. So, there are limits.’

He urged the court to discountenance the subpoena and call on the defendant to proceed with his defence.

He further argued that the subpoena was being used by the defence for indirect and improper object order than any bonafide purpose.

Besides, he said the application was only to delay proceedings in the trial since the DSS had earlier allowed his official to give evidence in Sowore’s defence.

Responding, Olumide-Fusika faulted Fagbemi’s appearance in the case, arguing that if he wished to take over the case from Akinlolu Kehinde, SAN, the lawyer who had been handling it before now, he should do that appropriately by filing a notice.

‘What AGF has done today is to appear and make submissions.

‘We are entitled to be notified that he is taking over the prosecution of the case from the lawyer that filed the charge and has been appearing,’ Olumide-Fusika insisted.

He sought the leave of court to enable him reply to an authority cited by the AGF and urged the court to discountenance all that the AGF had said.

‘He (AGF) is not in the matter. He did not file the proper notice that he was taking over the case,’ he added.

Before both lawyers could agree on when to return for Olumide-Fusika to reply to the authority cited by the AGF, Fagbemi beckoned on the defence lawyer, who left his seat and moved towards where Fagbemi stood.

They conferred briefly, following which Fagbemi announced that Olumide-Fusika had changed his mind that he would no longer insist that the DG of DSS must appear in person.

He said the defence lawyer said someone else could come to answer the questions he had in respect of the letter of Sept. 7, 2025.

At that point, Fagbemi and Olumide-Fusika agreed that the latest development had overtaken their arguments and said it was no longer necessary for the judge to deliver a ruling on the earlier arguments.

Justice Mohammed Umar subsequently adjourned the matter untill Aug. 3 for any official of the DSS to appear in relation to the subpoena earlier directed at the DG, DSS.

This past week, a somewhat comical yet concerning development unfolded in the world of artificial intelligence. OpenAI, the creator of ChatGPT, announced that some of its most advanced AI models had ‘escaped’ a test environment and essentially stole data from Hugging Face, a prominent AI start-up.

Tasked with solving an exceptionally difficult cybersecurity problem, the models took an extraordinary and unauthorised shortcut.

They exploited weaknesses within OpenAI’s own testing environment to break out, subsequently infiltrating Hugging Face’s systems to find a solution.

The situation would be humorous if the implications weren’t so grave.

While many headlines quickly labelled the models as ‘rogue,’ the reality is far more subtle.

Completely failed

There is no evidence that the AI developed an independent ‘desire’ to rebel or attack Hugging Face.

Instead, what is not in doubt is that the models somehow pursued a narrowly defined objective through unpredictable, unprogrammed routes that their designers completely failed to anticipate.

That distinction does not make the episode less alarming.

As a matter of fact, it is cause for even greater concern because it illustrates that AI models don’t have to be malicious or even conscious-as some people have feared-to cause serious harm.

All it takes is a sufficiently capable system, a poorly defined objective, and safeguards that fail to anticipate the means by which the objective may be pursued.

This means that, while we may see this simply as AI going rogue and stealing something, at a deeper level it exposes the difference between intelligence and judgement.

An AI system can identify an effective route to an objective without possessing any moral understanding of why that route should be rejected.

If an unauthorised intrusion appears to advance the assigned goal, the system will go for it, even if it is morally unacceptable, unless the option is clearly anticipated and excluded from the available choices.

In other words, the system does not need to decide that theft is acceptable. It only needs to discover that the intrusion works in solving the assigned problem.

This is serious enough, but worse still, these revelations demonstrate that the first line of defence in AI governance may well sit in the exact space most policy conversations rarely begin, that is, inside the laboratories where models are trained, tested and tweaked, long before they ever become public products.

This matters a great deal because, by the time an AI model is released to the public, many of the decisions that determine its behaviour will already be cast in stone. Regulation coming at this stage, however robust, will, therefore, be one step-too late.

The regulator will be seeking to govern how society should use a system, while in reality, the creators will already have decided what the system can do.

The incident also demonstrates that technical sophistication alone does not guarantee institutional control.

That Hugging Face detected and contained the intrusion before OpenAI had even traced its source shows how difficult it can be for even a leading developer to maintain complete visibility over its own systems operating in complex environments.

For Africa, this serves as a sobering preview of exactly what dependency can mean in practice.

It has long been argued that, by running on models built and tested elsewhere, Africa increasingly imports more than a technology.

It also, inevitably, imports undisclosed vulnerabilities discovered on someone else’s terms; safety assumptions set by someone else’s risk perception; and security risks that lie beyond the technical reach of local regulatory bodies.

This, then, raises the urgent question of sovereignty, not just in the development of AI tools, but more importantly in how they are governed.

Just who has the power to test AI models, who can see their failure modes, and who decides when it is safe enough to deploy?

Meaningful governance necessarily requires that countries possess the capacity to test claims made by AI companies about their products, inspect their failure modes, and even question the assurances accompanying each new model.

As if on cue, the inaugural Africa AI Governance Index was unveiled just as news of the OpenAI-Hugging Face episode settled.

Covering all 54 African states across 80 indicators, the Index confirms what many analyses have long suggested, notably, that the continent is still struggling to build the right institutions to govern AI in spite of the rapid development of AI policies.

In other words, the pace of writing AI policy on the continent far outstrips its ability and willingness to fund, staff, and enforce those very policies.

While the gap focuses on policy, it runs deeper than just a regulatory shortcoming. Today, the world’s second largest continent and home to 18 per cent of humanity, holds less than 1 per cent of global data-centre capacity and only about 3 per cent of global AI talent.

It remains woefully dependent on foreign providers for cloud infrastructure and advanced chips, while the frontier models entering its businesses and public institutions are designed, trained and controlled elsewhere.

Africa is therefore attempting to govern systems over whose underlying knowledge and infrastructure it can exercise only limited power.

Powerful fashion

Kenya captures that African AI conundrum in powerful fashion.

The country is home to East Africa’s most dynamic AI ecosystem and, according to the new Index, ranks fourth on the continent. Yet the speed of AI adoption in the country has also revealed the more obvious the limits of existing governance structures.

General data-protection laws, for instance, are being stretched to address risks for which they were never designed, while technology analysts routinely point out the country’s inadequate capacity to independently test the most advanced models it imports.

The contradiction, therefore, is that the country is strong enough to attract AI investment in droves and deploy robust systems, but not yet fully equipped to interrogate those systems on its own terms.

This is the story of many leading African economies, which have dialled up an AI revolution but, in so doing, also have to grapple with the risks of AI that are becoming more complex each day.

The lessons from the Hugging Face episode, which have been illustrated by the just-released Africa AI Governance Index, are clear.

Africa needs stronger regulators, independent researchers and technically capable public institutions.

Pool expertise

To this end, regional AI-safety centres could pool expertise, test advanced models before they are used in sensitive sectors and investigate serious incidents.

Just as importantly, learning institutions, civil society and the media must endeavour to understand these systems and clearly explain their consequences to the general public.

This is what sovereignty should mean for Africa in the age of AI. It does not necessarily require every African country to manufacture chips or build its own frontier models.

But it, no doubt, will require robust infrastructure and the technical capacity to understand what is being imported, set the conditions for its use and reject systems whose risks cannot be independently verified.

Dr Joe Ageyo is the Editor in Chief of the Nation Media Group. He holds a PhD in media studies with a focus on science and environment communication

Prof Wole Alamu has revealed that kidnappers left a cutlass beside his abducted wife, Rachael Alamu, apparently expecting the Oyo State school principal to take her own life.

Alamu made the revelation during a thanksgiving service held after his wife regained freedom following more than 50 days in captivity.

Rachael, principal of Ahoro Esinle School in Oriire Local Government Area, was abducted alongside pupils and teachers on May 15, 2026.

Her husband said the incident with the cutlass occurred after he blocked the kidnappers’ telephone numbers and stopped negotiating with them.

According to him, the gunmen confronted his wife after discovering that they could no longer reach him.

‘They went to her and said, ‘Madam, your husband has blocked us. We are going to kill you,” he recalled.

Rachael reportedly responded: ‘You will not kill me in Jesus’ name.’

Alamu said the kidnappers later left a cutlass beside his wife.

‘They left one cutlass beside the Madam Principal,’ he said.

‘When they came back, they were blaming one another, saying, ‘You left a cutlass beside the Madam Principal so she could kill herself.”

Rachael refused to touch the weapon and confronted her captors.

‘I will not kill myself and you too will not kill me,’ she reportedly told them.

Alamu explained that he blocked the kidnappers after three weeks of direct communication because their threats were destroying his health.

He said every message from the abductors left him emotionally destabilised and repeatedly caused his blood pressure to rise.

‘There was a day I went for a medical check-up. They sent me a text message and I became destabilised.

‘By the time I got to the clinic, I could not even do the check-up because my blood pressure had already increased,’ he said.

The professor said he eventually decided that remaining in contact with the kidnappers could cost him his own life.

‘That day, I decided I would block these people.

‘You cannot kill me here and kill her there. Choose one. If you want to take her, she is going to be with Christ.

‘You cannot kill the two of us at the same time,’ he said.

Rachael and the other abducted victims were eventually freed following a rescue operation announced by the Federal Government.

Her husband described the kidnapping as the greatest trial his family had faced but said the experience strengthened their faith.