Category: The Bangkok Post

The previous government’s soft power initiatives are facing calls to be cancelled on grounds of a lack of clear, measurable outcomes and misinterpretation of the concept entirely.

Senator Alongkot Worakee, chair of the Senate Committee on Budget Oversight, called on the government to drop all soft power initiatives. The committee will summon agencies from nearly 12 ministries every Monday until Oct 30 to clarify their budget allocations under the soft power framework.

“Soft power isn’t just Lisa (Blackpink) eating grilled meatballs and posting about it — that’s marketing. What we’re seeing now is just event planning,” Sen Alongkot said, criticising the current approach as superficial and ineffective.

While procurement processes may be legally sound, the underlying concept is flawed.

“We’re spending hundreds of millions on events without any real evaluation. If you organise an OTOP (One Tambon One Product) fair, how do you measure its success? Why isn’t there a central system to assess impact, like a cashier in a department store?” he asked.

The government, Sen Alongkot said, should redirect the budget to more tangible infrastructure, such as building border fences along the Cambodian frontier.

Last year, the soft power scheme received a five-billion-baht budget and included plans to develop festivals and events, such as the Maha Songkran Water Festival.

Sen Alongkot said the failure lies with the previous administration’s misguided incentives. “The entire soft power budget allocation should be scrapped. It’s a waste of public funds,” he said.

As the global shift towards renewable energy accelerates, Thailand continues to emerge as a key player in the region’s clean energy transformation. Building on this momentum, SKYWORTH, a leading global technology group with more than 37 years of expertise in the electronics industry, has expanded beyond smart home appliances and intelligent systems into the renewable energy sector through the launch of SKYWORTH Photovoltaic (SKYWORTH PV). The company now delivers comprehensive solar energy solutions – from modules and inverters to energy storage systems, mounting structures, and EPC services – serving both residential and commercial customers.

Most recently, SKYWORTH PV announced a strategic partnership with Solve System (Thailand), a provider of innovation-driven energy solutions. The two companies have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) for a 120MW solar project and a 30MW Solar Home strategic cooperation, reinforcing renewable energy development across the ASEAN region with Thailand as the central hub of operations. This collaboration reflects not only confidence in Thailand’s potential but also the enduring friendship between Thailand and China as both nations work together towards a cleaner, more sustainable future.

Strengthening Bilateral Energy Cooperation

Ms Wanfei Qu, Chief Investment Officer of SKYWORTH Group, Director and CEO of SKYWORTH PV, and President of SKYWORTH Renewable Energy (Thailand) Co., Ltd., highlighted the significance of the partnership: ‘It is my great honour to be here today at this important moment, as China and Thailand celebrate the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Over the past five decades, our two countries have built a deep friendship and robust cooperation. I firmly believe that clean energy will be one of the most promising areas for us to move forward together. This partnership is more than a signing – it is a symbol of trust, shared values, and a shared vision. Together with our Thai partners, we will write a new chapter in clean energy cooperation between China and Thailand.’

Through this partnership, SKYWORTH PV will supply solar products, services, and technical support, while Solve System will drive local operations across the region. The collaboration aims to deliver maximum benefits to Thailand by offering clean, affordable, and reliable energy supported by local expertise and efficient installation. It is also expected to boost brand awareness, encourage wider adoption of solar technology, and empower Thai consumers to embrace sustainable living – reducing reliance on the grid, lowering costs, and promoting energy independence.

Expansion and Future Goals

Looking ahead, Ms Qu outlined SKYWORTH PV’s future plans: ‘Over the next three to five years, we plan to expand into larger-scale commercial and industrial projects, integrating advanced energy storage and digital monitoring systems. We are also seeking to strengthen R and D collaboration and extend our presence into neighbouring ASEAN markets. Within the next one to two years, we will pursue additional strategic partnerships and enhance brand awareness through seminars, workshops, and training, enabling households and businesses to embark on their green energy journey with SKYWORTH solar solutions.’

Local Expertise and Long-Term Impact

On behalf of Solve System, Mr Tan Pinthanon, Managing Director of Solve System Group, emphasised the company’s strategic role: ‘Our strength lies in our deep understanding of local and regional markets, supported by well-established distribution channels. With extensive experience in the solar energy sector, we are committed to helping customers access clean energy and achieve true energy independence. Partnering with SKYWORTH – a company with over 37 years of experience, a strong reputation in Asia, and a robust supply chain – creates the perfect synergy to drive Thailand’s solar industry forward.’

Since establishing its Thailand subsidiary earlier this year, SKYWORTH PV has made significant progress in the local market. In July, the company formed strategic partnerships with ICBC (Thailand) and Olympus Capital, supporting cross-border green finance and clean energy investment. The new cooperation with Solve System and Hermis Property marks another milestone in SKYWORTH PV’s efforts to deepen its presence in Thailand and accelerate its localisation and large-scale development strategy – solidifying the company’s continued expansion in the Southeast Asian market.

‘The 120MW project and 30MW Solar Home initiative represent more than just business,’ Mr Tan added. ‘They embody our shared mission to accelerate Thailand’s transition to clean energy. By combining advanced technology with local expertise, we aim to make renewable energy more accessible, reliable, and affordable for all – strengthening energy independence, reducing carbon emissions, and supporting Thailand’s long-term sustainability goals.’

Thailand needs a “third way” party that blends tradition with reform to end two decades of cyclical social and political conflict, says Suvit Maesincee, former minister of higher education, science, research and innovation.

He called for a new political alternative that transcends Thailand’s entrenched ideological divide.

Writing on his Facebook page, he proposed the creation of a party that harmonises traditional values with reformist ideals, arguing that such a synthesis could become a “game changer” for the future.

“For over two decades,” he wrote, “Thai politics has been trapped in a vortex of conflict between conservatives who cling to tradition and progressives who demand reform. The result has been polarisation, economic stagnation, and a divided society stripped of its creative energy.”

He identified Thailand’s so-called “deep state” as a key driver of this gridlock — a network of entrenched power, he said, that uses traditional values as a shield for vested interests rather than as a guiding principle for the common good.

At the same time, many reformist movements, he said, have pushed change too aggressively, failing to appreciate the depth of Thai cultural roots — and thereby provoking fierce backlash.

He proposed what he called a “third path” for Thai politics — not merely a centrist compromise, but a new political synthesis that draws on the strengths of both sides.

Tradition, he said, must serve as the foundation of national stability and identity, while reform must act as the creative force driving the country’s transformation in the modern world.

He argued that a party capable of walking this delicate line would not just be a “mediator” between extremes, but a genuine “game changer” that transforms the entire political order.

Such a party, the former minister said, would move Thailand from ideological politics to principle-based politics, from power struggles to collaborative nation-building, and from the protection of narrow interests to inclusive prosperity for all.

“The future of Thai politics will not change as long as we remain trapped in choosing between two extremes,” he said.

A senior corrections officer in this northeastern Thai province shot dead his former wife and her new partner before turning the gun on himself in a violent confrontation at official prison housing on Saturday night.

Police said the incident occurred around 7.50pm at a staff residence inside Nakhon Ratchasima Central Prison in tambon Nai Muang of Muang Nakhon Ratchasima. Officers and rescue workers arrived to find one man dead and two people seriously injured.

The gunman, identified as Nattapong Kliangpiboon, the prison department’s director, was found dead outside the house with a 9mm handgun beside him. Inside, officers discovered Trakul Phanchai, the prison’s nursing director and Nattapong’s ex-wife, and Wichit Thongsing, a recently appointed prison warden who had been in a relationship with her.

Initial police investigations revealed that the three had been arguing before Nattapong opened fire on the couple. Wichit reportedly returned fire with a .38-calibre handgun, resulting in a brief shootout that left Trakul and Wichit fatally wounded. Nattapong was slightly wounded after the gunfight. He shot himself to death to escape arrest.

Paramedics tried to resuscitate Trakul and Wichit and rushed them to Maharat Nakhon Ratchasima Hospital, but they were later pronounced dead.

Police said jealousy was the motive. Nattapong was reportedly furious that his former wife had begun a new relationship with Wichit, a recently transferred officer at the same prison.

A nearby resident who asked to be named as Ram said he and his family were eating at a barbecue restaurant across the street when they heard multiple gunshots, causing panic among diners.

A group of armed men robbed a gold shop, stole gold ornaments worth about 24 million baht and shot a soldier at a Big C shopping centre in Sungai Kolok district Sunday night.

The robbery happened at the Big C Sungai Kolok branch on Pracha Wiwat Road at 6.30pm Sunday. Officials said a group of about eight armed men arrived at the shopping centre in two Toyota and Isuzu pickup trucks which they had earlier stolen from two villagers in Sungai Padi district.

The robbers opened fire in the shopping centre and a soldier was shot while he was buying supplies. The injured man was identified as Sgt Burit Radachai. He was sent to Sungai Kolok Hospital.

Road spikes and a suspicious object were placed at a U-turn in front of the Big C store while the robbers escaped from the scene.

Officials estimated the stolen gold ornaments were worth about 24 million baht.

The political winds appear to be shifting once again, and the Bhumjaithai Party (BJT) is emerging as the most likely beneficiary although the party’s ability to sustain its edge hinges on strategy it is set to craft.

Once regarded as a mid-sized party whose strength depended largely on regional networks and political brokerage, the party is now touted by academics and political insiders as being in prime position to do well in the next election, possibly crossing the threshold of 100 parliamentary seats, up from 68 now, and consolidating its role as a national power broker.

Yet beneath the momentum lies a critical question: can BJT transform itself from a vote-pulling “catch-all” machine reliant on defectors and patronage into a truly sustainable political institution capable of governing over the long term?

Failure and political space

Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political scientist at Burapha University, said the most important factor behind BJT’s current momentum is not merely its own rise but the decline of its long-time rival, the Pheu Thai Party.

“For the first time in two decades, since the founding of (now-defunct) Thai Rak Thai (TRT), public confidence in the Shinawatra political brand has been shaken in a way never seen before,” Mr Olarn argued.

“The failures of Thaksin Shinawatra, Srettha Thavisin, and Paetongtarn Shinawatra (as prime ministers) have left Pheu Thai vulnerable.” TRT is the predecessor of the Pheu Thai.

He pointed to the Thai-Cambodian dispute, which has fuelled public doubts about the sincerity of Pheu Thai’s handling of national security issues. Combined with longstanding resentment toward Thaksin and disillusionment with Pheu Thai’s governance record, these crises have created fertile ground for BJT’s positioning as a more credible alternative.

The erosion of Pheu Thai has also coincided with the visible decline of other conservative-oriented parties such as the Democrat Party, United Thai Nation, and Palang Pracharath.

Many voters view these parties as “pseudo-conservative” entities with little ideological clarity. This vacuum, Mr Olarn said, has opened the way for BJT to present itself as a “blue nationalist” force.

Role of ‘baan yai’

Another dynamic boosting BJT’s fortunes is the migration of political clans, known as baan yai (political dynasties), into its ranks. The Constitutional Court’s ruling disqualifying Ms Paetongtarn as prime minister and the subsequent parliamentary vote enabling BJT to form a government accelerated this trend.

“The baan yai knew which way the wind was blowing,” Mr Olarn said. “They realised that aligning with BJT offered more political advantages, and as a result, the party grew almost overnight.”

Looking forward, the academic warned that corporate monopolies and powerful business groups may increasingly shift their support toward BJT, making the party even more attractive to baan yai defectors.

However, he also cautioned that such strength carries risks: “When many power brokers converge, it creates internal bargaining and factionalism. We have witnessed this before with TRT. The goal for Bhumjaithai will be not only to gain power but to manage it sustainably.”

For Mr Olarn, the sustainability of BJT’s rise depends on three key conditions.

First, Pheu Thai must continue to weaken. If the Shinawatra family fails to preserve its power base, MPs will continue to defect.

Second, BJT must refine its ideological positioning. “Right now, it has not clearly defined its long-term policy stance. If it can rebrand itself as a modern conservative party — grounded in stability, order, and pragmatic governance — it could transform into a truly sustainable force,” Mr Olarn said.

Third, the party must strike a balance in distributing benefits among defecting baan yai. If left unresolved, internal disputes could destabilise the party.

Finally, he stresses the critical need for BJT to use its current time in government, however brief, to strengthen its base among grassroots voters and lower-middle-class constituencies, traditionally loyal to Pheu Thai. By delivering tangible benefits to these groups, the party could gradually erode Pheu Thai’s historic electoral dominance.

Cautious optimism

Mr Olarn predicts BJT could secure “around 120 seats” in the next election, though likely not more than 150 of the 500 House seats up for grabs. The majority would come from constituency races, given the party’s strong regional networks. Party-list seats, however, remain a weak point.

Such an assessment is echoed by Stithorn Thananithichot, a lecturer at Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of Political Science, who foresees BJT securing “a little over 100 seats, but not exceeding 120.”

The lecturer pointed out that while BJT enjoys advantages from being in government for four months, its party-list appeal remains limited.

“People still look at BJT as a party dominated by baan yai. That brand alone does not inspire confidence among voters who prefer issue-based politics. Unless the party develops a stronger ideological appeal, it cannot count on a surge in party-list support.”

Nevertheless, he acknowledged that BJT’s status as the ruling party gives it short-term advantages: control of ministries, budgetary allocations, and visibility. “Even four months in government can provide resources to build networks and deliver patronage,” Mr Stithorn said.

Both analysts agreed that BJT does not need to introduce complex or ambitious policies during its short tenure. Instead, it should focus on simple, highly visible populist measures that contrast with Pheu Thai’s perceived failures in government after more than two years in power.

The government is moving ahead with the reintroducing or expanding of the popular Khon La Khrueng (co-payment) scheme to spur public spending, which could reach an estimated 17 million people.

“Such a programme does not require innovation. It only needs execution, and people will remember who delivered the benefits,” Mr Stithorn said.

Other policy areas could include basic cost-of-living relief, regional economic initiatives, and border management–all designed to show responsiveness without overpromising.

Party’s own perspective

Boonjong Wongtrairat, a core member of BJT and ex-deputy interior minister, said the party faces a historic opportunity but also a serious test.

“What we have to contend with is how to spend the next four months proving to the people that we are capable of solving real problems,” he said. “If people see for themselves that we are genuine in addressing bread-and-butter issues, they will reward us at the ballot box.”

Mr Boonjong said that the influx of MPs into BJT is barometer of political realities: “MPs want to be in a stable party, a ruling party that can deliver resources to their constituencies. That is why many knock on our door. But ultimately, the people decide. If we do not deliver, they will turn away.”

The underlying question has to do with whether BJT can transform its newfound leverage into long-term stability.

Mr Stithorn argued BJT is better positioned than Palang Pracharath Party, which relied too heavily on “power suction” without building a solid base. BJT, by contrast, has networks at the tambon and provincial levels.

“At minimum, BJT can remain a large party for two consecutive terms,” he said. “This election could make them a government leader, and if they perform adequately, they will not fade away quickly. In many ways, they are now replacing Pheu Thai as the central force in Thai politics.”

But analysts insisted sustainability will depend on whether BJT can rise above being a merely vehicle for baan yai and defectors. To do so, it must cultivate younger politicians, broaden its appeal, and build an image that resonates beyond transactional politics.

The Pheu Thai Party will unveil its first set of candidates for next year’s election at an event next Tuesday, secretary-general Sorawong Thienthong said.

He said on Saturday the launch will demonstrate the party’s readiness for the next general election, which, according to Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul, may take place after the House dissolution some time before Jan 31.

The event will also outline the party’s election campaign strategy, which Mr Sorawong said has been planned with public participation at every stage.

Former prime minister and current party leader Paetongtarn Shinawatra will deliver the keynote address. Her speech, Mr Sorawong added, will underscore the party’s readiness to “overhaul” both the organisation and the nation’s future.

He said the party’s campaign strategy was shaped by public input as well as feedback from insiders and outsiders.

“Those criticisms have prompted internal discussions and reforms aimed at improving the party. We aim to serve as the people’s true representatives — politically reliable and accountable — hence the importance of this event,” Mr Sorawong said.

The launch will be held at 1.30pm next Tuesday at the party’s headquarters and livestreamed on its Facebook and YouTube channels.

Meanwhile, party-list MP Anusorn Iamsa-ard addressed speculation over a decline in Pheu Thai’s popularity, insisting the party has the full potential to regain ground despite challenges.

He pointed to what he called the party’s “edible democracy” policies — including the 30-baht universal healthcare scheme and the community fund — along with its strong leadership structure, as evidence of resilience.

Rejecting claims the party is in crisis, Mr Anusorn said Pheu Thai remains committed to its role as the opposition, prioritising the public interest while holding the government to account.

“As the opposition, we will continue to find ways to communicate our policies and maintain voters’ trust. Working beyond the four-month deadline is a non-issue — the party can work for the people anywhere,” he said.

Mr Anusorn also voiced confidence in Ms Paetongtarn’s leadership.

“She has ample time to refine policies, which will help make the party a reliable choice for the public once again,” he added.

The noise started before sunrise.

By 7.30am, lines of Myanmar flags snaked around Lumpinee Stadium as thousands of Burmese fans waited to see Aung La N Sang one last time.

When he finally emerged, wrapped in red, yellow, and green, accompanied by Burmese rock legend Lay Phyu singing his long-time walkout anthem Amae Like Akah, the wristbands handed to every spectator flashed those same colours in perfect rhythm.

And when the 40-year-old finished Sweden’s former ONE welterweight MMA champion Zebaztian Kadestam with a barrage of punches in the second round, the roar that followed was deafening – a sound that seemed to shake the steel roof itself.

Moments later, Aung La removed his gloves, placed them on the canvas, and brought an era to a close.

It felt like déjà vu. In October 2019 at ONE Century in Tokyo, Aung La had stopped Brandon Vera in the second round to defend his ONE light heavyweight title.

The atmosphere then was the same wall of sound – thousands of Myanmar supporters inside Japan’s Ryogoku Sumo Hall, chanting his name as he rained down calm, calculated punches.

That was the night I first met him. I handed him the event programme this week in Bangkok – something I’d kept through six years, multiple Hong Kong apartments, and countless drawers.

‘You’re making me blush,’ he said, his voice wavering just slightly.

Back then, his wife Katie was pregnant with their second child. Today, their family is complete in Florida – where, during the Lumpinee broadcast, cameras showed his four children cheering in front of the television before their father closed the show.

Aung La nearly retired once before. After suffering a head-kick knockout to Russia’s Shamil Erdogan in Qatar in February, he began untying his gloves – then stopped. He knew it couldn’t end there.

‘I had to go out in front of my Burmese fans,’ he told me earlier this week. ‘They’d either be cheering me on or carrying me out of that arena.’

On Saturday, they did the former as he made one last walk to the back.

‘I felt good,’ he said afterwards. ‘I know why he knocks people out – he hits so hard, man. Look at my face. But I was able to impose my game plan, control the fire, and be in that heat. That’s my kind of fight.’

The crowd had already been emotional earlier in the night when a tribute video aired: messages from friends, coaches, and rivals including Vera, Martin Nguyen, and his family. ‘I said I wasn’t going to cry,’ Aung La laughed in the clip – then teared up anyway as Nguyen, his best friend and former two-division champion, spoke.

When Kadestam dropped to his knees under fire, the script was perfect. The same second round. The same precision. Henri Hooft, his longtime coach at Kill Cliff FC in Florida, no doubt shouting from the corner his mantra: ‘KISS’ or ‘keep it simple, stupid’. Aung La did just that – one last time.

‘I’m a professional fighter, bro,’ he said. ‘Nothing else fazed me in there. Just focus. Be in the moment.’

Indeed, pressure never seemed to get to him.

From the early days of ONE’s rise, Aung La carried an entire nation on his shoulders. A gold statue stands in his honour in Myanmar.

After debuting in 2014, he became the promotion’s second simultaneous two-division world champ – following Nguyen – winning the middleweight and light heavyweight MMA belts on home soil in Yangon, and shaking the foundations of the Thuwunna National Indoor Stadium.

Every subsequent fight night back home felt like a public holiday; cafés and teashops fell silent as millions tuned in.

He defended both titles before losing them to Reinier de Ridder – who now looks destined to fight for the UFC middleweight crown. But even as younger contenders emerged, Aung La’s popularity never faded.

Asked about those defeats, he smiled. ‘Life is about proving yourself to yourself. I don’t need anybody’s validation. I’m 40 years old. I know who I am. If I’m good with God, I’m good with everybody else.’

He has seen how far the sport has come. ‘You have killers in ONE Championship,’ he said. ‘And the next generation in Myanmar – they’re going to be amazing. I’m nothing compared to the next generation.’

One of those up and comers, atomweight Muay Thai star Vero Nika, flew to Bangkok to support him and pay her respects. She told the Bangkok Post backstage that Aung La paved the way for her and so many others to compete on the international stage. ‘We didn’t know how to do it. He showed us.’

Another, Thant Zin, bowed at his feet in the hotel lobby after the fight, and hugged his idol. Aung La patted the young fighter’s chest and gave him some precious words of advice.

Outside Lumpinee after the show, the chants continued long after the doors closed. ‘Aung La! Aung La!’ echoed through the concourse. When he finally appeared – still in his fight shorts, cupping a bag of ice in his bruised hands – he was swarmed by hundreds one final time.

‘The Burmese fans . I’m going to miss them,’ he said quietly. ‘No fans like the Burmese fans.’

The man who united a fractured nation through sport walked out into the early Bangkok afternoon, smiling, arms raised high.

He was humble in victory, gracious in defeat. And in every sense, he helped build ONE Championship itself.

Surely, an induction into the Hall of Fame now beckons. But even that would only partly capture what he means to the millions who followed his journey.

For me, it was personal. Without Aung La N Sang, I might never have had a career covering this sport. That first shaky interview with a handheld camera in Tokyo became my starting point. His fans never stopped supporting him – or me.

This week, I asked him to be my daughter’s godfather. He said yes.

The pride of Myanmar. The Burmese Python.

He embodied this company’s vaunted values of ‘integrity, humility, honour, respect, courage, discipline and compassion’ – and we are all better for having known him, watched him, and listened to his words.

With millions of Thais suffering from or at risk of serious mental disorders, it is undeniable that mental health problems have become a crisis demanding urgent action.

Health promotion agencies and academic institutes have sounded the alarm for years about the rise in mental health problems among Thai people of all ages.

Despite these warnings, the issue has not gained the necessary traction among policymakers and the general public. The result is more people, particularly the young, are struggling with psychological distress and disorders.

Dr Thananan Numsang, from Phraram 9 Hospital, recently underscored the gravity of the issue. Citing the Department of Mental Health (DMH), the psychologist said mental health problems are increasing at an alarming rate.

DHM data shows that over 1.5 million Thais are suffering from depression, with significantly more having high-risk symptoms but remaining undiagnosed.

When accounting for high stress and suicide risk, the total number of people affected would comprise a substantial portion of the population. As mental health professionals indicate, the actual number is likely much higher, as it excludes those who are suffering in silence — who remain unaware of their condition or avoid seeking help due to social stigma.

This is not just a health concern; it is critical societal and economic ailment that the country can no longer afford to overlook.

According to the DMH, an average of four people attempted suicide every hour in 2024. Overall, more than 5,000 people committed suicide last year, a tragic rate of 7.89 per 100,000 people.

The highest number of deaths occurred among two groups: working adults aged 20-59, followed by seniors aged over 60.

Even more alarming is the data on youth: the suicide attempt rate among teens aged 15-19 reached 136.4 per 100,000 people — the highest of any age group in the country.

But what is truly devastating is the profound lack of accessible care. The number of psychologists — about 800 in the entire country, or a ratio of about 1.2 per 100,000 people — is woefully inadequate to care for the rapidly increasing number of patients.

At present, patients who have to rely on public hospitals could have to wait four to six months for service. The high cost and long duration of treatment are also a major deterrent.

A patient often requires regular visits over the course of nine months to a year, even up to five years in some cases. The total financial burden, which can range from to 5,000 baht to 50,000 baht a month, is unaffordable for many working-class Thais.

This financial and logistic wall explains why the DMH reported that for every 100 patients seeking help, only about 28 gain access to treatment. This means more than 70% of mental health patients are left in the dark, their conditions untreated and their risks unaddressed.

The situation is not unique to Thailand. The World Health Organization (WHO) recently reported that over one billion people globally are living with mental health disorders, with conditions such as anxiety and depression inflicting immense human and economic tolls worldwide.

Suicide remains a leading cause of death among young people across all countries and socioeconomic backgrounds, and global progress in reducing this mortality has been too low, according to the WHO.

Psychologists attribute stress as the leading cause of mental problems. Over the past few years, the Covid-19 pandemic coupled with economic and social disruptions have intensified pressure on certain groups, including working adults, first-jobbers and entrepreneurs.

Dr Thananan said another worrying trend is burnout, which can grow silently and gradually develop into severe conditions similar to depression. Furthermore, heavy reliance on social media can cause feelings of inadequacy that manifest as afflictions like eating and relationship disorders, both increasingly prevalent among Gen Z.

Evidently, the crisis demands more than just awareness campaigns, or free online tests. It requires action to expand treatment access, increase the number of qualified mental health professionals, genuinely de-stigmatise mental problems — especially in the media — and implement preventive measures in every community.

It is true that mental health problems affect not just the patient, but everyone around them. Tackling them requires a collective and genuine effort, starting with a clear acceptance of the severity of the problems.

A comprehensive, well-funded and well-structured action plan is needed to stem the tide of suffering and safeguard people’s mental wellbeing.

Northern civil networks have called on Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul to solve the longstanding Mekong basin pollution, putting forward a 10-point action plan.

The networks from Chiang Rai and Chiang Mai have submitted a letter to Mr Anutin, urging immediate action on transboundary pollution affecting the Kok, Sai, Ruak and Mekong Rivers.

The petition highlights concerns over illegal upstream mining in Myanmar and calls for a plan to monitor soil and rice crops across 100,000 rai of farmland potentially contaminated with heavy metals.

Rakdao Pritchard, coordinator of the network for river protection, said the letter was also addressed to Deputy Prime Minister and Agriculture Minister Capt Thammanat Prompow and Deputy Prime Minister and Natural Resources and Environment Suchart Chomklin, as well as Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow.

The group cited pollution from rare earth and gold mining operations in Myanmar’s Shan State as the root cause of heavy metal contamination in tributaries of the upper Mekong. Demands in the 10-point proposal were outlined in the letter.

Alternative raw water sources must be secured for regional waterworks in Chiang Rai due to arsenic and barium traces in tap water.

New water sources must be provided for village water systems in Mae Ai district, Chiang Mai, and upgrade systems in at least 30 villages across affected districts. Soil quality must be tested in 12,000 rai of floodplain in Tha Ton, Mae Ai, and inspections of rice crops in 100,000 rai of irrigated farmland before harvest are also needed.

Provincial heavy metal testing centres are to be established in Chiang Rai and Chiang Mai to monitor water, soil, crops, aquatic life and human exposure.

All mineral imports from Myanmar must be suspended until proven free of pollution-linked origins. Sediment trap dam projects must be cancelled due to a lack of scientific evidence and adverse impacts on farmland and ecosystems. A joint task force of government, academics and civilians must be formed to close illegal mines, monitor contamination, compensate affected communities, and restore river ecosystems.

Formal negotiations with Myanmar and China must be launched to demand accountability for cross-border mining pollution. Crisis communication systems must be improved to ensure inclusive access to information across ethnic and remote communities.

Power purchase agreements from the Pak Beng hydropower dam in Laos must be delayed until environmental impact studies confirm safety, especially regarding sedimentation risks in the Mekong reservoir.

Meanwhile, Mr Suchart announced plans to visit Khao Yai National Park on Oct 5-6, followed by a field inspection of the Kok River pollution crisis in Chiang Rai on Oct 9.

“I’m committed to addressing environmental issues that affect people’s lives from birth onwards,” Mr Suchart said.