Category: The Citizen

By Anna Tibaijuka South Africa is once again confronted with a difficult question: how should a democratic state respond when law, politics, and social stability collide? The legal case against Julius Malema, arising from the discharge of a firearm at a public rally, is not just about one man or one incident. It is about the kind of state South Africa wants to be.

Should it insist strictly on legal punishment, regardless of political consequences? Or should it temper justice with prudence to preserve social cohesion? At one level, the answer seems obvious. The rule of law demands that all citizens–no matter how powerful–are equal before the law.

If the offence is proven, accountability must follow. A state that bends the law for political convenience risks eroding its own foundations.

But South Africa’s history teaches us something more complex: legality alone does not guarantee legitimacy. Apartheid was, in its own terms, legal.

Its injustice lay not in the absence of law, but in the moral bankruptcy of the system. This historical experience should make us cautious about equating legal correctness with justice in the broader sense.

It is in this light that the Malema case becomes more complicated. The involvement of AfriForum as the prosecutor of the case while they are a civil society organization widely perceived as representing narrow minority interests, raises questions of legitimacy.

While legally entitled to pursue private prosecution, AfriForum selective activism fuels a narrative, fair or not, that justice is being weaponised in a politically charged environment. Perception matters.

In a divided society, justice must not only be done; it must be seen to be done fairly. When large segments of the population view a legal process as politically motivated, the risk is not just disagreement–it is instability.

South Africa has already paid a heavy price for such instability. The unrest following the imprisonment of former President Jacob Zuma in 2021 led to over 300 deaths.

Crucially, most of those deaths were not caused by the police, but by the breakdown of order: looting, stampedes, and community violence. The lesson is clear: when the state loses control, society itself becomes dangerous.

This is the dilemma. Enforce the law too rigidly, and you risk political escalation.

Appear too flexible, and you weaken the authority of the law itself. How then should South Africa proceed? Here, African traditions offer valuable guidance.

The philosophy of ubuntu reminds us that justice is not only about punishment, but about restoring relationships. Julius Nyerere’s vision of ujamaa emphasized community, responsibility, and reconciliation.

Across the continent, customary systems of justice have long prioritized apology, restitution, and reintegration over purely punitive measures. South Africa itself embraced this approach during its transition to democracy.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of President Nelson Mandela did not ignore wrongdoing; it sought to confront it in a way that preserved the nation. This does not mean abandoning the rule of law.

It means applying it with wisdom. There is also an uncomfortable reality we rarely confront honestly: ignorance of the law remains widespread, even among political elites across Africa.

Firearms are sometimes handled casually at weddings and public gatherings, treated as symbols of celebration rather than instruments of lethal force. This does not make such conduct lawful–it underscores the urgent need for public education.

If this column serves any purpose, it should be to remind citizens and leaders alike that the law on firearms is not decorative. A gun is not a firework.

Its misuse carries consequences not only for the individual, but for public safety. Leaders, in particular, must model lawful conduct, because what they normalise quickly becomes social practice.

A balanced approach would allow the courts to complete their work. If Malema is found guilty, the conviction should stand.

But the response need not be maximalist. A measured outcome–combined with a clear acknowledgment of wrongdoing–could achieve accountability without inflaming tensions.

Indeed, a public apology by Malema would go a long way toward defusing the situation, paving way for a Presidential pardon. It would affirm respect for the law while avoiding the politics of martyrdom that imprisonment might generate.

Ultimately, South Africa must avoid two equally harmful paths: a rigid legalism that ignores political reality, and a political expediency that undermines the law. The challenge is to hold both principles together–justice and stability, law and legitimacy.

Balance and realism must guide us. Not because the law is unimportant, but because peace, order, and social cohesion are the very conditions that make the law meaningful in the first place Prof Anna Kajumulo Tibaijuka is a retired Tanzanian Minister and former United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Executive Director of UN-HABITAT in Nairobi .

Songwe. Thousands of children across Tanzania, have had their school day start with a long walk, sometimes several kilometres through rough terrain, crossing rivers, forests or busy roads, before they even reach a classroom.

For years, education experts have warned that the burden of distance remains one of the country’s toughest barriers to learning, contributing to absenteeism, poor performance, school dropouts and heightened risks for girls. Now, leaders and stakeholders say municipal and district councils may hold one of the most practical solutions: investing in hostels and dormitories for students who live far from school.

That message took centre stage on April 20, 2026, during the official opening of the Global Action Week for Education (GAWE) 2026, held nationally in Songwe Region, where government officials, civil society groups and education partners gathered to chart new strategies for inclusive learning. Speaking at the event in Momba District, Deputy Permanent Secretary for Education in the Prime Minister’s Office (PO-RALG), Mr Atupele Mwambene, said councils should begin setting aside budgets specifically for hostel construction in secondary schools.

“Councils must place hostel construction as a standing agenda item in their meetings,” he said. “Reducing the distance students walk from home to school will improve attendance, strengthen safety for girls and create a better environment for learning.

” His remarks come against the backdrop of recurring reports from rural Tanzania where pupils walk between five and 10 kilometres daily, with some travelling even farther during the rainy season when roads become impassable. In several studies by education campaigners, long distances have been linked to lateness, fatigue in class and increased dropout rates, especially among girls who face harassment or early pregnancy while travelling.

For girls, the issue is particularly urgent. “We must invest heavily in protecting girls,” Mr Mwambene said.

“Many are exposed to temptations and dangers that interrupt their education when they are forced to walk long distances to school.” He added that schools with hostels often record stronger academic performance than those without such facilities, as students gain more study time, better supervision and reliable attendance.

The debate comes at a crucial moment for Tanzania, which is preparing to implement 10 years of compulsory education by 2028. Under the policy, all children will be expected to progress to Form Four, increasing pressure on councils to expand infrastructure and remove barriers that keep children out of school. In Songwe, officials say preparations are already under way.

Regional leaders reported a surplus of 622 secondary school classrooms, built in anticipation of increased enrolment under the new policy. However, challenges remain in primary education, where thousands of classrooms are still needed.

Representing the Songwe Regional Commissioner, Assistant Administrative Secretary for Education and Vocational Training, Mr Majuto Njanga, said the region requires 6,906 primary school classrooms, but only 3,992 are available, leaving a shortfall of 2,914 rooms. “At secondary level, the need is 1,460 classrooms, while 2,076 are available, creating a surplus of 622,” he said.

“This gives us hope, but we must now mobilise communities to close the gap in primary schools.” The National Coordinator of the Tanzania Education Network (TEN/MET), Ms Martha Makala, said the annual event has for more than 18 years served as a platform bringing together local and international actors committed to equitable education.

This year’s theme: Mobilising Domestic Resources for Inclusive, Quality and Special Needs Responsive Education, especially significant as international aid to education declines, forcing countries to rely more on internal solutions. “GAWE 2026 is about accountability and stronger management of domestic resources,” she said.

“We must ensure every child enters school, stays in school and completes their learning journey.” Experts say the same community-driven approach could be used to build hostels.

Education analyst, Dr Steven Tweve, said councils should not view hostels as a luxury project but as an essential investment in equal opportunity. “A child’s postcode should not determine their future,” he said.

“When students spend hours walking, they arrive exhausted. Some stop attending altogether.

A modest hostel can save time, protect vulnerable learners and raise completion rates.” He said councils could combine local revenues, central government grants and contributions from businesses, faith groups and alumni associations to fund construction and maintenance.

Another researcher, Dr Hemed Mvula, said hostel investment would also deliver economic benefits. “When students stay in school and complete their education, the return to society is enormous,” he said.

“We reduce child marriage, improve productivity and build a stronger workforce. The cost of inaction is far greater than the cost of building dormitories.

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Arusha. The High Court, Bukoba Sub-Registry, has acquitted a man who had been charged with murdering his wife following a domestic dispute allegedly triggered by a missing Sh20,000. Deus Fredrick, popularly known as Dogoboy, had been accused of killing his wife, Olivia Osward, after suspecting her and his co-wife of stealing the money.

He was also alleged to have assaulted and detained them for days, an incident prosecutors said led to Olivia sustaining fatal injuries. In a judgement delivered on April 17, 2026, Justice Lilian Itemba ruled that the prosecution had failed to prove the case beyond reasonable doubt, citing serious inconsistencies and gaps in the evidence presented.

Fredrick, who had two wives–Olivia (now deceased) and Milia Jenifa, was alleged to have locked them in a room and subjected them to assault over the missing cash. The prosecution had told the court that on April 1, 2024, at Kigorogoro Village in Kyerwa District, Fredrick murdered Olivia contrary to sections 196 and 197 of the Penal Code.

Seven witnesses testified for the prosecution, while the accused gave evidence in his defence. One of the key witnesses, Milia Jenifa, told the court that her husband suspected both women of stealing Sh20,000 and locked them in a room where they were allegedly beaten for three days.

She said Olivia later became critically ill and requested to be taken to hospital. She further testified that Fredrick arranged for a motorcycle taxi to transport Olivia to a nearby drug shop and later to Murongo Health Centre after her condition worsened.

A medical doctor, Dickson Emmanuel, told the court that the deceased had multiple injuries, including a fractured leg, and that the cause of death was asphyxia due to strangulation. Another witness who first received the body at a health facility said he observed injuries and reported the matter to police.

A relative of Milia, Anitha Mnyanenza, testified that she heard Olivia crying from a locked room and later alerted local leaders, who forced the door open. A police officer told the court that the accused was arrested at a hospital, where he allegedly claimed that Olivia had been attacked by unknown assailants.

However, investigations did not establish any theft at the household. In his defence, Fredrick told the court that he is a businessman dealing in coffee and other commodities.

He denied killing his wife, insisting he had no history of conflict with her. He claimed the incident stemmed from a dispute between Olivia and Milia, and said he found Olivia already injured while Milia had fled the scene.

Fredrick further argued that he took his wife to various health facilities for treatment and maintained that her death was caused by medical negligence and delays in receiving care. In her judgement, Justice Itemba said the court had to determine whether the accused caused Olivia’s death and whether there was intent to kill.

She noted that it was not disputed that Olivia’s death was unnatural, but said the prosecution evidence was inconsistent, with conflicting theories suggesting either assault injuries or strangulation. The judge also criticised the prosecution for failing to call key witnesses, including health workers who first attended to the deceased, saying their testimony could have clarified her condition upon arrival at the hospital.

Justice Itemba reiterated the principle that in criminal cases, any doubt must be resolved in favour of the accused. “The prosecution has failed to prove the case beyond reasonable doubt,” she ruled, noting that contradictions in medical evidence and unanswered questions weakened the charge.

The court therefore acquitted Fredrick of murder and ordered his immediate release unless held on other lawful charges. .

Dar es Salaam. The Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC) has called for independent investigations, stronger oversight of law enforcement agencies and urgent legal reforms following what it describes as a deterioration in human rights in 2025. Launching the Tanzania Human Rights Report 2025 (THRR 2025) in collaboration with the Zanzibar Fighting Against Youth Challenges Organisation, LHRC urged authorities to ensure accountability for alleged violations linked to the 2025 General Election period.

The organisation recommended time-bound and transparent investigations into unlawful killings and enforced disappearances, the establishment of an independent civilian oversight body for security agencies, and stronger protections for media freedom, digital rights and vulnerable groups. The report comes as the Government continues post-election reforms, including the establishment of a commission of inquiry to investigate violence that occurred during the election period and its underlying causes.

The commission has been holding public hearings involving victims, security agencies and other stakeholders. Tanzania has also engaged in broader post-election dialogue processes involving regional and international actors.

Former Malawi President Lazarus Chakwera recently visited the country in his capacity as a Commonwealth representative and met the commission as part of consultations on governance and reconciliation. Presenting the report, LHRC executive director Anna Henga said the human rights situation significantly deteriorated in 2025 due to increased violations of civil and political rights.

She cited challenges in access to justice, including arbitrary arrests, prolonged detention and delays in case resolution. The report also highlights constraints in access to health services, linked to shortages of personnel and infrastructure.

Ms Henga further noted a continued shrinking of civic space, including restrictions on media freedom, tighter regulation of journalists, and limits on freedom of expression and assembly. LHRC researcher, Fundikila Wazambi, said five key rights were most affected during the reporting period.

He cited the right to life, with reported killings linked to crime, mob justice and law enforcement operations. The right to liberty and security was also affected, with cases of arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention.

The report also highlights concerns over equality before the law, noting inconsistencies in the administration of justice. Violations of freedom from torture and inhuman treatment were reported, including cases of gender-based violence.

Rape cases accounted for a significant proportion of incidents, with children, particularly girls, among the most affected. Freedom of religion and belief was also raised, with incidents such as the closure of Ufufuo na Uzima Church cited in the report.

The report documents at least 80 cases of abductions and enforced disappearances in 2025 involving political actors, journalists and civilians. It also cites internet disruptions during the election period as part of digital rights concerns.

Despite the findings, LHRC noted some progress, including the adoption of the National Criminal Justice Policy and a court decision on public interest litigation. The organisation called for broader dialogue between government, civil society and development partners, saying accountability and institutional reform are necessary to prevent future violations and restore public confidence.

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The decision by the Court of Appeal to set aside the High Court order barring Chadema from political activities represents a watershed moment for the rule of law in Tanzania. Its significance extends beyond the fortunes of a single political organisation.

It represents a decisive moment for the rule of law and underscores the constitutional independence of the Judiciary as one of the principal pillars of democratic governance. For too long, the narrative surrounding governance in Tanzania has been shadowed by claims of executive overreach and the shrinking of democratic space.

In fact critics could be forgiven for thinking and alleging that the High Court decision to bar Chadema from political activities was connected to the legal action against some of their leaders and cadres. This arises from the notion that the judiciary operates on the whims of the state.

But the Court of Appeal’s April 15, 2026 ruling by a three-judge panel of Augustine Mwarija, Issa Maige, and Abraham Mwampashi, directly challenges that exhaustion. It provides a definitive example of the judiciary acting as a robust, independent pillar capable of self-correction and the protection of fundamental rights.

The judgement restored the political rights of the party after setting aside a High Court order that had effectively halted its activities. Such action illustrates the functioning of judicial oversight within the legal hierarchy.

It shows that court decisions are subject to review and correction through established procedures. Chadema legal impasse traceed back to an internal dispute regarding the distribution of party resources between mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar.

The substantive case was filed at the High Court in Dar es Salaam by former deputy chairman, Said Issa Mohamed, alongside trustees Ahmed Rashid Khamis and Maulida Anna Komu. They argued that party resources had been distributed unevenly between Zanzibar and the mainland, allegedly contrary to the Political Parties Act and the party’s own constitution.

As part of those proceedings, an interlocutory application was filed seeking a temporary injunction to restrain party leaders from engaging in political activities pending determination of the main suit. The High Court granted the injunction on June 10, 2025. The order prevented participation in political activities and restricted the use of party property until the substantive case could be resolved.

The implications were substantial. A political party was rendered inactive for a prolonged period while internal disputes were litigated.

The Court of Appeal, however, found procedural flaws in how that injunction had been issued. That the High Court erred by continuing with proceedings after counsel for the respondents had withdrawn.

The appellate judges concluded that the continuation of the hearing in the absence of representation denied the respondents their right to a fair hearing. In the language of law, due process had not been fully observed.

Consequently, the injunction was declared invalid and set aside. While internal party governance is a legitimate subject for judicial review, the interlocutory injunction issued by the High Court was unprecedented in its severity.

By restraining a major political party from engaging in any political activities or using its assets, the High Court effectively paralysed a vital organ of the democratic process. Such a move carried the potential to stifle pluralism under the guise of administrative regularity.

That is why the intervention of the Court of Appeal, according to observers, serves as a masterclass in procedural fairness. The appellate court did not merely look at the merits of the resource dispute.

Instead, it focused on the sanctity of the right to a fair hearing. By granting a sweeping injunction in the absence of the respondents, the lower court violated the principle of audi alteram partem, the right to be heard.

And now by declaring the injunction invalid on these procedural grounds, the Court of Appeal has sent a clear message. That the judiciary will not tolerate shortcuts that undermine the constitutional rights of litigants, regardless of their political stature.

This is the very definition of the rule of law. It suggests that the law is a neutral arbiter, indifferent to the political consequences of its findings but fiercely protective of the process itself.

When a court corrects its own hierarchy to restore the status quo of political participation, democracy is the primary beneficiary. The ruling complicates critics of Tanzanian democracy’s simplistic narrative that the judiciary is an extension of the executive’s will.

The Court of Appeal initiated these review proceedings through its own institutional mechanisms. This proactive stance indicates a level of judicial soul-searching and a commitment to institutional integrity.

It demonstrates that the Tanzanian legal system possesses the internal checks and balances necessary to prevent legal instruments from being used to suppress political competition. Furthermore, the restoration of Chadema’s right to operate is a victory for the Tanzanian electorate.

A democracy cannot function when the principal opposition is legally gagged. The Political Parties Act and the party’s own constitution are frameworks meant to facilitate organized political expression, not to serve as traps for permanent de-registration or suspension.

By overturning the injunction, the court has returned the battle for political influence to the public arena where it belongs, rather than keeping it locked within the confines of a restrictive court order. The independence of the judiciary is not a static state but a continuous practice.

It is validated through decisions that are occasionally inconvenient for those in power or those seeking to use the law as a tactical weapon. In this instance, the three-judge panel prioritised the procedural rights of the respondents over the temporary convenience of an injunction.

This rigour is what builds public confidence. When citizens see that a party can be silenced by a lower court and subsequently reinstated by a higher one based on the principles of natural justice, the legitimacy of the entire state apparatus is enhanced.

This judgment should be captured as a cornerstone of the modern democratic narrative in the region. It proves that the “independence of the judiciary” is not a hollow phrase found in textbooks, but a living reality in Tanzania’s corridors of justice.

It serves as a reminder that the court’s primary duty is to the Constitution, ensuring that no party, whether in government or opposition, is denied the right to exist and engage in the democratic experiment. The imprisonment of Chadema’s political life has been lifted not through political patronage, but through the clinical application of the law.

This distinction is crucial. It moves the conversation away from political tolerance and toward legal rights.

The decision also provides an opportunity to reflect on public perceptions of democracy. Democratic strength is not always visible in dramatic events.

Often, it resides in quiet procedural rulings that uphold fairness and legality. Such rulings may appear technical, yet their cumulative effect sustains the legitimacy of institutions.

Over time, these incremental affirmations of legal principles shape public trust. Ultimately, the restoration of the party’s right to operate should be understood as a reflection of institutional balance rather than partisan advantage.

It demonstrates that courts remain accessible forums for resolving disputes. It confirms that judicial independence is not merely an abstract doctrine but a lived reality expressed through decisions grounded in law.

As Tanzania continues to strengthen its governance structures, this precedent will endure as a reference point for future cases. It underscores the importance of maintaining procedural discipline at every stage of litigation.

It also signals that the courtroom remains a space dedicated to justice rather than a venue for limiting lawful political participation. .

Dar es Salaam. Employers in Tanzania are yet to meet the legal requirement to allocate at least three percent of jobs to persons with disabilities, raising calls for improved compliance and clearer guidelines.

Speaking at a forum organised by the CEO Roundtable of Tanzania, Acting Director of Disability Services at the Prime Minister’s Office, Mr Jacob Mwinula, said compliance remains low despite existing laws. He said employers with 20 or more staff are required to ensure at least three percent of employees are persons with disabilities, but the target has not been met across sectors.

“Disability issues require collaboration across sectors,” he said. Mr Mwinula said limited institutional commitment and non-inclusive workplaces remain key barriers.

He added that many employers lack guidance on inclusive hiring. “We are developing guidelines on workplace accommodation to help employers create supportive environments.

” Mr Mwinula said the government has also prepared a draft national accessibility framework to guide inclusion in infrastructure and digital services. “These frameworks are expected to strengthen enforcement and awareness.

” The forum brought together government officials, private sector leaders and disability organisations to assess progress and identify solutions. Programme Manager at Tanzania Federation of Disabled Peoples’ Organizations (Shivyawata) Novath Rukwago said such engagements help link policy and implementation.

“This platform brings employers and government together to discuss implementation,” he said. Head of projects at the CEO Roundtable of Tanzania Hawa Urungu said the initiative aims to identify reasons behind low compliance and propose solutions.

“This engagement seeks to understand why sectors have not reached the target and how to address the gap,” she said. Mr Fredrick Msigallah of Comprehensive Community Based Rehabilitation in Tanzania said persons with disabilities are often excluded from employment.

“Many are capable but face barriers due to perceptions and limited awareness,” he said. Stakeholders said stronger implementation, workplace adjustments and accountability are needed to improve inclusion.

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Arusha. Tanzanian athletes delivered a commanding performance at the second edition of the Tanfoam Marathon, dominating key races and proudly flying the national flag high in a competitive international field.

Home runners stamped their authority early in the men’s 21km race, where Boay Maganga surged to victory in a strong time of 1:04:50. He was closely followed by Protas Gabriel of Singida, who clocked 1:05:04, while Daniell Sinda secured third place in 1:05:21. In the women’s 21km category, Magdalena Shauri led from start to finish to claim top honours in 1:11:36. Failuna Matanga of Talenti Club finished second in 1:14:23, while Tunu Andrea completed the podium in 1:15:01. Winners in both men’s and women’s half marathon categories walked away with Sh5 million, while second and third placed finishers earned Sh2 million and Sh1 million respectively. In the full marathon (42km) men’s race, Modest Peter Kalist produced a dominant run to clinch victory in 2:15:58. He was followed by Kenya’s Moses Mengichi, who finished in 2:20:02, while Uganda’s Jonathan Akankwasa completed the podium in 2:20:23. Tanzania also celebrated success in the women’s 42km race, where Vaileth Kigasi powered to victory in 2:42:10. Kenya’s Maureen Jepkoech took second place in 2:43:19, ahead of compatriot Edinah Too, who finished third in 2:44:16. Winners in the full marathon categories each received Sh6 million, with second and third place finishers earning Sh2.4 million and Sh1.2 million respectively.

The event, which also featured 10km and 5km races, attracted more than 1,200 participants who competed along the scenic streets of Arusha, with the finish and key activities centred at the General Tyre grounds. Speaking after the race, event chairperson Gloria Temu said the marathon is part of ongoing efforts to support government initiatives in promoting public health through physical activity while also developing athletics in the country.

She noted that the rising burden of non-communicable diseases makes such sporting initiatives increasingly important. Athletics Tanzania president Rogath Steven praised the marathon for setting high organisational standards and serving as a key platform for nurturing talent ahead of international competitions.

He also urged organisers across the country to strictly adhere to regulations governing road races. “Tanfoam Marathon has set a strong example by meeting international standards.

Organisers must follow proper procedures, otherwise legal action will be taken,” he warned. Guest of honour and CRDB Bank Northern Zone Manager Cosmas Sadat emphasised the importance of such events in growing athletics and enhancing Tanzania’s global sporting profile.

“As CRDB, we remain committed to supporting sports by sponsoring events that give athletes opportunities to compete, earn income and develop their talent,” he said. .

Dar es Salaam. Dar Swim Club swimmers have been commended for their strong performance after finishing second overall at the 18th Tanzania National Club Swimming Championships.

According to official results released by the Tanzania Swimming Association (TSA), Taliss-IST secured the overall title after amassing 448.50 points. The club showed remarkable depth, collecting 106.50 points in the men’s category and an impressive 294 points in the women’s division.

Dar Swim Club finished as runners-up with 320.50 points, thanks largely to a commanding display in the men’s category, where they topped the standings with 220.50 points. However, their second-place finish in the women’s category, with 82 points, proved decisive in denying them the overall crown.

Speaking after the event, Dar Swim Club head coach Michael Livingstone praised his swimmers for their determination and discipline throughout the competition. “I am proud of the swimmers for the effort they showed.

Finishing second at a national championship of this level is not a small achievement. They gave their best, and this is something we can build on going forward,” said Livingstone.

He noted that while the team excelled in the men’s category, there is a need to strengthen the women’s squad to challenge for the overall title in future competitions. “We performed very well in the men’s races, but swimming is a team sport across both categories.

We will go back, assess our weaknesses, and work on improving our women’s side so we can come back stronger,” he added. Mwanza Swimming Club finished third overall with 133 points, followed closely by Riptide Swim Club with 129.50 points.

North Coast Swimming Club rounded out the top five with 63 points in a competition that featured clubs from across the country. Other participants included Lake Victoria Sports Club (56 points), Bluefins Swim Club (23.50 points), Sailfish Swim Club (7 points), Chengelo Sting Rays (6 points), and Wahoo Swim Club-ISZ (3 points).

Taliss-IST’s victory marks another milestone in their continued dominance of the national championships, with consistent performances across both men’s and women’s events. .

By Mohamed Besta Dodoma is no longer just Tanzania’s political capital; it is steadily transforming into a vibrant urban centre whose infrastructure must keep pace with its expanding role. As the city grows in both population and economic importance, the question of mobility becomes increasingly urgent.

Efficient, safe, and convenient movement is no longer a luxury–it is the backbone of a functional and forward-looking capital. It is within this context that the Dodoma City Inner Ring Road Project (6.4km) emerges not merely as a construction initiative, but as a defining step in reshaping how the city moves.

For many years, Dodoma has experienced the strain of mixed traffic patterns, where heavy vehicles and long-distance transport have had little choice but to pass through the heart of the city. This has led to congestion, delays, and increased safety risks for residents and commuters alike.

The Inner Ring Road offers a transformative solution by creating a modern four-lane dual carriageway designed to redirect through-traffic away from the city centre. In doing so, it introduces a new logic of movement–one that separates long-haul freight from local urban activity, thereby easing congestion and restoring order to the city’s transport network.

The implications of this shift are profound. Travel times are expected to improve significantly, not only for private motorists but also for public transport and service delivery vehicles.

Businesses will benefit from more predictable logistics, while residents will experience less time lost in traffic. This is how infrastructure quietly but powerfully shapes productivity and quality of life.

Equally important is the project’s strong emphasis on safety. Too often, road infrastructure in rapidly growing cities struggles to keep up with the needs of all users, particularly pedestrians and public transport passengers.

The Inner Ring Road addresses this gap by integrating sidewalks, bus bays, service roads, and modern street lighting into its design. These are not cosmetic additions; they are essential components of a safer urban environment.

By reducing conflict points between vehicles and pedestrians and ensuring orderly public transport operations, the project directly contributes to lowering the risk of accidents and enhancing overall road safety. Yet mobility is not only about efficiency and safety–it is also about convenience and inclusivity.

A well-functioning city is one where movement is accessible to everyone, whether one is walking, commuting by bus, or driving. The structured design of the Inner Ring Road promotes a more predictable and less stressful travel experience.

Pedestrians gain safer pathways, commuters benefit from organized pick-up and drop-off points, and drivers encounter smoother traffic flow. In subtle but meaningful ways, the project enhances the everyday experience of moving through the city.

What makes this initiative particularly compelling is its alignment with the broader vision for Dodoma’s development. The project is anchored in the Dodoma National Capital City Master Plan (20192039), ensuring that it contributes to a long-term, coordinated approach to urban growth.

The careful selection of priority sections–based on urgency, expected impact, and planning considerations–demonstrates a deliberate and strategic approach to infrastructure investment. It reflects an understanding that sustainable cities are not built overnight, but through consistent and well-planned interventions.

The journey toward implementing this project has also highlighted the value of strong international partnerships. The collaboration between the Government of Tanzania and the Government of Japan, through JICA support, has brought not only financial resources but also technical expertise and adherence to high standards in procurement and execution.

The successful bid assessments marks a significant milestone, underscoring the commitment to delivering infrastructure that meets global benchmarks while addressing local needs. Beyond its immediate function as a transport corridor, the new dual carriageway Dodoma Inner Ring Road (DIRR) is poised to act as a catalyst for broader urban transformation.

Improved accessibility often leads to increased economic activity, encourages investment, and supports planned urban expansion. Reduced congestion also contributes to environmental benefits by lowering vehicle emissions and fuel consumption.

In this way, the project aligns with a wider agenda of sustainable and resilient urban development. As Dodoma continues to evolve, the importance of such infrastructure cannot be overstated.

The Inner Ring Road represents a shift in how the city approaches mobility–from reactive solutions to proactive planning, from congestion to circulation, and from fragmented movement to an integrated urban system. It is a clear statement that the future of Tanzania’s capital lies in building infrastructure that serves people first.

Ultimately, this project reminds us that roads are more than physical structures; they are enablers of opportunity, safety, and connection. By improving how people and goods move, the Dodoma City Inner Ring Road is helping to shape a city that is not only more efficient, but also more liveable and inclusive.

In that vision, one can see the outline of the Dodoma we aspire to build–a capital that truly works for all. Mohamed Besta is Chief Executive of Tanzania National Roads Agency (TANROADS) .

Freelancing will humble you real quick. One minute you’re thinking, “Ah, this project is simple bana,” and the next your client is piling on tasks like they’re loading a heaping plate of pilau at a Sunday family gathering.

If you don’t set boundaries, you’ll look up and realise you’re doing the work of five people on the budget of one. A project that begins calmly can quietly expand until it feels like a full buffet where the client keeps adding “just one more thing.

” Every freelancer eventually learns this lesson the hard way, and I did. Here are five insights I want to share in this article.

1. You are not being difficult by controlling the project scope when you clarify what is included, what is not, and what changes require a separate conversation.

Controlling project scope protects the conditions under which good work is actually possible. You are creating stability and fairness on both sides of the agreement.

Creativity does not thrive in confusion, and neither do long-term client relationships. 2.

Your client can sense the resentment. When you fail to maintain the scope of a project and the working relationship seems unfair, your client can feel it.

Scope creep does not happen boldly; it happens subtly and incrementally. “A small addition here,” “a slight tweak there,” each request feels reasonable in isolation, but over time, those small additions compound into unpaid labour and quiet resentment.

3. Have a shared structure upfront that defines what the work is and what it is not.

A detailed agreement is proof of alignment. When I say detailed, I mean spelling out phases, deliverables, number of revisions, timelines, pricing, and assumptions that a client might reasonably but incorrectly make.

What matters just as much as what is included is what is explicitly excluded. One sentence does a surprising amount of heavy lifting: any work not outlined here is considered out of scope and requires a separate agreement.

This does not shut down collaboration. It gives it a framework.

Clients relax when expectations are clear, even if they do not say so out loud. 4.

Revisit the terms of alignment. Every new request should be quietly checked against what was agreed initially.

When something falls outside, it should be pointed out as soon as possible. Even when you choose to be flexible, that flexibility should be explicit, not assumed.

This could sound like “I notice this is outside of our scope; however, I’m happy to include this for free, this time.” Say it out loud or put it in writing, not as a performance of goodwill, but because clarity is kind.

When clients understand your intentions early, they are far more likely to trust the process and become repeat clients. 5.

Practice your response to scope creep. Once you are able to identify scope creep, be proactive, don’t wait to react in the moment, instead decide in advance what you will say if scope starts to creep or if a client asks for more work at the same price.

A simple response can sound like “This request is not part of the original scope, but I can provide pricing and timing to include it.” Remember to keep your composure.

This is not a confrontation or personal rejection; it is a regular business practice. Scope control is financial protection; it allows you to do your best work, get paid fairly, and maintain relationships that hopefully last longer than a single project.

When boundaries are clear, everyone eats well, and no one leaves the table feeling shortchanged. .