Category: The Citizen

The opposition Chadema in the Northern Zone has condemned the arrest and continued detention of four of its leaders from Tanga and Manyara regions over allegations that they coordinated demonstrations planned for July 7, 2026.

The detained leaders are Chadema Handeni Rural Secretary Ramia Kisalazo, who is being held at Handeni Police Station; Tanga Regional women wing (Bawacha) Secretary, Ms Nusura Kihiyo, and Korogwe Constituency Chairperson, Mr Ezekiel Mbwilo, who are being held at Korogwe Police Station; and youth wing (Bavicha) Mbulu District Secretary, Mr Emanuel Hhari, who is detained in Babati.

Speaking on Wednesday, July 8, 2026, Chadema Northern Zone Secretary, Mr Yohana Kaunya, said the leaders were arrested separately on July 4 and 5, 2026, over allegations of organising the planned July 7 demonstrations.

‘The demonstrations never took place, so we do not understand what they are alleged to have organised. That is why we strongly condemn the arrest of our leaders,’ said Mr Kaunya in a telephone interview.

He called on the Police Force to release the four leaders immediately and unconditionally, arguing that they were being held without being formally informed of the reasons for their arrest.

Mr Kaunya said the continued detention raised concerns over adherence to the rule of law, respect for human rights, and constitutional freedoms guaranteed under Tanzania’s Constitution.

‘The party maintains that if there are any allegations against our leaders, the police should fully comply with the law by informing them of the reasons for their arrest and presenting them before a court of competent jurisdiction within the time prescribed by law,’ he said.

Responding to the allegations, Tanga Regional Police Commander, ACP Almachius Mchunguzi, confirmed that several people were being held on suspicion of cybercrime-related offences, but declined to disclose the number of suspects.

‘I do not know whether they are Chadema leaders or not. What I know is that we have arrested several individuals over allegations of cybercrime and incitement,’ he said.

He added that investigations were ongoing and appropriate legal action would be taken once the inquiry was completed, if deemed necessary.

The regional police chief further said security operations to identify and arrest individuals suspected of involvement in incitement, cybercrime, and other offences were continuing.

‘Our objective is to ensure that Tanga Region remains peaceful and secure so that residents can continue with their daily activities and contribute to national development,’ he said.

Manyara Regional Police Commander (RPC) Ahmed Makarani said he had no information indicating that any Chadema leader was being detained in the region over the allegations.

‘I am currently away from the office, but preliminary information available to me shows that Manyara Region is calm and that we are not holding anyone under such circumstances,’ he said.

Police in Mwanza Region are holding 23 people accused of incitement, conspiracy to commit violence, and other criminal offences linked to events surrounding Saba Saba celebrations on July 7, 2026.

Those arrested include an Evangelistic Assemblies of God of Tanzania (EAGT) Church deacon, Philipo Chipuluko, and Ibungilo A Neighbourhood chairperson in Ilemela District, Mr Fantson Mpango.

A statement issued on Wednesday, July 8, 2026, by Mwanza Regional Police Commander, DCP Wilbrod Mutafungwa, said the suspects were arrested between July 5 and 7, 2026, during police patrols in different parts of the city.

He said the suspects were being questioned and would be taken to court once investigations and other legal procedures were completed.

Those arrested are a teacher, Mr Deus Masalago (41), a builder, Mr Mohamed Tosha (37), Mr Samwel Kobeli (38); Mr Samwel Mtani (55); Mr Fabian Nguvumali (52); Mr Philipo Kulwa (37); an evangelist, Mr Fanuel Lutema (35), Mr Hamis Mwinyinuma (35); Mr Julius Makonga (34); an EAGT Church deacon, Mr Philipo Chipuluko (38), Mr Abdul Kagiwidi (27); Mr Hassan Said (43); Mr Alphaxad Nyamwafia (57); Mr Abel Mwesa (62); Mr Emmanuel Wambura (32); and Mr Adamu Idd (23).

Others are Mr Philipo Maingu (31); Mr Damas Sadoki (31); Mr Edward Mikindo (28) Ibungilo A Neighbourhood chairman in Ilemela District, Mr Fantson Mpango (49), David Mahendeka (31); Emmanuel Wangenyi (25); and Petro Mabula (40).

‘These suspects were arrested between July 5 and 7, 2026, during ongoing patrols in various parts of Mwanza City. The Police Force is continuing with legal procedures, including detailed interviews. Once the process is complete, they will be taken to court to answer the charges against them,’ said DCP Mutafungwa.

The regional police commander said the security situation in the city remained calm, with residents continuing with their daily activities.

He said police would continue strengthening foot and vehicle patrols to maintain peace and public order.

DCP Mutafungwa urged members of the public to cooperate with security agencies by reporting individuals suspected of planning to disrupt peace, while stressing the importance of obeying the country’s laws.

The 36th anniversary of the Saba Saba protests (July 7 1990) invites a sober reckoning with Kenya’s ‘Second Liberation’ – the popular movement that began dismantling Daniel arap Moi’s one-party KANU state and pressed for multiparty democracy.

Saba Saba refuses to fade into the archives; it remains alive in the public imagination, perhaps the only post-Cold War African movement still remembered with such clarity.

Prominent opposition politicians, including Kenneth Matiba, Charles Rubia, and Raila Odinga, called for a massive public rally at the Kamukunji grounds in Nairobi on July 7, 1990, to demand multiparty democracy and an end to human rights abuses.

The government declared the rally illegal. Days before it could happen, several key organisers were arrested and detained without trial. Despite the ban and a heavy police presence, thousands of ordinary Kenyans flooded the streets of Nairobi and other major towns to protest.

Sustained pressure from Saba Saba compelled Moi’s government to relent a year later. In December 1991, Parliament repealed Section 2A, formally reopening space to multiple parties and setting Kenya on a path, many argue, that culminated in the progressive 2010 Constitution.

Yet history is rarely so neat. To understand Saba Saba’s meaning is to place it within a wider African tide.

Saba Saba formed part of a continental wave after the Cold War that, over the next decade, toppled or transformed numerous regimes.

In Cape Verde, the opposition won the first multiparty parliamentary elections on January 13 1991, marking a peaceful transfer of power.

Zambia’s long-serving Kenneth Kaunda was swept from power after the 1990 protests over rising food prices united trade unions, students and civic groups in a mass movement that ended single-party rule.

In Mali, widespread uprisings and a pro-democracy faction within the military removed General Moussa Traoré in early 1991, and a national conference produced a multiparty system by 1992.

Madagascar’s militant protests forced Admiral Didier Ratsiraka to share power with a transitional government in August 1991, leading to a new constitution and multiparty elections in 1992-93, which he lost.

Malawi’s tyrannical Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who styled himself ‘President for Life’, faced growing unrest and donor pressure.

A June 1993 referendum abolished the one-party state and paved the way for multiparty elections in 1994.

In the Ivory Coast, economic crisis and unprecedented strikes in 1989-90 pushed Félix Houphouët-Boigny to permit opposition parties and hold the country’s first multiparty presidential election in 1990.

The watershed in South Africa was larger still. In February 1990, F.W. de Klerk unbanned the African National Congress and released Nelson Mandela.

Years of mass resistance and armed struggle culminated in the historic 1994 elections that ended apartheid and established multiracial democracy.

While some changes came through upheaval and street pressure, others emerged through elite bargains and what political scientists call ‘transitions from above’ or ‘managed transitions’.

These grew out of military pacts, controlled legal reforms or the voluntary withdrawal of founding leaders.

In Nigeria, the sudden death of Sani Abacha in 1998 opened the way for Abdulsalami Abubakar to negotiate an elite pact that protected the military and returned the country to civilian rule in 1999. Tanzania’s ruling party, CCM, voluntarily legalised opposition parties in 1992 under the influence of founding leader Julius Nyerere.

It is tempting to assume that democracies won through bloody sacrifice are richer in outcome.

However, the evidence from the 1990s says differently. Orderly, managed transitions often produced stronger institutions.

Cape Verde and Ghana, where change unfolded without violent action, now rank among Africa’s more stable democracies.

Kenya is a hybrid. While Saba Saba began as a street protest, the transition stretched over two decades before culminating in the negotiated 2010 Constitution.

That became possible because, over time, political leaders and civil society embraced the institutional negotiations more commonly associated with managed transitions.

Remembering Saba Saba is therefore more than commemorating a day of confrontation. It is recognising a chapter in a continental story about how democracies are remade – sometimes in the streets, sometimes in quiet rooms where elites decide to step aside – and why both paths matter in shaping the politics that follow.

President Samia Suluhu Hassan has warned against individuals who claim to be activists while engaging in acts she described as terrorism, saying violence, destruction of property and attacks on public infrastructure cannot be justified in the name of political activism.

Speaking on Thursday during the signing of the Joint Declaration on Political Reconciliation in Zanzibar, President Hassan said terrorism includes acts intended to intimidate the public or pressure governments into advancing the political, ideological or religious interests of individuals or groups.

She said terrorism can also be used as a tool to undermine the development of emerging economies.

“Some individuals or groups use language that appears patriotic, but their real motives are driven by personal interests. A person who truly loves their country builds it rather than destroys it,” President Hassan said.

She stressed that terrorism is unacceptable in any society and said governments have a duty to use lawful means to protect citizens, public property and national sovereignty.

South African global music star Tyla has dismissed online claims that she signed a multi-million-dollar deal with Roc Nation, putting an end to days of speculation surrounding her career.

The rumours gained traction on social media after images of a fake Times Square billboard appeared online, suggesting that the Grammy-winning singer had joined the entertainment company founded by hip-hop mogul Jay-Z.

Several fan pages and online platforms circulated the claims, leading many fans to believe that the ‘Water’ hitmaker had officially moved to the label.

However, Tyla quickly addressed the speculation, confirming that the reports were inaccurate.

Taking to Instagram, the singer wrote, ‘I’m not signed to Roc Nation,’ while directing fans’ attention to her upcoming sophomore album, ‘APOP’, which is scheduled for release on July 24.

The singer remains signed to FAX Records, with her music distributed through an exclusive licensing agreement with Epic Records, a division of Sony Music Entertainment.

Beyond her recording arrangements, Tyla continues to build her global career through a management partnership involving Africa Creative Agency and HYBE, the South Korean entertainment company known for managing global K-pop acts including BTS.

Her partnership with Epic Records places her among a strong lineup of international artistes, including Travis Scott, Future, 21 Savage, Camila Cabello, Mariah the Scientist, DDG and Giveon.

Meanwhile, Roc Nation, founded by Jay-Z in 2008, remains one of the world’s most influential entertainment companies, with interests spanning artist management, music publishing, touring, sports management and brand partnerships.

The company has represented some of the biggest names in music, including Rihanna, Alicia Keys, J. Cole, DJ Khaled, A$AP Rocky and Megan Thee Stallion, while also working with African artistes through various partnerships.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) and the Association of National Olympic Committees of Africa (ANOCA) have officially recognised Njombe Regional Commissioner Anthony Mtaka as the duly elected president of the Tanzania Olympic Committee (TOC).

The recognition comes despite Leonard Thadeo having been sworn in following the disputed TOC elections.

The decision is contained in a joint letter signed by IOC Director of NOC Relations, Olympic Solidarity, and Olympism365 James Macleod and ANOCA President Mustapha Berraf, dated July 9, 2026, and addressed to Mtaka and the newly elected TOC Executive Committee.

The letter confirms that the IOC and ANOCA have accepted the election results from the TOC General Assembly held on July 5 at Peacock Hotel in Dar es Salaam, recognising Mtaka as president after receiving 29 of the 36 votes cast.

The international Olympic bodies also recognised Nassra Juma Muhammed as vice president together with the newly elected Executive Committee members, saying they look forward to working with the new leadership and resuming normal cooperation with the TOC for the benefit of athletes and the Olympic Movement in Tanzania.

The development effectively settles the dispute at the international level after confusion erupted during the elections, where Leonard Thadeo was declared president despite delegates and candidate agents insisting that Mtaka had secured a commanding victory.

In a strongly worded statement, the IOC and ANOCA expressed “great concern” over what they described as a last-minute attempt by the TOC Electoral Commission to manipulate the presidential results by announcing a candidate who had not actually been elected.

The organisations condemned the alleged actions as fraudulent, saying they violated the Olympic Charter, the TOC Constitution, and the ethical principles governing the Olympic Movement.

The IOC and ANOCA further noted that the disputed announcement also breached an earlier agreement involving the IOC, TOC, and the Tanzanian government to ensure free, fair, and democratic elections that respected the will of the General Assembly.

They have now instructed the newly elected TOC leadership to conduct a thorough investigation into the matter and take appropriate disciplinary measures against those responsible in order to safeguard the credibility and integrity of the Olympic Movement in Tanzania.

The letter also directs the outgoing TOC leadership to hand over all committee property, offices, bank accounts, official email systems, websites, social media platforms, and all relevant documents to the newly recognised leadership without delay to ensure uninterrupted preparations for upcoming international competitions.

Before the IOC and ANOCA letter was issued, uncertainty had surrounded the election after the electoral commission announced Thadeo as president despite widespread objections from delegates.

The presidential race had initially been contested between Mtaka and Henry Tandau. However, confusion engulfed the General Assembly when Leonard Thadeo was suddenly declared the winner, prompting protests from delegates inside the hall.

Candidate agents maintained that the vote count showed Mtaka receiving 29 votes, Tandau seven and Thadeo only one, contradicting the official declaration.

As tensions escalated, election commission chairman Ibrahim Mkwawa ordered journalists to leave the venue, saying the proceedings were only for TOC delegates. Security was reinforced with armed police officers while delegates openly challenged the announced outcome.

Despite the controversy, Thadeo and other officials were sworn in before High Court and subordinate courts advocate Gaston George Mwageni earlier this week.

Tanzanian football giants Young Africans (Yanga) and Simba will once again renew their fierce rivalry when they meet in the Community Shield on August 12, marking the official start of the 2026/27 domestic football season.

The venue for the eagerly awaited encounter is yet to be announced by the Tanzania Football Federation (TFF).

The fixture was confirmed yesterday by TFF president Wallace Karia during the official launch of the federation’s new digital league management system at Johari Rotana Hotel in Dar es Salaam.

The Community Shield traditionally brings together the winners of the Mainland Tanzania Premier League and the CRDB Federation Cup.

Yanga earned their place in the season opener after winning the 2025/26 NBC Premier League title, their fifth consecutive championship and the 32nd league crown in the club’s history.

Simba qualified after ending a four year trophy drought by defeating Azam FC 1-0 in the CRDB Federation Cup final earlier this month.

The match is expected to attract huge interest from football fans as the country’s two most successful clubs battle for the first silverware of the new campaign.

Yanga will enter the contest as defending Community Shield champions after edging Simba 1-0 in last season’s encounter at the Benjamin Mkapa Stadium.

The victory gave the Jangwani Street side another Community Shield title, extending their dominance in recent years.

Historically, Yanga are also the competition’s most successful club, having lifted the trophy on multiple occasions, while Simba have also enjoyed considerable success in the curtain raiser and remain among the competition’s most decorated teams.

The two clubs have dominated the tournament since its inception, reflecting their long standing supremacy in Tanzanian football.

Karia also confirmed that the 2026/27 Mainland Premier League season will officially kick off on August 14 and conclude on May 16 next year.

He said the schedule has been carefully planned to allow the Tanzania national team sufficient time to prepare for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations, which will be jointly hosted by Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda from June 19 to July 17.

“The league calendar has been adjusted to ensure our national team gets adequate preparation time before the Africa Cup of Nations,” said Karia.

During the launch, Karia also unveiled the federation’s digital league management system, saying the platform will improve the administration of both the Mainland Premier League and the CRDB Federation Cup.

According to him, the system will simplify fixture scheduling and enhance the management of competitions, reducing complaints from clubs regarding congested calendars.

He urged clubs to stop blaming fixture congestion, noting that they have already been allowed to register up to 40 players for the new season, giving them enough depth to cope with demanding schedules.

TFF believes the digital platform will improve transparency, efficiency and overall competition management as Tanzanian football continues to embrace modern technology.

The Zanzibar Farmers’ Party (AAFP) has welcomed the political reconciliation between the ruling CCM and ACT-Wazalendo, saying the move marks progress towards ending political conflicts and promoting national development.

Speaking to journalists on Wednesday, July 8, 2026, AAFP National Chairman Said Soud Said said the reconciliation had placed Zanzibar on a positive path.

A joint statement on the political reconciliation is expected to be issued tomorrow, Thursday, July 9, 2026, at 10am at Zanzibar State House, with the signing ceremony to be witnessed by Zanzibar President Dr Hussein Ali Mwinyi and ACT-Wazalendo National Chairman Othman Massoud Othman.

Mr Said described the agreement as a long-awaited development for Tanzanians and a demonstration of patriotism among political leaders.

‘The statement shows hope for development. The decision was reached jointly in the interests of the country, and that is patriotism. A person can be born in Zanzibar but fail to demonstrate patriotism. However, this action has shown patriotism by the leaders, and they deserve praise,’ he said.

He said he believed the statement would help steer Zanzibar towards the development it needs.

Mr Said noted that while many countries rely on external intervention to resolve political disputes, Zanzibar had managed to address its differences through its own leaders.

‘This is the second time Zanzibar has resolved such conflicts without involving outsiders. That is something worth commending,’ he said.

He attributed the progress to the maturity of democracy in the country, saying he was encouraged by the outcome achieved by the leaders.

Mr Said said the Constitution remained the foundation of the country’s governance and expressed confidence that leaders would continue addressing issues to prevent current and future conflicts.

He called on politicians to support the reconciliation process, accept the joint statement and honour the commitments made through their signatures.

He also urged Zanzibaris to put aside political differences and support leaders in achieving the objectives of the reconciliation.

AAFP Deputy Chairman Omar Juma Said said democracy had served its purpose and expressed optimism about the expected statement.

There is growing concern from many parts of the country that many public open spaces are being privatised.

A representative from Moshi complained recently in Parliament that there were plans to convert a public open space in Shanty Town into an entertainment hall.

The mayor however, argued that the area was not an open space, but it belonged to the Municipality and was earmarked to commercial uses.

Replying to this claim, the Prime Minister said that the law must be followed. This, unfortunately, is not good news for open spaces.

The law is, many times followed, by officials using their powers of authorising change of use. A firmer stand would be the total banning of conversion of open spaces from their ordained public uses.

From Buyombe Ward, Ilemela Mwanza, it was claimed in the media that a ward leader was selling public open spaces.

From Morogoro, it was reported that the municipality was getting an investor to build an entertainment centre on a public space.

From Dar es Salaam concern has been aired before about the passing of Coco Beach to investors, a claim which the Prime Minister said was not true.

However, there is concern that part of the Gymkhana Golf Course was being incised off.

The famous Biafra Grounds, in Kinondoni Municipality, Dar es Salaam, is a centre of controversy, the general public complaining that this place is no longer available to the public; and was being turned into commercial uses.

The response of the Municipality is vague; claiming that they had passed it on to the ruling party which was behaving in an unexpected way. In short, Biafra is gone.

A week ago, I visited Kijitonyama Block 47, my home of 40 years. We were facing a large open space and we used to play or watch football there. The space was also good for jogging and exercising.

It is no more, being all enclosed in a corrugated iron fence with engineering works going on inside. Investors at work, the public just not knowing what was going on.

One person in the know, hinted to me recently, that many open spaces in planned areas were having their uses changed to accommodate the private interests of ‘late’, or, ‘new comers’.

The ‘late comer syndrome’ means that those coming now, were not there when the area was planned and, now want land in those mature places.

They are scouting and identifying public open spaces and then set in motion a process of changing their use (to residential uses, for example).

Where the concerned open spaces are large, the conversion could be to commercial uses, whereby a wealthy investor is invited to develop the area.

The places that get changed into non-public uses are in the original plans identified as public open places or children’s playgrounds, markets, schools, health centres, hazard land, district centres, and so on.

The very same officials who planned them, come around years later to kill them. This is tantamount to committing filicide, the deliberate act of a parent or guardian murdering their own child.

One problem befalling public open spaces is that of governance. These places seem to be owned by the public in theory, but this same public is disempowered to own and protect them.

Information about such places is usually opaque or hidden. Ownership may be ping ponged between various offices and institutions: local government authorities, political parties or individuals.

A high-ranking official, a mayor, a director, a councilor may all have powers over a valuable public open space. Representatives may be part of the chain to change uses from public to something else, much as they are supposed to be the protectors.

The dreaded killers of public open spaces are named ‘change of use’ and ‘investors’. The least concerned are the general public.

Much as we enjoy butchering public open spaces, they are good for our well-being. Open spaces, like roads enhance land values.

In the current world where humanity is required to focus on health and greening of the environment, open spaces help us to exercise, be we young or aged. Open spaces redistribute income and benefit us all, rich and poor, young and old.

In this era of dealing with global warming, urban public places are more important than ever, since they can contribute to the greening and cooling of the hotting urban areas.

Big cities, especially in developed countries, are proud of their public open spaces; they do not butcher them or privatise them.

Most public open spaces are within the custody of local government authorities. They are therefore under custody of the Office of the Prime Minister.

The latter is enjoined to mount a concerted campaign to identify and protect public open spaces, countrywide.

They should be renamed into community use spaces and should be vested in local communities.

The UN recently reminded us: ‘to build sustainable cities let us prioritise more green spaces and water and less concrete’. We need to heed that call.

‘Tumtue mama ndoo kichwani’, ‘Relieve a woman of the burden of carrying a water bucket on her head’, is a national call to action in Tanzania. In Longido District, Arusha Region, it reflects daily reality for nearly 130,000 people across more than 7,700 square kilometres of vast Maasai land, encompassing wildlife reserves and forests.

Since the Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Agency (RUWASA) was established in 2019, Longido has seen substantial infrastructure growth. Yet reliable water services depend on more than pipes and boreholes, they require robust systems: accurate data, sound finances, and meaningful community involvement.

Long-standing challenges

Progress was long hampered by critical gaps. Engineers lacked precise maps of water networks, forcing teams to spend days surveying parched fields or even digging to locate pipes. ‘You simply cannot fix or extend pipes without knowing where they begin and end,’ explains Paul, a senior RUWASA engineer.

Wildlife, including elephants seeking water, frequently damage infrastructure, causing leaks and the need for major repairs. Community-Based Water Supply Organisations (CBWSOs), responsible for daily operations, face severe financial difficulties. Many connections remain unmetered, relying on flat rates regardless of use, for households, livestock, or both. Unpaid bills are widespread, reinforced by the belief that water, as a divine gift, should be free.

Customers have little influence. Complaint books gather dust, with issues rarely addressed without proper systems to report them. ‘Until recently, we kept complaints to ourselves because we had no committee to voice them,’ recalls Timotheo Gereu, a resident and traditional Maasai leader from Alaililai village. These interconnected issues, poor asset records, revenue losses, and weak feedback, meant services often failed to meet community needs, despite existing infrastructure.

Gaining clarity through assessment

SNV’s WASH Systems for Health (WS4H) programme brought these problems into sharp focus. The Longido RUWASA team visited all nine CBWSOs, covering over 50 schemes, and used digital tools to gather data on infrastructure, customer profiles, and financial practices.

The findings were revealing. ‘If I have learned one thing, it is that CBWSO staff really lack capacity in financial management, fee collection, and record-keeping,’ says Betty Majele, RUWASA’s Maasai community development officer.

The process also uncovered substantial water and revenue losses from unmetered connections and inadequate records. At the same time, it produced accurate network maps, capturing precise locations, distances, and layouts from source to tap, turning week-long fieldwork into minutes.

Targeted, practical improvements armed with evidence, RUWASA and SNV prioritised three interconnected interventions:

1. Strengthening Financial Management: Reviews exposed urgent capacity needs, prompting rapid action on meter installation for fair, usage-based billing.

2. Enhancing Operation and Maintenance: New maps gave engineers a comprehensive overview, enabling quicker repairs, proactive planning, network extensions and reduced disruptions.

3. Amplifying Community Voice: Longido piloted Participatory Evaluation Groups in five out of 9 CBWSOs. Each group of 6 – 12 volunteers, two from every served village, collects complaints, shares service standards, and follows up on resolutions. ‘It is easier for people to raise issues with peers than directly with the CBWSO,’ Betty notes.

These resource-efficient steps built on existing opportunities, such as assessment visits, to tackle multiple challenges simultaneously.

Early progress and shifting mindsets

Although assessments concluded only in early 2026, results are already emerging. Between December 2025 and February 2026, meters were installed at seven key connections serving schools, a dispensary, and public points. One secondary school, previously failing to pay, paid TZS. 450,000 in fees over two months.

Maintenance is now more precise. ‘Accurate data will help us make better plans and decisions on infrastructure,’ Paul says confidently. Engineers locate issues swiftly and act proactively.

Feedback flows more freely, with some communities creating WhatsApp groups to share photos and trigger rapid responses. ‘The exercise was a wake-up call,’ Paul reflects. ‘We realised there is still much to do, otherwise the situation will only worsen.’

Voices driving change

The transformation is deeply human, altering how people view water services and their own roles. Betty Majele, a Maasai woman bridging technical and cultural worlds, emphasises action: ‘We are now shifting from talking to doing. We used to say we need meters but never took the initiative, until now.’ She values the independent evaluation groups: ‘They purely represent the community, giving me accurate information.’

Paul, who joined in 2018, gained new perspective: ‘We heard about CBWSO and community challenges but did not grasp their full scale until the assessments.’

Timotheo Gereu, a respected Laigwanan and chairman of an evaluation group, embodies ownership. Soon after formation, he reported earthquake damage at the Leikuruki borehole, photographing it and prompting swift RUWASA action. ‘CBWSOs will now address complaints, knowing an independent group is following up closely,’ he says.

Together, these perspectives reveal a shared evolution-from disconnection to collaboration and hope.

A sustainable path ahead

The vision remains: inclusive, financially viable, and dependable water services. Feedback groups will enhance accountability, better data will build resilience, and expanding metering will secure revenue, aligning payments with use and bringing water closer to homes.

RUWASA has drafted guidance urging all CBWSOs to meter every connection and phase out flat-rate points. Systems change demands time and resources, but Longido’s evidence-based, partnership-driven approach is proving effective. When communities pay fairly for water, they value and sustain it.

As Betty, Paul, Timotheo, and others learn from one another and the people they serve, they exemplify true professionalism: not just constructing infrastructure, but managing it responsibly, together with the community.

The WASH Systems for Health (WS4H) programme in Tanzania is funded by UK International Development and implemented by SNV.