Category: The Bangkok Post

Later this October, Kuala Lumpur will host a series of Asean events at the leaders’ level, including the East Asia Summit, bringing together key policymakers at a time of global transformation.

For over a quarter of a century, Russia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) have nurtured a unique partnership that has not only stood the test of time but has also evolved into a strategic pillar of regional stability. Today, as the international order transitions towards multipolarity, our dialogue partnership represents a model of how states can cooperate on the basis of equality, mutual respect, and shared benefit. Russia regards Asean as a central element of the Asia-Pacific architecture and a trusted partner. In turn, Asean has consistently welcomed Russia’s constructive role.

The formalisation of Russia-Asean relations began in 1996, when Russia became a full Dialogue Partner of Asean. This marked the beginning of a structured, long-term relationship that soon encompassed a wide range of political, economic, and socio-cultural dimensions. Milestones such as the 2005 Kuala Lumpur Summit, the 2016 Commemorative Summit in Sochi, the 2018 Summit in Singapore and the 2021 Summit (online) provided further impetus for strengthening cooperation.

The designation of Russia-Asean relations as a Strategic Partnership in 2018 was a recognition of accumulated trust and shared objectives. It signalled our joint commitment to address pressing regional and global issues, including security, development, education, science, and culture. Importantly, the partnership has always been premised on Asean centrality — a principle that Russia fully respects.

The Comprehensive Plan of Action to the Asean and Russia Strategic Partnership (2021-2025) is being actively implemented. There are numerous joint projects and programmes in the fields of culture, sports, education and science. The advanced law enforcement training courses to explore the Russian experience in combating terrorism are being conducted annually for the experts of Asean countries.

An important area of Russia-Asean cooperation is strengthening ties between our young generations. In this context, we organise youth summits. In 2024, the first Asean-Russia Young Diplomats Summit took place in Sochi.

In the past years, Russia and Asean have faced an array of challenges that no single nation can address alone. The Covid-19 pandemic tested the resilience of our societies, economies and healthcare systems. Russia was among the first to offer vaccines and scientific collaboration, while Asean partners engaged actively in sharing best practices, thereby demonstrating the practical value of solidarity.

Since 2024, Russia has officially become an Asean Digital Partner. It is a significant step towards the development of technological innovation and digital cooperation between Russia and Asean.

Russia and Asean have consistently highlighted the need for cooperative solutions, rejecting unilateralism and coercive measures that undermine sustainable development.

Transnational crime, terrorism, and threats to security in the use of ICTs further underscore the importance of coordinated responses. The Asean-Russia Joint Working Group on Counter-Terrorism illustrate how our partnership contributes to regional security beyond rhetoric. The Asean-Russia Dialogue on ICT Security-related Issues is successfully functioning to combat online scam call centres and other crimes with the use of ICTs.

Russia and Asean countries share a common vision. It is an approach of a multipolar world based on sovereign equality and inviolability of international law. It is precisely this convergence that allows our partnership to flourish. We do not dictate to one another — on the contrary, we engage in dialogue. We do not seek to create exclusive blocs; we build bridges.

In this regard, Russia’s concept of the Greater Eurasian Partnership proposed by President Vladimir Putin offers a framework for linking integration processes across the continent — from the Eurasian Economic Union to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Brics and Asean.

Rather than replacing existing mechanisms, it aims to create synergies, reduce fragmentation and promote connectivity in trade, energy, infrastructure and people-to-people contacts. Russia’s support for Asean centrality, neutrality and inclusiveness directly serves this objective.

Leaders’ meetings in Kuala Lumpur are a good opportunity to reflect on the journey of our partnership and its broader implications. In today’s turbulent world, the Russia-Asean dialogue partnership is more than a success story; it is a role model of relations in a multipolar world.

Looking ahead, Russia stands ready to continue working hand in hand with Asean partners to build a just, balanced and sustainable regional and global order. Our shared future depends not on confrontation but on cooperation, not on dominance but on dialogue. This is the message Russia brings to Kuala Lumpur — and to the broader Asia-Pacific community.

Apple Inc is preparing to expand its manufacturing operations in Vietnam as part of a push into the smart home market and an ongoing effort to lessen its dependence on China.

The company is developing a range of new home devices for next year, including indoor security cameras and a display designed to control appliances and serve as a house-command hub.

A more advanced tabletop robot – capable of using motors and sensors to move – is slated to follow in 2027.

All three products are on track to be built in Vietnam, a major change in how Apple approaches a new product category, according to people with knowledge of the matter.

The company has typically built new devices in China before adding production elsewhere or shifting it to another location.

For the home hub and the robot, the company is teaming up with BYD, the Chinese company best known for its electric vehicles but increasingly involved in Apple’s hardware supply chain.

BYD will handle what’s known as final assembly, testing and packaging. That’s the stage where devices are built, tested and prepared for shipment to customers and retail stores.

The company is also planning to expand its manufacturing of iPads with BYD in Vietnam, said the people, who asked not to be identified because the initiatives haven’t been announced.

The tech giant already produces some iPads, AirPods, Apple Watches, Macs and older HomePods in the country. A spokesperson for the Apple did not respond to a request for comment.

The expansion underscores Apple’s growing reliance on Vietnam as a key production centre. The company has been diversifying away from China as it copes with rising geopolitical tensions, ongoing threats of tariffs and the risk of supply chain disruptions.

However, Apple won’t escape tariffs by moving manufacturing to Vietnam. Products imported from that country face a 20% levy under the reciprocal tariffs announced July 31 by the Trump administration.

India, meanwhile, has become a base for US-bound iPhone production. And Apple builds some products, including Macs, in Malaysia and Thailand.

The hardware for Apple’s new home hub – a roughly 7-inch square-shaped display – was completed nearly a year ago. The product was originally slated for a March 2025 debut, timed to coincide with a revamped version of the Siri voice assistant. But the underlying AI software was postponed, prompting Apple to delay the hardware as well.

After scrapping launch targets in June and October, Apple is now aiming to introduce the device in the spring of 2026.

The new Siri, currently planned for March, will allow users to get answers from the web – as they would using ChatGPT or another chatbot – and have more precise control over actions inside apps. That should make it useful for a device aimed at controlling appliances, music and communications within a home.

There are two versions of the home hub. One, code-named J490, has the display mounted on a speaker base. It resembles a screen-equipped version of the HomePod mini. The second, dubbed J491, is designed to be hung on a wall. Development of the wall-mounted version wrapped up after work on the standard tabletop model.

Both devices will include a FaceTime camera and a software interface that dynamically adjusts depending on who is using it. The software will recognise users when they approach the display, similar to the adaptive behaviour of Amazon’s latest Echo displays. Development began in 2023.

Apple has targeted a price of around $350 for the new device. That would be about $50 more than the full-sized HomePod, and still far above competing products from Amazon and Google.

Apple’s operations teams have been exploring ways to reduce manufacturing costs in hopes of bringing the price down, either for the initial release or subsequent generations, the people familiar with the matter said.

The indoor security camera, code-named J450, is planned for release as soon as the end of next year.

Apple is also planning production for the tabletop robot, which resembles the home hub display but sits on a motorised arm capable of moving the screen around a user’s workspace or kitchen.

The motor system has had engineering challenges, and the company has sought to find compelling AI uses for the device. That’s pushed out the current timeline to roughly two years from now.

Apple is targeting a price in the several-hundred-dollar range, reflecting the high cost of the robotic components and associated development costs. The initiative traces its roots to Apple’s now-shelved self-driving car project, which included a team focused on robotics.

The company is also working on a robotic arm for manufacturing and has explored mobile robots similar to the Amazon Astro.

Beyond its motion capabilities and an upgraded, more conversational version of Siri, the tabletop robot will feature a roughly 9-inch display – about the size of an iPad. That will be bigger than the home hub’s screen.

Both devices will use low-cost LCD panels supplied by Tianma Microelectronics Co, rather than Apple’s latest display technology.

A monk hanged himself at a temple on Wednesday morning, leaving behind a farewell letter apologising to his parents for the trouble he had caused.

Police said the man, aged 39, was a local resident before entering the monkhood. He was found hanging by his neck from a bar on the wall of his living quarters.

A handwritten note addressed to his family expressed apologies to his parents and relatives for causing them distress. He did not want his mother to harm herself, and the fault was his alone, the note said.(continues below)

Investigators said the other monks had noticed his absence from the morning meal. They checked his quarters and discovered his body.

Police found no signs of struggle and said the initial assumption was that he killed himself because of personal problems. The family had not raised any suspicions over his death.

After post-mortem examination, his body would be released to relatives for funeral rites, police said. No names or other details were released.

A 59-year-old man has been arrested in Tak province for alleged involvement in the trafficking of two young girls to serve Chinese customers at a karaoke bar in Myanmar.

The suspect was identified as Aniphop. His full name was withheld by police.

He was arrested on two charges of human trafficking and sexual exploitation of a minor under 15 years, Pol Maj Gen Witthaya Sriprasertphap, commander of the Anti-trafficking in Persons Division, said on Wednesday.

Mr Aniphop was detained on Tuesday by police armed with a court warrant on a road in Mae Sot district of the northern province of Tak, which borders Myanmar. He is accused by the guardians of two girls, aged 13-14, who were earlier lured into working in a karaoke bar in Myanmar.

According to the complainants, the girls were made to provide sexual services for Chinese customers, working from 8pm to 3am daily. They were told they would each have to pay 8,000 baht for their freedom, Pol Maj gen Witthaya said.

Their parents transferred money to the bar and made sure the girls had returned home safely before reporting the crime to police.

Mr Aniphop initially denied the charges, saying he was not involved in the trafficking network. Police assert they have ample, explicit evidence and will press the charges.

The investigation is ongoing, Pol Maj Gen Witthaya said.

Fabricio Andrade ‘believes’ he could beat the UFC’s dominant champion Merab Dvalishvili – and prove he’s the best bantamweight on the planet.

The ONE Championship titleholder returns to action at ONE Fight Night 38 in Bangkok on December 7, defending his belt against Mongolia’s Enkh-Orgil Baatarkhuu after another lengthy layoff.

Still just 28, Andrade feels the next stage of his career is about legacy – not only in ONE but globally.

‘I can still do a lot of things in MMA,’ told the Bangkok Post. ‘My goal is to put myself as the best bantamweight in the world. Right now I’m the champion in ONE. You always want to be the best in your division – this is my goal.

‘A lot of people talk about other promotions’ champions, but I think they also need to mention me. I defeated John Lineker, who was top three in UFC, and I beat him twice. So I think I should be considered one of the best in the world.’

Andrade praised Dvalishvili’s remarkable 2025 run, which included four title defences. Though a hypothetical cross-promotional match remains unlikely, he believes he could find a way to crack the Georgian’s code.

‘Of course, now we have a guy, Merab – nobody understands how to beat him. He’s probably the best bantamweight today,’ Andrade said. ‘If I say, ‘It’s gonna be easy,’ I’d be crazy. But I believe in myself. To beat a guy like him, you need a very good strategy and to work very hard – but I have to believe I’m the best bantamweight in the world.

‘If one day I had the opportunity to fight him, I’d say I would win – because I believe in myself.’

For now, his focus is on defending his belt in style – and doing so against a wrestler will give him the chance to showcase his evolving ground game.

‘I’ve been fighting more strikers, so now I can show my grappling skills too,’ he said. ‘If I finish him, it would be a good win and then I’m in that conversation [for best in the world].’

It will be Andrade’s first fight since January, when he blitzed South Korea’s Kwon Won Il in just 42 seconds at ONE 170 inside Impact Arena. That was his first bout in 15 months – and his first title defence – and he’s determined not to let another year slip by.

‘It’s not ideal to stay so long waiting, but finally I’ve got a fight,’ Andrade added. ‘He’s a good opponent coming off good wins. I just want to fight and defend my belt. It doesn’t matter who it is – I’m going to finish them.’

Andrade remains open to future challenges, including a long-discussed showdown with Stephen Loman or even a crossover fight with Jonathan Haggerty, who once teased a move into MMA after beating Andrade for the vacant kickboxing belt.

‘I’d like to fight Loman, but you can’t go for the belt after a loss,’ Andrade said. ‘He needs to get a win first – but he’s a deserving opponent, and once he does, that fight makes sense.

‘If Haggerty starts fighting MMA, he could be a potential opponent – but you can’t go straight for the title without fighting first. Give him an MMA debut, then it’s easy to make it happen.’

For now, the ‘Wonder Boy’ just wants to stay active.

‘I want to fight three times a year – that would be perfect – but I’m going to need more opponents,’ he said. ‘I’m the champion here, I’ll defend this belt many times again, and I’m going to keep putting my name out there.’

India is optimistic about completing the long-awaited India-Myanmar-Thailand (IMT) Trilateral Highway in the next two to three years, despite the challenges in Myanmar, says the Indian Ministry of Development of the North Eastern Region (DoNER).

During a recent familiarisation visit to India by a delegation of Southeast Asian journalists, the DoNER showcased its development initiatives in northeastern India and underlined India’s commitment to enhancing regional connectivity.

DoNER Secretary Chanchal Kumar addressed questions regarding the IMT Highway, which has faced delays due to political unrest in Myanmar.

“We expect the trilateral highway to be completed within two to three years,” he said.

The IMT Highway, also known as the Friendship Highway, is a 1,360-kilometre, four-lane road connecting Moreh in India’s Manipur state to Mae Sot in Thailand’s Tak province via Myanmar.

The project is a key component of India’s “Act East” policy and aims to strengthen trade and connectivity under the Asean-India Free Trade Agreement, which came into effect on Jan 1, 2010.

Progress on the highway has been incremental. A 160km stretch of the India-Myanmar Friendship Road linking Moreh to Myanmar’s Tamu-Kalemyo-Kalewa region was inaugurated in February 2001. Currently, construction is underway on the 120.74-kilometre Kalewa-Yagyi section, as well as 69 bridges along the 149.70-kilometre Tamu-Kyigone-Kalewa portion.

India has also proposed extending connectivity further through an India-Vietnam highway under the East-West Economic Corridor, aiming to link the broader Southeast Asian region.

“We want to reach the southern part of Southeast Asia, including Malaysia and Singapore. But first, we need to complete the northern segment,” Mr Kumar said.

“Our desire for comprehensive connectivity is very much there.”

Regarding the timeline, Mr Kumar said discussions are ongoing with the Myanmar government through its ambassador to India.

“If the situation in Myanmar improves, the highway could be completed even earlier,” he added. However, he acknowledged political instability could still pose delays.

“This is an international project involving foreign governments, so it’s essential to take their concerns into account,” he said.

“While we remain optimistic, we understand that unforeseen circumstances may affect the timeline.”

An inflation rate falling short of the central bank’s targeted range is not a barrier to economic growth, insists the Bank of Thailand.

A central bank statement noted Thailand’s headline inflation over the past 12 months, as well as projections for the next 12 months, remain below the Monetary Policy Committee’s (MPC) target range of 1-3%.

Headline inflation averaged 0.5% over the past 12 months and it is expected to remain low, assuming global crude oil prices stay subdued for a while due to rising supplies, the regulator said.

Under an agreement between the Finance Ministry and the MPC in December 2024, the target inflation range was set at 1-3%.

The central bank issued an open letter to the ministry on the rate missing the target range, partly to communicate with the public and maintain confidence in price stability.

“Inflation was below the target range due to supply-side factors, primarily in the manufacturing sector, and does not pose a hindrance to economic growth,” the central bank stated in its letter.

The weak inflation over the past year was mainly driven by declines in energy and fresh food prices. Energy costs fell in line with global oil prices, noted the regulator.

This trend reflects global economic concerns and ongoing government cost of living relief measures, added the central bank.

“The low inflation does not indicate deflation and has helped ease living costs. It is not expected to trigger a deflationary spiral that would discourage consumers from spending on goods and services in anticipation of further price declines,” noted the regulator.

Despite a slight slowdown, private consumption grew by 2.5% in the first quarter and 2.1% in the second quarter of this year, according to the statement.

The central bank continues to monitor inflation to ensure it is not too high or too low in the medium term, which would affect the economy and the competitive environment.

The regulator said risks include: a slowdown in inflation due to falling prices of goods and services, which could keep medium-term inflation outside the target range; fluctuations in global energy prices caused by geopolitical tensions; and adjustments in production chains and heightened competitive pressures from the evolving trade environment on prices.

According to Commerce Ministry data, the headline consumer price index fell for the sixth consecutive month in September, declining 0.72% year-on-year.

The main contributor was a decrease in energy prices, including electricity and fuel, driven by the government’s cost of living relief measures as well as falling energy prices in the global market.

Core inflation, which does not include energy and fresh food categories, rose by 0.65% year-on-year in September.

From January to September, headline inflation dropped 0.01% year-on-year, with core inflation increasing by 0.9%.

Although US President Donald Trump’s protectionist trade policies dominate news headlines, they are far from the only forces shaping global production. New investment patterns have been reshaping the global economic landscape since well before Mr Trump’s tariffs.

Nowhere is this more evident than in flows of foreign direct investment. According to the latest World Investment Report from United Nations Trade and Development, FDI inflows to Europe, South America, and much of Asia declined in 2024. By contrast, FDI flows to Africa surged by 75%, to US$97 billion (3.1 trillion baht), while those to Southeast Asia rose by 10%, to $225 billion.

Behind these trends lies a broader restructuring of multinational supply chains, which are steadily shifting towards Southeast Asia, Eastern Europe, and Central America. Consequently, FDI patterns are also changing: while the US, Japan, and China remain the largest outward investors, the Middle East has emerged as a major source of FDI.

Flush with oil revenue, the Gulf Cooperation Council countries — Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates — invested roughly $113 billion in Africa in 2022 and 2023, dramatically expanding their economic footprint on the continent. Most of this capital has gone into logistics and infrastructure projects, as well as oil and gas.

The centre of gravity, however, is rapidly shifting towards China, especially in green investment. A new report from the Net Zero Industrial Policy Lab highlights the scope of Chinese outward FDI, showing how China’s push into clean energy is boosting its economic influence.

The report finds that Chinese firms have invested more than $220 billion in 387 projects across 54 countries since 2022. According to the report, Chinese investments are largely driven by firms’ search for market access and reliable supplies of raw materials.

While Asean countries remain the leading destination for such projects, the Middle East and North Africa’s share rose sharply to over 20% in 2024; Latin America and Central Asia also attracted a significant share of Chinese FDI.

Importantly, this wave of Chinese FDI is not led by state-owned enterprises but by private companies that have relied neither on large loans from state-owned banks nor on subsidies from host governments.

Taken together, these developments signal a new phase in China’s global economic expansion. Unlike President Xi Jinping’s state-led Belt and Road Initiative, profit-oriented investments reflect both supply-side pressures — such as industrial overcapacity within China — and demand-side dynamics, with recipient countries increasingly tying market access to value-added processing.

Given that the full impact of these projects will become clear only years from now, many observers could be caught off guard. While Chinese exports and extractive investments have often been viewed as threats to industrialisation in recipient countries, the current wave of manufacturing FDI has the potential to strengthen domestic production, create jobs, and promote broader development goals.

To be sure, China is not in the business of philanthropy. FDI — whether from the West, China, or the Gulf — is profit-driven, and sometimes motivated by rent-seeking. It can deliver significant benefits, but it also carries risks.

As always, much depends on the policies adopted by host countries. Encouragingly, some export-oriented developing economies appear to have learned from Indonesia, where the government compelled Chinese firms to generate more domestic value-added production as a condition for investment.

That said, even Indonesia’s relative success has not translated into higher real wages and better working conditions. Welcoming FDI is not enough; host countries also need stronger domestic regulation, public intervention, and regional cooperation to ensure that the gains are broadly shared.

A similar demand was at the heart of the 1955 Bandung Conference, hosted by Indonesia, which called for a fairer global economic order and greater cooperation among Asian and African countries.

But fulfilling the Bandung Conference’s call requires more than profit-driven investment. It requires governments that are willing to work together to develop markets that serve societies, not just shareholders.

The Bhumjaithai (BJT) Party has warned that the charter amendment bills proposed by the Pheu Thai Party and the People’s Party (PP) lack protections for Chapters 1 and 2 of the current constitution and risk violating the charter.

A joint sitting of parliament was held on Tuesday to deliberate on three constitutional amendment bills proposed by the PP, BJT, and Pheu Thai. All three seek to amend the constitution by introducing a new Chapter 15/1 concerning the drafting of a new constitution.

Parit Wacharasindhu, a list MP from the PP, explained the core principles of his party’s charter change bill, which proposes the establishment of 135 constitution drafters.

The process would establish a 35-member Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) responsible for drafting the new charter, and a 100-member Constitution Drafting Advisory (CDA) Council to collect public opinions. CDC members would be chosen from party-list-style candidate groups of 17-70 individuals. The entire country would serve as one constituency, where voters elect 70 candidates, from whom parliament would select the final 35 members.

Advisory Council members would be directly elected by voters in each province, with one to five representatives depending on population. Each province would form its own constituency.

Mr Parit said that the PP’s bill maximises public participation while complying with Constitutional Court rulings. It also stipulates that the new constitution must preserve Thailand’s unity as an indivisible kingdom and maintain a democratic system with the King as head of state.

However, Korawee Prisananantakul, a BJT MP for Ang Thong, said that the charter amendment bills proposed by Pheu Thai and the PP carry a significant risk of contravening the Constitutional Court’s ruling. This concern arises from the fact that both bills propose that members of the CDA be directly elected by the people in the initial stage before being shortlisted by parliament. This process may conflict with the Constitutional Court’s decision, which prohibits the direct election of CDA members by the public.

He further noted that neither bill explicitly guarantees that Chapters 1 and 2 of the 2017 Constitution, which concern the indivisibility of the kingdom and the monarchy, will remain untouched. Chapter 1 of the constitution contains sections that define Thailand as a single, indivisible kingdom with a democratic regime and establish the King as the head of state. Chapter 2, meanwhile, outlines royal prerogatives. In particular, the PP’s bill is complex and does not even establish a formal CDA. Instead, it only proposes a 35-member CDC responsible for drafting the new constitution.

Chousak Sirinil, a list MP from Pheu Thai, insisted that Pheu Thai has no intention of amending either chapter.

Thailand’s SEA Games squad produced a disciplined performance to hold China’s U23 side to a 0-0 draw in a Fifa Day friendly at the Kunming Haigeng Training Center on Tuesday.

The Thais started brightly and almost struck inside two minutes. Iklas Sanron broke down the left and squared for Thanakrit Chotemuangpak, whose effort grazed the side netting.

Near the 30-minute mark, another chance surfaced for the visitors, but Yotsakorn Burapha’s shot was deflected wide.

The visitors thought they had the breakthrough in the 36th minute when Auttapon Sangtong slipped a pass to Yotsakorn, who finished from close range only for the assistant referee to raise his flag to rule it offside.

After the break, a couple of more opportunities were wasted when Iklas’ shot was deflected by a Chinese defender in the 76th minute and Yotsakorn sent his effort sailing over the bar six minutes later.

Thailand U23 team coach Thawatchai Damrong-ongtrakul expressed satisfaction with the opportunity to test several new players in the friendly against China.

“We tried out many players I had never worked with before and they all performed well. For many of them it was their first time playing abroad, and they handled it admirably. This gives us more options to consider for upcoming tournaments,” he said.

Thawatchai praised the spirit and resilience of his squad but added: “We still have many things to fix, but I appreciate this group of players.”

Looking ahead, the coach said: “Our next target is the 2025 SEA Games, but this warm-up with China gave us a lot. We will also face them again in the AFC U23 Championship, so applying what we learned here will be valuable.

“When we adapt these experiences to matches against Asean opponents, it should help us improve further.”

The Thai U23 squad will return home this afternoon, and the coaching staff will get down to work again for training plans for the 2025 SEA Games, hosted by Thailand from Dec 9-20, and the 2026 AFC U23 Asian Cup finals in Saudi Arabia from Jan 6-24.