Category: The Bangkok Post

A Myanmar air force plane dropped six bombs on a border village in Myanmar near the Phu Nam Ron permanent border checkpoint in Muang district on Friday in a second round of airstrikes. No casualties were reported.

The fresh attack occurred at about 8.15am. A K-8 fighter jet dropped three sets of bombs, totalling six, targeting suspected positions of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) Brigade 4, opposite the Phu Nam Ron border checkpoint in tambon Ban Kao of Kanchanaburi province.

The fighter jet also opened fire with machine guns. No casualties or damages were reported.

The latest attack follows an incident on Wednesday when three Myanmar air force planes -two twin turbo-prop Y-12s and one K-8 fighter jet – dropped bombs on the Ban Ticki community in Metta district of Dawei, opposite the border checkpoint in tambon Ban Kao or about 1-2 kilometres from the Thai border.

The airstrike forced some 300-400 residents – mostly Myanmar nationals of Karen and Mon ethnicity – to flee towards the frontier to seek temporary shelter on Wednesday. On the following day, the situation appeared to calm with no further air operations reported

The second round of airstrikes has sparked concerns among border communities and Thai authorities.

Thai troops from Lat Ya special task force, paramilitary rangers from the 14th Ranger Regiment, local officials and police from Muang district station were placed on full alert along the border.

Nearly six decades after its founding, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) finds itself back where it began — divided, uncertain, and vulnerable to the influence of major powers. Once hailed as a model for regional cooperation in the developing world, Asean now faces a crisis of purpose. Unless it can rediscover the unity and collective way forward that defined its early decades, Southeast Asia’s flagship institution risks slipping into irrelevance.

Asean’s first two decades were marked by pragmatic unity. Born amid Cold War rivalries and regional instability, the grouping managed to strike a delicate balance between national sovereignty and collective purpose. Its guiding principles — non-interference in domestic affairs of fellow member states and consensus-based decision-making — kept peace within the bloc and allowed each other to focus on economic development.

By the 1990s, Asean had transformed itself into a regional leader. It helped launch the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (Apec) forum in 1989, created the Asean Free Trade Area (Afta) in 1992, and established the Asean Regional Forum (ARF) in 1994 to promote dialogue and security cooperation. Even after the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, Asean pressed on with new initiatives such as Asean Plus Three and, later, the East Asia Summit in 2005 — a bold attempt to include all major Indo-Pacific powers under one diplomatic umbrella.

This was the high point of what became known as “Asean Centrality” — the idea that the region’s strategic balance revolved around Asean-led mechanisms and the grouping’s convening authority. The formation of the Asean Defence Ministers’ Meeting (ADMM) in 2006 and its expanded ADMM-Plus in 2010 underscored Asean’s role as the convener and consensus-builder of Asia’s security architecture.

But cracks soon appeared. In 2012, under Cambodia’s chairmanship, Asean failed to issue a joint communiqué for the first time in its history. The cause was the South China Sea dispute — specifically, disagreements over China’s assertive maritime claims. Beijing’s growing power, coupled with economic dependence among some Asean members, splintered the bloc’s unity. That same year, President Xi Jinping rose to power and unveiled the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a sweeping global infrastructure and trade strategy that expanded China’s influence across Asia.

For Southeast Asia, the BRI brought roads, ports, and investment — but also debt, dependency, and strategic vulnerability. The external pressures mounted as global events intensified: the US-China rivalry hardened; Myanmar descended into civil war after the 2021 coup; Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine and the Israel-Hamas conflict divided member states along political and religious lines. The once-cohesive Asean now finds itself paralysed by internal divisions and external shocks.

No issue illustrates Asean’s weakness more starkly than the crisis in Myanmar. Nearly five years since the coup, the junta — rebranded as the State Security and Peace Commission — has been unable to consolidate its seizure of power. Resistance forces, including the National Unity Government (NUG), People’s Defence Forces (PDF), and a range of ethnic armed organisations (EAOs), now control large swaths of territory representing more than half of the country.

The Three Brotherhood Alliance — comprising the Kokang, Ta’ang, and Arakan Armies — has become the most effective military coalition. China, meanwhile, maintains deep ties with ethnic forces in Shan and Kachin states while protecting its own interests in ports, pipelines, and cross-border trade routes. For Beijing, Myanmar’s collapse into fragmentation poses a security risk.

Beijing has thus backed the junta’s plan to hold elections in December 2025 and January 2026 in pursuit of a semblance of order under its watch. But for the vast majority of Myanmar citizens, these polls will be a sham. Asean now faces a daunting dilemma of engaging the junta and legitimising it or standing aside and thereby ceding influence entirely to China.

The United States, distracted elsewhere, has dialled back support for Myanmar’s anti-coup resistance. Without sustained backing, the NUG and EAOs outside China’s orbit may lose momentum. If that happens, Myanmar’s fate — and by extension Asean’s credibility — may well be decided in Beijing. Malaysia, as Asean chair this year and the Philippines and Singapore in 2026-27, will need to take the lead in reshaping Asean’s engagement. The Five-Point Consensus has failed. A new approach — one that fosters dialogue, power-sharing, and humanitarian relief — is urgently needed.

As if Myanmar were not enough, Asean in 2025 faced its gravest intra-regional crisis yet, namely a border war between Thailand and Cambodia. In five days of fighting in late July along an 800-kilometre frontier, both sides deployed war-grade weaponry, resulting in at least 43 deaths, hundreds of injuries, and more than 300,000 displaced civilians. Ironically, Asean itself was born in 1967 partly to prevent such intramural conflicts, following Indonesia and Malaysia’s Konfrontasi clash. Yet six decades later, an intra-Asean war has erupted — shaking the bloc’s core foundations.

A fragile ceasefire was achieved only after US intervention. Under the Putrajaya Agreement, both sides agreed to halt hostilities amid threats from US President Donald Trump to suspend tariff talks. Subsequent Asean-brokered negotiations in Kuala Lumpur produced a 13-point truce, but tensions remain high. Worryingly, nationalist sentiments are intensifying on both sides. Unless Asean deploys peacekeepers — not just observers — renewed conflict is a real risk.

Between the fires of Myanmar’s civil war and the Thai-Cambodian confrontation, Asean now faces its most dangerous period since its founding. The addition of Timor-Leste as a new and 11th member will also dilute the group’s cohesion. Beset by internal conflict and external competition, the organisation must act decisively to preserve what remains of its unity and central regional role.

If it cannot, Asean risks becoming a hollow shell — an institution that still holds meetings and issues statements, but no longer shapes outcomes. The immediate challenge is to undertake urgent reform or risk irrelevance. That Asean remains Southeast Asia’s one and only agency on the international stage should behove and prompt member states to close ranks and enact a major internal shake-up.

Chulalongkorn University (CU) is the only higher education institution in Thailand to have risen in the latest global rankings, though it still lags well behind its regional counterparts.

CU was in the 501-600 group of the World University Rankings this year, moving up from the lower tier of the 601-800 cluster, according to the results from Times Higher Education released on Thursday.

Thailand’s top university, Chulalongkorn University (CU), performed better in the latest global rankings in the areas of teaching, research quality, industry engagement and international outlook. However, it saw a decline in the research environment category, which includes factors such as research budgets and the number of publications.

Mahidol University maintained its position as Thailand’s sole representative in the 601-800 group, while King Mongkut’s University of Technology Thonburi retained its place in the 801-1,000 tier.

The rankings highlighted that Thai universities continue to trail behind their counterparts in Singapore and Malaysia, facing growing competition from Vietnam.

The National University of Singapore remained Southeast Asia’s top institution and 17th globally. In Malaysia, Universiti Teknologi Petronas in Perak and the University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur led the way, both ranked in the 201-250 band.

Vietnam’s University of Economics Ho Chi Minh City was placed in the same 501-600 tier as CU, with three other Vietnamese universities also listed among the world’s top 1,000 -one more than Thailand.

Globally, the University of Oxford in the United Kingdom retained the top spot for the tenth consecutive year, followed by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in the United States. ‘Oxford retains the number one spot for the tenth consecutive year, driven by strong research environment scores,’ Times Higher Education said.

Tsinghua University in China was Asia’s highest-ranked institution at 12th place, though the report noted that its position has stagnated for three years.

‘The performance of Asia’s top universities has stalled for the first time in 14 years in the Times Higher Education World University Rankings, while the US continues to decline even before the effects of the Trump administration’s attacks on higher education show up in the data,’ the publication said.

This year’s rankings assessed 2,191 universities across 115 countries and territories.

The Ministry of Public Health has launched a pilot programme requiring migrant workers to purchase health insurance, aiming to reduce the state’s healthcare burden and strengthen disease control along border areas.

The pilot service centres have been established in Tak, Mae Hong Son, Kanchanaburi, and Ratchaburi provinces.

The initiative follows Public Health Minister Pattana Promphat’s policy to expand health insurance coverage for migrant workers as part of the ministry’s “Quick Win” strategy to lower national medical expenses and improve public health protection.

Deputy Public Health Minister Worachot Sukhonkhachon said during the launching event yesterday that the one-stop service centres in the four border provinces provide health check-ups and access to health insurance for refugees and migrant workers, in collaboration with the Interior and Labour ministries.

To enhance efficiency and security, the ministry is developing a central digital system called the FDH-Migrant Platform, which will link migrant health insurance data with national databases such as the Health Insurance for Non-Thai People System.

The platform will also support biometric identity verification, electronic medical certificates, and online insurance purchases.

The government will next week review procedures for holding a referendum on whether to cancel the Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) signed with Cambodia in 2000 and 2001, to ensure the public is fully informed, Foreign Affairs Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow told parliament.

During a parliamentary session yesterday, Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut, leader of the opposition People’s Party, questioned the government’s intentions and process in seeking a referendum on revoking the MoUs covering land and maritime border demarcation.

He cited a recent Nida poll indicating nearly 70% of respondents lacked understanding of the MoUs, yet still supported a public vote.

Mr Natthaphong stressed the importance of educating the public before any vote, highlighting the need to balance transparency with protecting sensitive information from reaching Cambodia.

He asked how the government would provide comprehensive, unbiased information, assess potential impacts from cancelling the MoUs, safeguard national interests, and prevent legal action from private concessionaires if the 2001 MoU were revoked.

Mr Natthaphong also queried whether the referendum would proceed if procedural flaws or lack of transparency risked invalidation, and if alternatives to a referendum had been considered.

Mr Sihasak responded to the questions, stating that an effective foreign policy must incorporate input from all sides, including the opposition, and that public participation is vital in matters concerning sovereignty and territorial integrity.

He noted that discussions had already taken place in parliament and welcomed the debate, adding that Cambodia was likely to be closely monitoring developments.

“Conducting a referendum requires careful consideration of public communication, information disclosure, and remedies for affected private parties,” he said.

“Next week, Deputy Prime Minister Bowornsak Uwanno will convene a meeting to review procedural steps. All constructive opinions will be considered, and a clear roadmap will be reported to parliament.”

Imprisoned former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra could serve as an English teacher for fellow inmates, according to Pol Lt Col Prawut Wongseenin, director-general of the Department of Corrections.

He said the 76-year-old former premier is likely to be assigned to an education programme, such as teaching English to inmates, rather than doing physical labour, given his age, when asked about the possibility of Thaksin taking part in community service.

Thaksin’s daughter Paetongtarn, also a former prime minister, recently suggested that her father might be assigned to oversee a drain cleaning project, but prison officials said he had not been behind bars long enough to qualify for outside work.

Pol Lt Col Prawut said it is still unclear when a work assignment could begin, as it must proceed in accordance with prison regulations.

He declined to comment on Thaksin’s application for a second royal pardon, saying only that it would follow legal procedures. Both the current justice minister and his predecessor reportedly have vetoed the idea.

A Corrections Department source said that inmates seeking sentence suspension generally must serve at least two-thirds of their sentence, but those aged over 70 can apply after doing at least one-third of their time, or six months, whichever is longer.

Such applications are reviewed by a committee that meets once a month, the source said, adding that the regulations involving sentence suspension apply to all inmates.

Bangkok is stepping up the enforcement of its public smoking ban to better protect residents and tourists from the dangers of secondhand smoke.

Prof Dr Prakit Vathesatogkit, a health expert and member of the National Tobacco Products Control Committee, on Thursday revealed that he and Dr Chayanan Sithibusaya, Director of the Tobacco Products Control Office at the Department of Disease Control, raised the issue during a meeting with Bangkok governor Chadchart Sittipunt.

Prof Dr Prakit stressed that cigarette smoke is among the most harmful indoor air pollutants. And while Thailand has had anti-smoking laws since 1992, enforcement in Bangkok remains inconsistent, he added.

The city has over 1.2 million smokers and hosted more than 32.4 million visitors in 2024, about 20% of whom are smokers, he noted.

In response, Mr Chadchart reaffirmed the city’s commitment to a health-friendly environment, highlighting its designation as a “Healthy City” by the World Health Organization (WHO) in October 2024.

The recognition was based on Bangkok’s progress in health promotion and disease prevention.

The Bangkok governor said that the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration will step up the enforcement of the Tobacco Products Control Act BE 2560 (2017) and the 2018 smoke-free zone regulation.

Violators face fines of up to 5,000 baht.

To strengthen enforcement, Bangkok will invite experts from Iloilo City in the Philippines, known for its successful tobacco control measures, to provide guidance on local ordinances and the creation of a dedicated enforcement unit.

About 20 officers will be tasked with ensuring compliance.

Citing Article 8 of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, Prof Dr Prakit reminded the public that secondhand smoke is a carcinogen with no safe exposure level.

He urged the authorities to view smoke-free air as a basic human right.

There’s nothing remotely original about the plot of Netflix’s new romantic comedy French Lover. A self-absorbed movie star meets a down-on-her-luck “ordinary” woman who teaches him the true meaning of life.

Yes, it’s exactly as corny as it sounds. But while you’d expect that French sensibility — usually more nuanced and melancholy than Hollywood’s glossy take on love — combined with the charm of national favourite Omar Sy, might elevate the material, unfortunately, it doesn’t.

The story follows a jaded actor Abel Camara (Omar Sy) who meets struggling waitress Marion (Sara Giraudeau) one afternoon in Paris. Their unexpected love story begins by chance, but the question quickly becomes whether it can survive the glare of the spotlight.

Sara Giraudeau and Omar Sy in French Lover. (Photos courtesy of Netflix)

Sara Giraudeau and Omar Sy in French Lover. (Photos courtesy of Netflix)

When it comes to a familiar premise like this, I always look for something that rises above mediocrity — something fresh, something that showcases real chemistry between characters, and ideally, a touch of fairy-tale warmth. Not that every love story needs a perfect ending, but it helps if the journey feels worthwhile. Unfortunately, the deeper I went into French Lover, the less hope I had that this movie would deliver anything memorable.

Abel and Marion’s worlds couldn’t be more different. He’s a pampered movie star; she’s a chef trying to rebuild her life. But what initially makes their pairing slightly more interesting than expected is Marion’s refusal to be dazzled by celebrity. When they first meet, their exchange is sharp and funny, showing that Marion sees people for who they are — not for the image they project. For a brief moment, I thought the film might actually have something to say about authenticity and humility.

The two do share moments of light-hearted chemistry. Abel, though self-absorbed and arrogant, remains somewhat likable, and I found myself waiting for his character growth to take root. The problem is that it never quite does.

His supposed transformation feels rushed and unconvincing, shown mostly through a predictable time-shift montage meant to depict disappointment, regret and self-reflection. Meanwhile, Marion is portrayed as gentle and soft-spoken yet fiery when provoked — a woman who speaks her mind and refuses to tolerate nonsense. She’s a refreshing counterpoint to Abel’s vanity, but her character, too, is underwritten.

Naturally, a story like this needs tension, and we all know how romantic comedies operate: everything starts out like rainbows and butterflies until reality sets in. The clash between Abel and Marion is predictable, and while the emotions aren’t overblown for drama’s sake, the conflict arrives so suddenly that it feels forced. And it drags on way, way longer than expected, turning what could have been a sharp, funny story about opposites attracting into a slow, overly sentimental slog.

There’s potential for wit, charm, and emotional resonance here, but French Lover continually misses the mark. The main problem lies in its shallow character development. Abel is supposed to be a man who rose from nothing to fame, but the film reduces him to a spoiled rich kid throwing tantrums. There’s little sense of the complex man beneath the celebrity surface.

It’s a shame, because Sy has the charisma and emotional intelligence to deliver something deeper. Sara Giraudeau, in the first performance I’ve seen from her, also fails to leave a strong impression. Even the cooking scenes — meant to showcase her passion for starting a food truck — fall flat, lacking both energy and sensuality.

And then there’s the bizarre missing-dog subplot, which is stretched far beyond its narrative weight. Yes, people love their pets, but here it’s treated as though it’s a metaphor for human loss or emotional healing, when in reality it just distracts from the story.

The entire film has the feel of a second-rate romantic drama: clumsy editing, predictable setups, and awkwardly staged scenes. One example is the birthday party sequence in which Abel tries to impress his new girlfriend — it’s so poorly executed it borders on cringe comedy.

The runtime doesn’t help either. At just over two hours, French Lover feels unnecessarily long. The extended courtship and drawn-out conflict scenes add little substance, and several moments that could have been cut entirely would have tightened the pacing. The film sometimes hints at small bursts of tension or humour, but these moments are inconsequential, failing to affect the story’s outcome in any meaningful way.

There’s a whole early segment focused on Abel’s pre-Marion life — his fame, his ego, his hollow existence — that drags on far too long. It’s meant to give context, but it ends up padding the film instead of enriching it. The story would play out identically without it. Later scenes also linger past their natural endpoint, dwelling on moments that could have been trimmed without losing emotional impact. Occasionally there’s humour, but it often overstays its welcome or fizzles out before it lands.

Marion’s sister and brother-in-law provide some comic relief, especially in their scenes gossiping about Abel, but just as the humour begins to spark, the film pulls away, deflating the energy. It’s as though the director is afraid to let a joke breathe. What could have been sharp, witty banter turns into another missed opportunity.

Still, I can’t deny that there are a few enjoyable interactions between the leads. Despite the predictable storyline, some of their exchanges feel genuine, their dynamic fresh enough to hold attention. This isn’t the cutesy, polished kind of romance you often see in Hollywood romcoms. There are tender, grounded moments that almost make you root for them. But overall, their love story never fully grabs me — it just drifts by, pleasant but hollow.

In the end, French Lover offers mild entertainment value, but it’s hardly a film I’d revisit. If you’re in the mood for something light, easy and utterly forgettable — a no-brainer way to fill two hours — it might suffice.

French Lover

Starring Omar Sy, Sara Giraudeau, Alban Ivanov

Directed by Lisa-Nina Rives

Now streaming on Netflix

The Craft Beer Business Association has submitted a formal petition to the ruling Bhumjaithai (BJT) Party, calling for urgent legislative reforms to remove barriers affecting small-scale brewers in the country.

The delegation, led by association president Natthachai Eungsriwong and secretary-general Praphavee Hemathas, met with BJT deputy leader Siripong Angkasakulkiat to present three proposals bent on unlocking the sector’s economic potential.

Mr Natthachai said the craft beer industry could significantly contribute to Thailand’s grassroots economy, supporting agriculture, tourism and related supply chains.

“We appreciate BJT’s commitment to economic development and support for small entrepreneurs. We believe craft beer has the capacity to drive local growth and generate national revenue,” he said.

The proposals focus on small brewery licensing reform, sales time restrictions and an online alcohol sales ban.

With the licensing reform, the association wants relevant regulations amended to allow small breweries to bottle and distribute off-site, similar to other fermented alcohol products, without burdensome conditions that hinder small producers.

As for sales time restrictions, the association wants the repeal of the nationwide ban on alcohol sales between 2pm and 5pm, which it argues negatively impacts tourism and small business operations.

The association also wants the ban on online alcohol sales lifted.

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul says it is a “nightmare” to see Thailand’s economy lagging behind Vietnam.

In his keynote speech at the Economic Reporters Association’s annual seminar, the premier said Thailand has fallen behind Vietnam, describing it as his worst nightmare and noting he never imagined Thailand would grow more slowly than other nations in Indochina.

“We need to work together as this is not beyond our capability. In the past we were leaders. With the strong foundations of the industrial and agricultural sectors, and Thai society as a whole, I am confident we can achieve renewed growth as the Thai economy remains resilient,” he said.

Mr Anutin said Thailand has many advantages, particularly its geographical position, which allows the country to serve as a land bridge for the region, and can result in it becoming the regional trade hub.

He emphasised the need to revive the Thai economy, increase employment, and promote domestic investment to build a stable tax base for the government, which is necessary to support the financial burdens of an “ageing” society.

The government is considering extending the retirement age for civil servants beyond the current 60 years, as people are living longer, said Mr Anutin.

On environmental policy, he said the government is accelerating its goal of achieving net-zero greenhouse gas emissions to 2050, 15 years earlier than targeted, helping Thai exports to become more accepted globally. To this end, the government plans to expedite enactment of the Clean Air Act and the Climate Change Act, said Mr Anutin.

“We must reset our way of thinking and review our actions — whether they are still necessary, effective, appropriate and aligned with global changes,” he said.

Meanwhile, Finance Minister Ekniti Nitithanprapas said at the same event if the economy is not stimulated during this government’s term, it could result in a severe downturn.

He said the Thai economy grew by 3% in the first half, with third-quarter growth projected at 1.7% and the fourth quarter only 0.3%. The issue is the administration only has a four-month tenure to work with, said Mr Ekniti.

Thailand’s economy before 1997 grew at an average of 7%, then fell to 3% after 1997. From 2012 to the present, growth failed to reach an average of 2%, largely attributed to low investment. Before 1997, investment comprised 40% of GDP, but after 1997 it dropped to only 23%, he said.

“The government will try to implement stimulus measures every week, such as resolving individuals’ debt issues and improving liquidity for small businesses,” said Mr Ekniti.

In November, the Finance Ministry is slated to revise the medium-term fiscal framework, which has been a concern for credit ratings agencies and resulted in an adjustment of Thailand’s outlook. He said the revision will cover revenue, expenditure and public debt management in a transparent manner, in a nod to the ratings agencies.

“We may not be able to accomplish everything within four months, as some measures require amendments to laws,” said Mr Ekniti.