Category: Sunday Standard

A new report by media and democracy watchdog Intelwatch has warned that Botswana’s democracy is at a ‘critical inflection point,’ as it accuses President Duma Boko of adopting hostile rhetoric that threatens press freedom despite the country’s historic political transition in November 2024.

Another media rights advocacy group, Reporters Without Borders has assigned Boko’s administration the worst score and rank compared to Festus Mogae, Ian Khama and Mokgweetsi Masisi. The 2025 World Press Freedom ranking is Botswana’s worst since Reporters Without Borders started publishing the index in 2002 under Mogae.

The Intelwatch report, which is titled A Democracy at the Crossroads: Mapping Threats to the Media in Botswana paints a picture of a media sector facing legal, economic and digital pressures even after the fall of the long-ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) and the rise of the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) under President Boko.

While the 2024 electoral victory of the UDC was widely hailed as a democratic milestone, Intelwatch says the optimism has faded.

‘The new administration’s narrative has quickly shifted from reformist zeal to media-bashing rhetoric,’ the report states. ‘Hostility from the highest office legitimises online harassment and emboldens state security agents.’

Intelwatch is a new research and advocacy organisation dedicated to supporting policy work and activism to strengthen public and democratic oversight of state and private intelligence agencies singles out Boko’s recent claims that 90% of media reports are ‘fake,’ describing the remarks as ‘unsubstantiated and deeply damaging to public trust in journalism.’

The report says Boko has also warned that journalists could face imprisonment for ‘fake news’ and criminal defamation.

‘This suggests that the specter of state hostility towards the media has not vanished with the change of government but merely changed hands,’ Intelwatch notes.

Botswana’s international standing has also suffered. According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Botswana press freedom ranking has dropped to 81st out of 180 countries in the 2025 under President Boko compared to 79th position under his predecessor former president Masisi. Botswana’s Press Freedom score under Boko also went down to 57.64 from 59.78 under Masisi. The Reporters Without Borders (RSF) total score in the World Press Freedom Index represents a quantitative measure (from 0 to 100) of the level of freedom available to journalists and media outlets in 180 countries and territories.

President Boko’s administration fared especially badly on the political indicator index, with a score of 71 down from Masisi’s 80. The RSF political indicator, a component of the World Press Freedom Index, measures the extent of state support or restriction on press freedom, including political pressure, censorship, and harassment of journalists by officials. It assesses how political authorities influence media independence, safety, and content, often tracking attacks, surveillance, and legal restrictions on journalism.

Boko however performed well on the security indicator with a score of 96 compared to Masisi’s 82. This indicator measures the risks and physical danger journalists face, evaluating threats, harassment, violence, and impunity for crimes against them. It analyzes the safety of journalists, including arrests and physical attacks, to assess overall media freedom.

Intelwatch, however, argues that the absence of mass arrests since Boko assumed office masks ‘deeper, more insidious systemic threats’ embedded in the country’s legal framework.

‘Archaic colonial-era laws such as sedition and criminal defamation remain on the statute books, ready to be weaponised,’ the report says, referencing provisions under the Penal Code that have historically been used against journalists.

The report says continued delay in enacting a robust Access to Information (ATI) law is another major concern. Without it, reporters are forced to rely on leaks rather than legally guaranteed access to public records.

‘Without structural reform and genuine political will, Botswana risks sliding from a defective democracy into a regime of information authoritarianism,’ the report warns.

Beyond legal threats, Intelwatch highlights what it terms ‘economic asphyxiation’ of independent media. Government remains the largest advertiser in the country, and the strategic withdrawal of state advertising from critical publications is described as ‘a potent tool of economic censorship.’

‘Media houses are financially anaemic,’ the report says, pointing to high operational costs, a small market and digital disruption.

The digital sphere, once seen as a haven for free expression, is also under scrutiny. Intelwatch cites credible reports that the Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS) has used sophisticated forensic tools such as Cellebrite and Circles to intercept journalists’ communications and identify confidential sources.

‘This chilling reality forces journalists to adopt defensive tradecraft, hampering their ability to work freely,’ the report states.

Female journalists, in particular, face coordinated cyber-harassment campaigns, often involving gendered attacks aimed at discrediting their professional credibility.

Intelwatch argues that Botswana’s constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression is insufficient without explicit protections for media freedom.

‘The Constitution’s silence on specific media rights renders its guarantee largely ineffective,’ the watchdog argues.

Intelwatch says the test of democratic maturity will not lie in electoral turnover alone but in whether those in power can tolerate scrutiny.

‘The measure of this new democracy,’ the report says adding that, ‘will be its willingness to protect, rather than persecute, the messengers.’

The story of the Sir Ketumile Masire Teaching Hospital is not one of bad intentions, nor of negligence. It is the story of a highly specialised institution designed to sit at the very top of Botswana’s health system a quaternary referral and teaching platform suddenly thrust into the centre of public expectation as though it were simply another general hospital ready for walk-in demand.

In late January 2026, government communication signalled that services would be relocated to SKMTH from early February as part of a decongestion strategy for Princess Marina Hospital, including major clinical and outpatient components (Daily News Botswana, 2026a). Almost immediately, public narratives began to circulate suggesting that the hospital had ‘failed to function. Patients were reportedly turned away. Some were advised not to pay because specialist services were not yet available. Social media commentary described idle buildings filled with sophisticated machines but no visible activity. There were even suggestions that specialists were not attending to patients.

The frustration is understandable. When a loved one is ill, delay feels like indifference. When a national hospital is presented as ‘ready,’ citizens expect care not explanations.

To understand the moment, one must first understand the history.

The idea of a teaching hospital in Botswana did not emerge in 2026, nor in 2018, nor even in 2010 when construction began. It traces back to the late 1980s, when reducing reliance on externally trained specialists became a matter of strategic national concern. In 1988, government established a Presidential Task Force to examine the feasibility of developing a teaching hospital and strengthening domestic medical education capacity. By 1989, the Task Force had produced its report and recommended proceeding with the development of a national teaching platform (Republic of Botswana, 1989; Sir Ketumile Masire Teaching Hospital [SKMTH], n.d.-a).

Historical scholarship further clarifies that this process was closely linked to what was formally constituted as the Task Force on Medical Education. As part of its work, a benchmarking delegation was dispatched to study international medical training models. That delegation was led by Festinah Bakwena (Bursaries Secretary, Ministry of Education) and included Dr Edward Maganu (Deputy Permanent Secretary and Director of Health Services, Ministry of Health) and Dr Thabo Mokoena (Dean of Science, University of Botswana). Both Maganu and Mokoena are identified as members of the 1988 Task Force on Medical Education (Mgadla and Tlou, 2018).

This initiative was not about institutional prestige. It was a structural response to a human resource dilemma. Botswana required an apex institution capable of delivering advanced specialist care while simultaneously training its own future consultants.

After years of policy deliberation and alignment with the University of Botswana’s evolving medical education strategy, construction commenced in 2010 (SKMTH, n.d.-a). By 2014, core infrastructure linked to the medical school platform had been completed, and the facility’s long-term positioning as a quaternary referral and teaching institution became clearer in strategic intent (SKMTH, n.d.-a).

The facility was formerly associated with the University of Botswana teaching platform formally known as the University of Botswana Teaching Hospital and was renamed the Sir Ketumile Masire Teaching Hospital in 2018 in honour of Botswana’s second President, acknowledging his national contribution and his long service as Chancellor of the University of Botswana (SKMTH, n.d.-a).

Services were never intended to ‘switch on’ all at once. They were to be commissioned in phases. Radiology, notably, was scheduled as the first operational service line, formally opening on 1 September 2022 (The Tswana Times, 2022). The hospital also played a role in COVID-19 era arrangements, reinforcing the view that its infrastructure could support national emergencies even while broader commissioning continued (Mmegi Online, 2020). Today, SKMTH is described as a 450-bed quaternary hospital with state-of-the-art specialty and subspecialty capabilities, explicitly framed as a teaching and research platform not merely an overflow facility (SKMTH, n.d.-b).

And here lies the heart of the misunderstanding.

Botswana’s health system, like most globally, is structured in tiers. Primary care, clinics, health posts, community services is meant to be the first point of contact, absorbing routine illness, prevention, and chronic disease management (WHO, 2018). Secondary care, largely district hospitals, should handle more serious but manageable cases and referred patients. Tertiary care is where major national referral hospitals sit, intended for complex specialist referrals. Quaternary care sits at the apex: advanced subspecialties, high-end diagnostics and therapeutics, and teaching-research integration (WHO, 2010). SKMTH is officially described in exactly these terms as a quaternary hospital with education and research mandates (SKMTH, n.d.-b).

Understanding these tiers is not academic. It determines how patients should be referred and where services should be delivered. When the tiers function properly, patients move through structured referral pathways. When primary care absorbs demand effectively, tertiary hospitals are protected from congestion. When tertiary hospitals function as designed, quaternary institutions can focus on high-complexity care and training.

But when lower levels are weakened whether by medicine shortages, staffing constraints, limited diagnostics, or loss of public confidence demand flows upward. Referral hospitals become default outpatient centres. Congestion becomes structural. And no matter how many new buildings are added, absorption failures in primary and district services will simply migrate pressure to whichever facility appears most functional.

Sir Ketumile Masire Teaching Hospital was never intended to function as a walk-in general hospital. It was designed as a specialised quaternary apex platform. Expecting it to ‘instantly function’ at full capacity immediately after political messaging misunderstands how quaternary institutions operate, especially during commissioning transitions.

Hard truth number one: announcing relocation before full commissioning clarity may generate political momentum, but it also generates public expectation that governance processes have not yet fully stabilised.

Another source of public confusion has been the phrase ‘rent-a-chair,’ used online to describe specialist practice arrangements. The metaphor is emotionally potent. It suggests informality, lack of oversight, perhaps even impropriety. But specialist contracting in modern health systems bears no resemblance to salon space rental.

Globally, specialist services are frequently organised through structured contracting arrangements sessional work, fee-for-service, service-package purchasing, and credentialed practice privileges (WHO, 2010) precisely because specialist medicine is scarce, expensive to train, and variable in demand. In such models, hospitals provide the infrastructure, nursing and clinical systems, governance oversight, and patient safety standards, while specialists provide advanced expertise and assume professional responsibility for high-risk care.

Calling the model ‘rent-a-chair’ risks obscuring the real issues that matter: are services clearly commissioned with defined volumes and standards; are contracts transparent; are referral criteria communicated across the system; and is programme-based budgeting in place so the state purchases services as programmes rather than attempting to govern complex specialist care through public pressure and performance theatre?

The role of political leadership also warrants careful reflection. High-profile visits by national leaders to Princess Marina Hospital and other referral institutions can be powerful demonstrations of commitment. President Advocate Duma Boko’s surprise visit to Princess Marina Hospital in January 2026, for instance, was reported as an effort to appreciate the challenges the hospital faced, including shortages and infrastructure problems (Daily News Botswana, 2026b). These visits matter. They signal visibility.

However, the risk is that political communication can unintentionally reinforce simplistic narratives about institutional readiness. When the public discourse emphasises the presence of large machines scanners, theatres, equipment without equal emphasis on commissioning frameworks, workforce contracting, referral discipline, and operating budgets, it can produce the false belief that machines equal readiness. Machines do not treat patients. Systems do.

Hard truth number two: if leaders are not fully briefed on the operational sequencing of quaternary commissioning, they may speak with confidence while systems remain in transition. That is not a leadership failure. It is an advisory gap.

Public frustration must not be dismissed. Citizens deserve clarity, predictability, and care. But clarity must be structural. Announcements cannot substitute for commissioned services. Public pressure cannot replace contracts. Buildings cannot replace governance.

The story of Sir Ketumile Masire Teaching Hospital is therefore not a story of failure. It is a story of transition.

Botswana’s ambition is legitimate. Training its own specialists, reducing outbound referrals, building advanced care capacity these are marks of a maturing health system. But ambition must be matched with disciplined commissioning, programme-based budgeting, and referral discipline across the entire system. If primary care is strengthened, tertiary hospitals protected, and quaternary services clearly contracted and communicated, the system stabilises. If not, pressure simply migrates upward, and the public will keep re-living the same crisis in a new building.

Sir Ketumile Masire Teaching Hospital stands as a symbol of national aspiration. Whether it becomes a symbol of structural clarity or of misaligned expectation will depend not on machines, nor on headlines, but on governance quiet, technical, deliberate governance.

And governance, unlike announcements, cannot be rushed.

This commentary is offered in the spirit of constructive systems reflection and national dialogue. It does not attribute blame to individuals but seeks to clarify institutional design and governance in the interest of strengthening Botswana’s health system.

The National Amalgamated Local, Central Government and Parastatal Manual Workers’ Union has criticized the government over the appointment of Motlatsi Molapisi as presidential advisor. The union describes the move as opaque, questionable and symptomatic of broader governance failures under the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC).

In a newly released report titled A Clarion Crying Voice: UDC Government Failures, the union claims the appointment was made without public disclosure and raises serious concerns about transparency, public spending and adherence to proper government procedures.

‘As a union we are shocked that his appointment as advisor to the president was not made public,’ the report states.

The workers’ organisation says the Molapisi appointment illustrates what it sees as a growing pattern of controversial governance decisions under the current administration, which it accuses of drifting away from the reformist principles that helped propel the UDC into power during the 2024 general elections.

The union argues that the advisory position raises questions about whether the role was properly budgeted for and whether it is justified at a time when the country is grappling with high unemployment and economic uncertainty.

‘This money could pay 10 or 12 youth per month,’ the report argues.

While the Molapisi appointment forms a central focus of the union’s criticism, the report also broadens its attack to include allegations of corruption, nepotism and abandoned democratic reforms.

According to the union, the government has yet to demonstrate meaningful progress in tackling what it describes as the ‘tripartite ills’ undermining public trust in governance.

‘The UDC government has a lot to do in order to restore Batswana’s confidence on the eradication of the tripartite ills of corruption, nepotism and favouritism,’ the report states.

One of the key concerns raised by the union is the increasing use of direct tender awards without competitive bidding, a practice it argues creates fertile ground for corruption and misuse of public funds. ‘The awarding of direct tenders. has become a major point of contention and pointer to government sponsored corruption,’ the report says.

The union argues that bypassing competitive procurement processes undermines transparency and accountability in public spending. ‘This unorthodox method creates a calculated environment ripe for cronyism and misuse of public resources,’ the report warns.

The publication also points to what it describes as questionable government contracts awarded to companies with limited track records.

According to the union, one example involved a P662 million tender awarded to a company registered only months before the services were advertised. ‘This raises questions about capacity and dubious connections,’ the report states.

Critics within the union say such decisions represent a departure from the accountability and transparency that the UDC promised voters while campaigning for power.

The report argues that the ruling coalition previously criticised similar governance practices under the former administration but now appears to be repeating them. ‘Every time the UDC is cautioned about a potential corruption episode. the current government immediately justifies that by citing what the BDP did previously,’ the report states.

‘Is this not what led to people voting out BDP and replacing it with UDC?’ it asks.

Beyond procurement controversies and disputed appointments, the union has also accused the government of failing to implement key constitutional reforms that were central to its campaign platform. According to the report, the UDC’s electoral victory in 2024 was partly driven by widespread public support for constitutional reform aimed at strengthening democratic institutions.

‘Failure to trigger a comprehensive national constitutional review. is a serious miscarriage of trust to the society by the UDC government,’ the report says.

The union argues that democratic legitimacy depends on inclusive constitutional reform that reflects the will of citizens. It further emphasises that constitutionalism requires governments themselves to remain subject to the rule of law.

‘Constitutionalism simply means government that is not only a creation of the law, but is also subject to the law,’ the report states. The document warns that the failure to pursue meaningful reform risks eroding Botswana’s democratic gains accumulated over decades.

‘This is a contamination and indictment to our democracy and indeed a retrogression on the same after struggling for six decades,’ the report says.

Despite the strong language used in the publication, the union says its intervention is intended to promote accountability and safeguard public resources. The report calls for stronger anti-corruption measures, including the enforcement of asset declarations, improved whistleblower protections and enhanced oversight institutions.

‘With the continuing decline in people’s trust in public authorities, the fight against state-sponsored corruption and nepotism. has never been so important,’ the union states.

The manual workers’ union says trade unions, civil society organisations and citizens must play a central role in demanding transparency and accountability from those in positions of power. ‘The trajectory towards the elimination of corruption. requires a coordinated multi-stakeholder approach,’ the report says.

Botswana’s lucrative beef export market has suffered another blow after the European Union (EU) joined the United Kingdom in imposing restrictions on imports of fresh bovine meat from the country following an outbreak of Foot and Mouth Disease (FMD).

In a new directive, the European Commission amended its regulations to suspend the entry of fresh meat consignments from parts of Botswana previously authorised to export to the EU.

The move follows confirmation of FMD outbreaks in cattle establishments in the North-East District. The development raised fears that the disease could spread and threaten the bloc’s animal health systems.

According to Commission Implementing Regulation (EU) 2026/451, the decision was taken as a precautionary measure due to the risk of the disease entering the European Union through imported meat.

‘The entry into the Union of consignments of fresh meat of certain ungulates from the veterinary disease control zone 3c in Botswana should no longer be authorised,’ the EU states.

Botswana first notified international animal health bodies on January 28 about a suspected outbreak of the disease in cattle, which was confirmed a day later. Additional outbreaks were later detected in five more cattle establishments in the same region.

Four of those outbreaks occurred within veterinary disease control zone 3c which is an area that had previously been cleared to export beef to the EU.

The suspension effectively removes that zone from the list of areas allowed to send fresh meat to the European market.

The EU’s decision comes just weeks after the United Kingdom imposed similar restrictions.

The UK’s Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) announced in February that imports of fresh bovine meat processed on or after December 30, 2025 from Botswana would be temporarily restricted until the extent of the outbreak becomes clear.

The UK warned that the decision was necessary to protect Britain’s livestock sector.

‘Until the extent of the outbreak of disease in Botswana is clarified, imports into Great Britain of fresh bovine meat processed on or after 30 December 2025 from Botswana should be temporarily restricted,’ Defra said in a notification to veterinary authorities.

The restrictions also apply to meat shipped from Botswana but dispatched from cold storage facilities in neighbouring South Africa.

It is understood that Botswana’s beef industry, long regarded as one of the country’s key agricultural export sectors, has historically relied heavily on the European market, where its beef enjoys preferential access under trade agreements.

The EU said the amendments to its import rules were implemented with urgency due to the evolving epidemiological situation in Botswana.

The measures were adopted following consultations with the bloc’s Standing Committee on Plants, Animals, Food and Feed.

Reports indicate that Botswana is now under pressure to contain the outbreak quickly in order to restore export access to one of their most important international markets.

Sunday Standard open source investigation has revealed that when Botswana goes to the 2029 general election, the country’s youth electorate will be the largest in history, and the fate of Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) government may hinge on whether young people can find work.

During the election campaign, the UDC pledged to create 100, 000 jobs within its first 12 months in office and between 450,000 and 500,000 jobs within five years. So far, the first year target has not been achieved, putting pressure on the government to meet the five-year goals before voters go to the polls in 43 months.

By 2029, between 91, 000 and 139, 000 youth voters could be unemployed, depending on whether the UDC government delivers its job creation promises. That represents 21-32 percent of the youth electorate, a group that could decisively swing the election.

According to preliminary results from the Statistics Botswana 2024/25 Multi Topic Household Survey, unemployment among youth aged 15-35 is already 28.9 percent, with young women hardest hit at 30.7 percent. National unemployment stands at 21 percent. The survey revealed that unemployment among people aged 15 and above has increased from 17.6 percent in 2015/16 to 21 percent in 2024/25.

While the increase appears modest, the numbers reveal a structural shift in Botswana’s labour market. Over the past decade, Botswana’s population grew 14.2 percent ro 2.37 million. The labour force grew 21.7 percent and employment increased 16.7 percent. This means jobs are being created, but not fast enough to keep up with the number of people entering the labour market.

If current trends continue and the UDC fails to meet its job creation targets, youth unemployment could rise to 32 percent. About 139, 000 youth voters could be unemployed, representing 32 percent of the youth electorate. National unemployment could climb to 22-23 percent. This scenario would create a large economically frustrated youth voting bloc that could swing the election against government. This would mirror the conditions that contributed to the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) losing in 2024.

In 2024, youth aged 18-35 made up about 32 percent of registered voters and projections indicate that by 2029 they are expected to make up roughly 35-38 percent of registered voters. Many of them will be first-time voters entering the electorate for the first time.

In raw numbers, in 2024 about 370,000 youth voters were registered. By 2029, roughly 420, 000 – 450,000 new young voters could enter the electorate. This means the youth vote alone could be enough to swing the election.

If the definition of youth is extended to 18-39, they made up around 45 percent of registered voters in 2024 and the figure is expected to go up to 48 percent by 2029. So if you include up to 39, roughly half the electorate will be youth.

If the government successfully creates the promised 450,000 to 500,000 jobs by 2029, youth unemployment could fall to around 21 percent. About 91,000 youth voters could still be unemployed, representing 21 percent of the youth electorate. Total employment however, could rise to 1.25-1.30 million, dramatically reducing national unemployment. Although an estimated 91,000 youth voters would still be unemployed, the UDC would go to the 2029 election having delivered the largest job creation expansion in modern Botswana history.

The long-distance bus industry is facing renewed scrutiny after labour inspections uncovered widespread violations involving excessive working hours, unpaid overtime and denial of rest days for employees.

The issues surfaced in Parliament last week following a question by Maun East MP Goretetse Kekgonegile, who asked the Ministry of Labour and Home Affairs to brief the House on labour conditions in the sector.

In response, the ministry acknowledged that it has not yet conducted comprehensive inspections across the entire long-distance bus sub-sector. Instead, authorities have relied largely on spot checks aimed at assessing compliance with labour laws.

Labour Minister Pius Mokgware said the inspections have revealed several recurring problems affecting workers in the industry. These include failure by employers to pay overtime, unauthorised salary deductions, denial of rest days and the requirement for employees to work extended hours that may lead to fatigue.

According to Mokgware, the problems reflect broader compliance challenges within parts of the transport sector.

Botswana’s Employment Act stipulates that employees should not work more than nine hours in a single day or exceed 45 hours in a five-day working week. Any additional hours must be compensated at an overtime rate equivalent to one and a half times the worker’s normal hourly wage.

Drivers in the long-distance bus industry are classified as skilled employees, meaning their remuneration is expected to reflect their level of responsibility, experience and technical ability.

Mokgware said disputes relating to working hours and pay have been recorded, with non-compliance attributed partly to misunderstanding of labour legislation and, in some instances, exploitative practices by employers. Government said labour reforms introduced under the Employment and Labour Relations Act of 2025 aim to strengthen worker protections and address concerns raised about working conditions in the sector.

Botswana’s unemployment rate has increased to 21 percent, reflecting continued pressure in the country’s labour market as more people enter the workforce.

Preliminary results from the 2024/25 Botswana Multi Topic Household Survey released by Statistics Botswana show that the unemployment rate among people aged 15 years and above has risen from 17.6 percent recorded in the 2015/16 survey.

The survey shows that while employment has grown over the past decade, the number of people looking for work has also increased.

Statistics Botswana estimates that the employed population rose to 804,663 in 2024/25, compared with 689,528 recorded in 2015/16.

During the same period, the labour force expanded to 1,018,099 people from 836,734 previously.

The survey also indicates that youth unemployment remains high. The unemployment rate among young people aged between 15 and 35 increased to 28.9 percent, compared with 25.1 percent recorded in 2015/16.

Young women recorded a higher unemployment rate of 30.7 percent while young men stood at 27.2 percent.

The report further shows that the country’s extended unemployment rate, which includes discouraged job seekers who are willing to work but are no longer actively searching, declined to 27.3 percent from 32.5 percent in the previous survey.

Statistics Botswana says the findings provide an early picture of labour market conditions and will help inform policy discussions around employment creation.

First Capital Bank Botswana has launched a new cross-border payments platform that will allow customers to receive money from across the Southern African Development Community region in real time, positioning the lender at the forefront of regional payments integration .

The service, known as Transactions Cleared on Immediate Basis (TCIB), enables instant, secure and lower-cost transfers for high-volume, low-value transactions. The bank said it is the first in Botswana to receive cross-border payments through the TCIB platform, marking a shift from traditional transfers that can take days to clear .

The rollout initially supports transfers from South Africa to Botswana through SendHome, and from Zimbabwe to Botswana via ZB Bank, with the system designed to accommodate multiple SADC currencies as participation expands.

Thatayaone Nicholas Matlapeng, Country Head of Retail Banking, said the solution is aligned with SADC governments’ push to strengthen regional payments integration and advance financial inclusion. By reducing settlement times and transaction costs, the platform is expected to benefit migrant workers, small traders and families who rely on frequent cross-border remittances .

First Capital Bank Botswana is part of FMBcapital Holdings Plc, a regional banking group with operations in five SADC markets and total assets of more than US$2 billion. Locally, the bank employs over 250 staff and serves more than 38,000 customers .

The introduction of TCIB adds competitive pressure in Botswana’s banking sector, where lenders are racing to modernise payments infrastructure amid growing demand for faster and more affordable digital transactions.

I want to draw on two anecdotes that make me doubt the extent to which we, i.e., Botswana, are willing to modernise our public service delivery platforms. There is a lot of talk about modernising and providing services online, but the level of our commitment to fulfilling that mission raises some questions.

And I want to highlight those anecdotes which I recently noted. The first is the long queue that they had at the Main Mall Post Office. This was a queue of beneficiaries of the Old Age Pension, and it was really strange that. you would. make people queue for that long. If, truly, we want to modernise our systems, then it is more convenient to pay directly into pensioners’individual accounts. Alternatively, there are other payment methods. We could, for instance, pay through their mobile payment systems. Why that is. not being done is a mystery.

The second anecdote, again, concerns the government. There are several cases where they allow you to pay online but still demand a hard copy of the proof of payment. This then begs the question of the value of paying online if you now have to worry about submitting a hard copy.

As I said, these are two anecdotes, there might be unfair to conclude on the government willingness to embrace technology to improve services. And I understand that.

So if we really want to modernise our systems and automate them, then going online must mean going online. You cannot go online, but then insist that you want, uh, a hard copy of proof, to prove that indeed, the transaction has been made online. That comes across. like double-handling. So the fact of the matter is that it’s either one or the other but not both. There have been several instances where the public is. allowed to pay online. But then you still have the government asking for physical copies of proof of payment. That is just unfortunate.

You also have cases where. email is still not really considered as a form of formal communication or invitation. For example, when they invite you for a formal meeting via email, they will still double that invitation with a letter. So, effectively, they invite you twice. And that is unnecessary, and also costly. Because we have written an email spending time on that email. And then following that email with a letter. Which is delivered physically. Even if they don’t deliver it, the fact that a letter, say, is accompanying an email is unnecessary. So that’s. is where we are.

By being tentative, the government is missing out on an opportunity to tap into technology to improve services. Doing so also helps the government to raise productivity, especially given the scarce resources. It also helps to reduce costs

This is the time to do more with less. And there is no reason why. We should ignore the benefits that come along with it, allowing most of our services to be provided online.

Botswana’s universal Old Age Pension (OAP) which has long been regarded as a vital safety net for the elderly is now under severe pressure as poverty, unemployment and limited social protection force pensioners to support entire households.

This is according to a newly released study by Family Care giving Programme for Older Persons in Southern Africa titled ‘Older Persons and Community Care in Botswana.’

The study notes that despite an increase of the universal old age pension for all Botswana citizens aged 65 and above from P830 to P1,400 per month in 2025 following ascendancy to power by the Umbrella for Democratic Change, challenges and hardships still persist.

It states that older person households rely heavily on the OAP and ‘given the fact that more than one in two older person households has no income from employment.’

Highlighting the growing financial burden placed on pensioners, the study says’In such instances, the OAP is often stretched across more family members.’

Botswana’s elderly population, defined as those aged 60 and above, stood at 189,522 in 2022, representing eight percent of the national population. The study noted that lowering the pension eligibility age to 60 would bring in nearly 58,899 additional beneficiaries, a 30 percent increase further intensifying pressure on the system.

The findings paint a stark picture of hardship. Just over 20 percent of older persons still rely on public taps or rivers for water, while 18 percent have no access to toilet facilities. ‘Given the poor access to basic services, many older persons will need assistance in managing everyday activities such as collecting water, cooking, or walking outside to go to the toilet. This increases the care need,’ the report says.

Energy poverty is another major challenge, with 64 percent of older persons relying on wood for cooking and 42 percent for heating.

‘The over reliance on wood for cooking, heating, and lighting makes it more challenging for older persons to carry out everyday activities such as eating and walking and leaves them exposed to greater risks,’ the study warns.

Health and disability further compound the situation. The report found that visual impairment affects one in three older persons, while one in four suffer leg impairments. Nearly five percent cannot perform basic daily activities without assistance.

Despite the availability of health facilities, access remains difficult.

‘Services at the health facility are challenging due to the shortage of staff which result in long waiting times,’ the study says, adding that many elderly people cannot endure long queues without assistance.

Social protection beyond the OAP remains limited. Only 26 percent of elderly households benefit from school feeding schemes, 15 percent from destitute programmes, and 14 percent from the Ipelegeng initiative.

The study argues that Botswana’s ageing population is increasingly vulnerable and warns that without expanded support the pension system will continue to carry a burden far beyond its intended purpose.